Radical Civic Union
The Radical Civic Union is a centrist social-liberal political party in Argentina. The party has been ideologically heterogeneous; the UCR is a member of the Socialist International. Founded in 1891 by radical liberals, it is the oldest political party active in Argentina after the Liberal Party of Corrientes. For many years the party was either in opposition to Peronist governments or illegal during military rule; the UCR's main support comes from the middle class. Throughout its history the party has stood for free elections, supremacy of civilians over the military and liberal democratic values. During the 1970s and 1980s it was perceived as a strong advocate for human rights. By May 2014, the UCR had 14 Senators; the party was a breakaway from the Civic Union, led by Bartolomé Mitre and Leandro Alem. The term'radical' in the party's name referred to its demand for universal male suffrage, considered radical at the time, when Argentina was ruled by an exclusive oligarchy and government power was allocated behind closed doors.
The party unsuccessfully led an attempt to force the early departure of President Miguel Juárez Celman in the Revolution of the Park. A compromise was reached with Juárez Celman's government. Hardliners who opposed this agreement founded the current UCR, led by Alem's nephew, the young and charismatic Hipólito Yrigoyen. In 1893 and 1905 the party led unsuccessful revolutions to overthrow the government. With the introduction of free and confidential voting in elections based on universal adult male suffrage in 1912 the Party managed to win the general elections of 1916, when Hipólito Yrigoyen became president; as well as backing more popular participation, UCR's platform included promises to tackle the country's social problems and eradicate poverty. Yrigoyen's presidency however turned out to be rather dictatorial; the Radical Civic Union remained in power during the next 14 years: Yrigoyen was succeeded by Marcelo T. de Alvear in 1922 and again by himself in 1928. The first coup in Argentina's modern history occurred on September 6, 1930 and ousted an aging Yrigoyen amid an economic crisis resulting from the United States' Great Depression.
From 1930 to 1958 the Radical Civic Union was confined to be the main opposition party, either to the Conservatives and the military during the 1930s and the early 1940s or to the Peronists during the late 1940s and early 1950s. It was only in 1958 that a faction of the party allied with banned Peronists came back to power, led by Arturo Frondizi; the growing tolerance of Frondizi towards his Peronist allies provoked unrest in the army, which ousted the president in March 1962. After a brief military government, presidential elections took place in 1963 with the Peronist Party banned; the outcome saw the candidate of the People's Radical Civic Union Arturo Illia coming first but with only 25% of the votes. Although Argentina experienced during Illia's presidency one of the most successful periods of history in terms of economic performance, the president was ousted by the army in June 1966. Illia's peaceful and ordered style of governing — sometimes considered too "slow" and "boring" - was being criticized at the time.
During the 1970s Peronist government, the Radical Civic Union was the second-most supported party, but this didn't grant the party the role of being the political opposition. In fact, the Peronist government's most important criticisms came from the same Peronist Party; the UCR's leader in those times, Ricardo Balbín, saluted Peron's coffin with the famous sentence "This old adversary salutes a great friend", thus marking the end of the Peronist-radical rivalry that had marked the pace of the Argentine political scene until then. The growing fight between left-wing and right-wing Peronists took the country into chaos and many UCR members were targeted by both factions; the subsequent coup in 1976 ended Peronist rule. During the military regime many members of the UCR were "disappeared", as were members of other parties. Between 1983 and 1989 its leader, Raúl Ricardo Alfonsín, was the first democratically elected president after the military dictatorship headed by generals such as Jorge Videla, Leopoldo Galtieri and Reynaldo Bignone.
Alfonsín was succeeded by Carlos Saúl Menem of the Peronist Justicialist Party. In 1997 the UCR participated in elections in coalition with Front for a Country in Solidarity, itself an alliance of many smaller parties; this strategy brought Fernando de la Rúa to the presidency in the 1999 elections. During major riots triggered by economic reforms implemented by the UCR government, President de la Rúa resigned and fled the country to prevent further turmoil. After three consecutive acting presidents assumed and resigned their duties in the following weeks, Eduardo Duhalde of the PJ took office until new elections could be held. After the 2001 legislative elections it became the second-largest party in the federal Chamber of Deputies, winning 71 of 257 seats, it campaigned in an alliance with the smaller, more leftist FREPASO. The party has subsequently declined markedly and its candidate for President in 2003 gained just 2.34% of the vote, beaten by three Peronis
The Province of Mendoza is a province of Argentina, located in the western central part of the country in the Cuyo region. It borders to the north with San Juan, the south with La Pampa and Neuquén, the east with San Luis, to the west with the republic of Chile, its capital city is the homonymous city of Mendoza. Covering an area of 148.827 km², it is the seventh biggest province of Argentina with 5.35% of the country's total area. The population for 2010 is 1,741,610 inhabitants, which makes it the fourth most populated province of the country, or 4.35% of the total national population. Archeological studies have determined that the first inhabitants in the area date from the Holocene, but there are few remains of those people to know their habits; the earliest sites of human occupation in Mendoza Province, Agua de la Cueva and Gruta del Indio, are 12-13,000 years old. In the basins of the Atuel River, in 300 BC lived a group of people that lived via hunting and the cultivation of maize and beans.
Those valleys saw the rise of ancestor of the Huarpes. They were influenced by the Inca empire during the 15th century. Oral tradition sets the arrival of the Inca Túpac Yupanqui to Coquimbo in 1470. Puelches and other groups received a strong influence of the Mapuches; the first Spanish conquerors came around 1550 from the Viceroyalty of Peru. In 1561 Mendoza was founded by the conquistador Pedro del Castillo; until the creation of the Viceroyalty of the Río de la Plata in 1776, the area of what is now Mendoza Province belonged to the Captaincy General of Chile. With the creation of the Viceroyalty of the Río de la Plata, its 30,000 inhabitants became part of the intendency of Cuyo de Córdoba del Tucumán, but in 1813 the intendency was separated and the Province of Cuyo created, with José de San Martín as its first Governor, he received important support from Mendoza when he led his Army of the Andes from Plumerillo to the 1817 crossing of the Andes, in his campaign to end Spanish rule in Chile.
The Province of Cuyo was divided in 1820, Mendoza parted ways with San Luis and San Juan Provinces. The 1861 earthquake nearly destroyed the city of Mendoza, which had to be entirely reconstructed. In 1885 railways were built to the province, allowing for easy transport of the region's wines to the country's trade hub of Buenos Aires. Following the development of the wine industry in the province around 1900, Mendoza began to grow attracting tens of thousands of European immigrants Spaniards. In 1939 the National University of Cuyo, one of the more important universities of the country, was founded in the province. In reaction to President Juan Perón's populist policies, some of which taxed agriculture to finance urban development and public works, Mendoza landowners formed the conservative Democratic Party, which secured the Vice Governor's post in 1958. Increasing their presence in the Mendoza Legislature, the Democrats became an obstacle to progressive Governor Ernesto Ueltschi, an ally of president Arturo Frondizi's.
With majorities in both houses by 1961, they had Gov. Ueltschi removed and Democrat Vice-governor Francisco Gabrielli appointed in his stead. Elected governor in his own right in 1963, Gov. Gabrielli was deposed following the June 1966 coup against President Arturo Illia. In contrast to the pragmatism that had distinguished his 1963–66 term, Gabrielli governed with a hard line, freezing state salaries and ordering large utility rate increases, used the Mendoza police to repress dissent and took foreign policy prerogatives like collaborating with Chilean saboteurs opposed to their country's new Marxist president, Salvador Allende; these events came to a head in April, 1972, when violent protests forced the newly unpopular Gabrielli to resign. Upon the return to democracy in March 1973, Mendoza voters turned to a left-leaning Peronist, Alberto Martínez Baca. Enacting needed labor and land reforms, Martínez Baca, made the mistake of appointing affiliates of the extreme-left Montoneros movement, an organization whose armed wing had perpetrated a string of violent crimes since 1970.
Alarmed by this move from the otherwise pragmatic Martínez Baca, President Perón had him removed in June 1974. Becoming more politically independent-minded following these two disappointments, Mendoza voters elected centrist Radical Civic Union as well as populist Justicialist Party lawmakers since Argentina's return to democracy in 1983. Though Mendoza has prospered since its critical wine industry was left reeling from the 1983 collapse of state-owned vintner Bodegas GIOL, whose dictatorship-era receivers had run the wine conglomerate, accumulated over US$6 billion of debt. Elected in 2003, Radical Civic Union Governor Julio Cobos highlighted this independent sentiment by parting ways with many in his party and endorsing newly elected Peronist President Néstor Kirchner's policies in 2004. Over the opposition of his party, Julio Cobos accepted the post of running mate to first lady Cristina Fernández de Kirchner of the ruling Front for Victory, in the presidential elections of October 2007.
Fernández and Cobos won in the first round, Cobos became Vice President of Argentina. The province is represented by three senators in the Argentine Senate María Perceval, Ernesto Sanz and Mónica Troadello. Mendoza is represented by 10 deputies in the Argentine
Carlos Enrique José Pellegrini was Vice President of Argentina and became President of Argentina from 6 August 1890 to 12 October 1892, upon Miguel Ángel Juárez Celman's resignation. His administration he cleaned up the finances and created the Banco de la Nación Argentina, Argentina's national bank, the prestigious high-school that carries his name, Escuela Superior de Comercio Carlos Pellegrini, public school of noted academic level, part of Universidad de Buenos Aires. After the end of his term, he served as senator between 1895 and 1903, in 1906, he was elected national representative in the lower house. Like many other nineteenth century Argentines prominent in public life, he was a freemason, he is buried in La Recoleta Cemetery. Carlos Pellegrini at Find a Grave
Government of Argentina
The government of Argentina, within the framework of a federal system, is a presidential representative democratic republic. The President of Argentina is both head of head of government. Executive power is exercised by the President. Legislative power is vested in both the National Congress; the Judiciary is independent from the Legislature. The current composition of the Executive Branch includes only the Head of State and President, formally given the power over the Administration to follow through with the interests of the Nation; the President is the Chief of the Argentine Armed Forces. The President and the Vice President are elected through universal suffrage by the nation considered as a whole; the Constitutional reform of 1994 introduced a two-round system by which the winning President-Vice President ticket has to receive either more than 45% of the overall valid votes, or at least 40% of it and a 10% lead over the runner-up. In any other case, the two leading tickets get to face a second round whose victor will be decided by a simple majority.
This mechanism was not necessary in the 1995 election, when it could have first come into use, nor in the 1999 election, nor in the last two presidential elections, occurred in 2007 and 2011. However, it was instrumental in the selection of Néstor Kirchner in 2003; the cabinet of ministers is appointed by the president, but is not technically part of the Executive Power. The vice-president belongs to the legislative branch, since the position holds the presidency of the Senate. President Mauricio Macri has held office since December 10, 2015; as of December 11, 2015, his cabinet consists of the following ministers: Chief of the Cabinet of Ministers: Marcos Peña Minister of Foreign Relations: Jorge Faurie Minister of the Treasury: Nicolás Dujovne Minister of the Finance: Luis Caputo Minister of Defense: Julio Martínez Minister of Justice and Human Rights: Germán Garavano Minister of Energy: Juan Jose Aranguren Minister of Security: Patricia Bullrich Minister of the Interior: Rogelio Frigerio Minister of Labor and Social Security: Jorge Triaca Minister of Modernization: Andres Ibarra Minister of Communications: Oscar Aguad Minister of Health: Jorge Lemus Minister of Education: Esteban Bullrich Minister of Science and Innovative Production: Lino Barañao Minister of Social Development: Carolina Stanley Minister of Production: Francisco Cabrera Minister of Transportation: Guillermo Dietrich Minister of Agriculture: Ricardo Buryaile Minister of Tourism: Gustavo Santos Minister of Culture: Pablo Avelluto Minister of Environment and Sustainable Development: Rabbi Sergio Bregman The National Congress constitutes the legislative branch of government.
The Congress consists of the Senate, presided by the Vice-President of the Nation, the Chamber of Deputies presided by Julián Domínguez, deputy for Buenos Aires province. Senators stay in office for six years, deputies, for four; each of the Provinces and the Autonomous City of Buenos Aires elect senators directly. Deputies are representatives of the whole people of the Nation, while Senators represent their districts; each district elects a number of deputies proportional to their overall population by proportional representation, three senators: two for the majority, one for the first minority. Members of both chambers are allowed indefinite re-elections; every two years, each of the 24 electoral districts elects one half of their lower chamber representatives. Districts with an odd number of Deputies elect one fewer of them on each election; as for the Senators, the twenty-four districts are divided into three groups consisting of eight districts. Every two years all eight districts of one of those groups elect all their three senators, assigning two of them from the party that obtains the majority, one from the first minority party.
Six years the same group of districts will hold its next senatorial elections. Following the 9/11 mid-term elections, half the Chamber of Deputies seats and one third of the seats in the Senate were subjected to the ballot box; the Front for Victory and other allies of Néstor and Cristina Kirchner, Argentina's progressive ruling couple, secured 113 of 257 seats in the lower house, losing 24 seats and their previous absolute majority. Among Justicialists representatives, a further 17 seats went to anti-Kirchnerites, gaining just one seat from the previous situation; the centrist social democratic Radical Civic Union, Argentina's oldest party, allied itself in various districts with the centrist Civic Coalition or with the social democratic Socialist Party, secured 77 seats, thus gaining 16. The conservative Republican Proposal secured 26 seats. A further 24 seats went to smaller parties provincially oriented, but from the center-left spectrum. Something similar took place in the Senate, where the Kirchners' Front for Victory secured 36 of 72 seats, the UCR/CC/PS grouping secured 23, the Justicialist Party wing opposed to the Kirchners maintained their presence of 9 seats.
Smaller, provincial parties were left with 4 seats in all. Riding a wave of approval during a dramatic economic recovery from a 2001-02 crisis, the Kirchners' FPV enjoyed large majorities in Congress, reaching a
Manuel Pedro Quintana y Sáenz de Gaona was the President of Argentina from 12 October 1904 to 12 March 1906. He died in office. Manuel Quintana studied law at the University of Buenos Aires and graduated in 1855. In 1864 he was elected member of the Argentine Chamber of Deputies. In 1870 he was elected Senator. In 1873 he became a Freemason. On August 11, 1905, Manuel Quintana and his wife, Susana Rodríguez Viana, suffered an attack against their lives, when Salvador Planas y Virella, a Catalan anarchist, shot at the presidential vehicle; the attempt failed and the president and the first lady survived. Ill, the president died in his private residence in Belgrano, on March 12, 1906. Manuel Quintana was buried in La Recoleta Cemetery in Buenos Aires
Argentine Regional Workers' Federation
The Argentine Regional Workers' Federation, founded in 1901, was Argentina's first national labor confederation. It split into two wings in 1915, the larger of which merged into the Argentine Syndicates' Union in 1922, while the smaller disappeared in the 1930s. From the second half of the 19th century up to around 1920, Argentina experienced rapid economic growth and industrial expansion, becoming a world economic power. Foreign capital was the driving force for this development, with 92% of the workshops and factories in 1887 being owned by non-Argentines, according to a census. Most of the workers in this period were immigrants. In 1876, the country's first trade union was founded, in 1887, the first national labor organization. In 1879 an anarchist organisation, the International Socialist Circle, was founded in Buenos Aires. Both the industrialization of the country and its labor movement were centered on the capital Buenos Aires and by 1896, there were more thirty trade unions in the city alone.
From 1896, the labor movement started developing a clear working class program and the first sympathy strikes began taking place. The extent of anarchism's influence is disputed: Ronaldo Munck claims that the "dominant tendency in the labour movement was represented by the anarchists of various persuasions", while Ruth Thompson holds that "a closer examination of Argentine trade unions around the turn of the century suggests that the importance of anarchism has been exaggerated", Roberto P. Korzeniewicz contends "that anarchism was not as prevalent within the labour movement in Argentina around the turn of the century as studies of the period have maintained", although he concedes that "anarchism achieved greater labour support during the early 1900s". In any case, there was considerable anarchist union activity in the 1890s. Most of the European immigration to South America as a whole came from Spain and Italy, the two European countries in which anarchism was most influential; these immigrants included.
During his 1885–1889 visit to Argentina, the anarchist Errico Malatesta encouraged anarchist involvement in the labor movement. The working class was hardly integrated into the political system at the time, with 70% of the adult males in Buenos Aires disenfranchised as foreigners in 1912. On March 25 and 26, 1901, fifty delegates from thirty-five unions met at a congress in the capital to found the syndicalist Argentine Workers' Federation, with 10,000 members initially, its founding principles were influenced by anarchists, most notably Pietro Gori and Antonio Pellicer Paraire. Working class solidarity was seen as the only means of liberating the workers, with the general strike being their ultimate weapon in their fight against capital. Accordingly, they rejected party politics, including socialist parties. A wave of successful strikes soon followed. A 1902 strike by the stevedores in Rosario turned into a general strike. In November of the same year, the Buenos Aires dock workers gained the nine-hour-day.
The most important strike of this year, that of the fruit handlers, was about to involve the whole membership of the FOA at the height of the harvest, but the government passed the Residence Law—which allowed the expulsion of subversive foreigners—to break it. In 1903, the General Workers' Union was established as a more moderate, less anarchist, yet more or less syndicalist rival union, its founding coincided with a further radicalization of the FOA, which would peak in 1905. The infighting between the moderate and anarchist factions of the FOA was a contributory factor. In 1903 and 1904, Argentina saw no less than twelve general strikes and many more at individual plants, with the FOA being involved in many of them. At the 1903 FOA May Day demonstration, a clash with police left two twenty-four wounded. At a bakers' strike in Rosario, one worker was shot by police. By 1904, the FOA had a possible 11,000 members. At the FOA's fifth congress in 1905, it renamed itself FORA, the Argentine Regional Workers' Federation, to express its internationalism.
It passed a resolution declaring "hat it advises and recommends the widest possible study and propaganda to all its adherents with the object of teaching the workers the economic and philosophical principles of anarchist communism" becoming the programmatic basis of the union for the following years and reflecting the radicalization of the preceding. Anarchist communism became the sole doctrine in the FORA, causing statist socialists to leave the union; the FORA continued to grow quite reaching a peak at 30,000 members in 1906. In 1909, its moderate wing left the organization to found the Argentine Regional Workers' Confederation with syndicalists from the UGT. At the First International Syndicalist Congress in London in 1913, both the FORA and the CORA were represented; because the FORA could not afford the long trip and because of a lack of time, it did not send a delegate of its own, but gave its mandate to the Italian Alceste De Ambris. The FORA considered the congress a great success and was confident it would lead to the founding of a "purely worker and anti-statist" international.
The FORA's ninth congress, in April 1915, reversed the avowal to anarcho-communism of the fifth. It did not "pronounce itself favorable to, nor advise the adoption of, philosophical systems or determined ideologies" renouncing anarchist communism; the move was complemented by the unification of the CORA and the FORA. However, not all agreed on this new set of principles. A minority left the FORA and founded the FORA V, as it stuck to the resolution from the fifth
Santa Fe Province
The Province of Santa Fe is a province of Argentina, located in the center-east of the country. Neighboring provinces are from the north clockwise Chaco, Entre Ríos, Buenos Aires, Córdoba, Santiago del Estero. Together with Córdoba and Entre Ríos, the province is part of the economico-political association known as the Center Region. Santa Fe's most important cities are Rosario, the capital Santa Fe, Villa Gobernador Gálvez, Venado Tuerto and Santo Tomé; the adult literacy rate in the province is 96.3% The aboriginal tribes who inhabited this region were the Tobas, Timbúes, Mocovíes, Pilagás, Guaycurúes, Guaraníes. They were nomadic, lived from hunting and fruit recollection; the first European settlement was established in 1527, at the confluence of the Paraná and Carcarañá rivers, when Sebastián Gaboto, on his way to the north, founded a fort named Sancti Spiritus, destroyed two years by the natives. In 1573 Juan de Garay founded the city of Santa Fe in the surroundings of present town Cayastá, but the city was moved in 1651 and 1660 to its present location.
In 1812 the lawyer and general Manuel Belgrano created and displayed for the first time the Argentine flag on the banks of the Paraná River, at Rosario, 160 km south of Santa Fe. In 1815, while Alvear's central government felt due to Ignacio Álvarez Thomas' rebellion, Francisco Candioti, the local militia chief, took over, peacefully, of government, thus starting the era of Santa Fe as an autonomous province; this period was short lived, since that same year Candioti died and central government reestablished the dependent government. However, in 1816, the caudillos Mariano Vera and Estanislao López deposed the governor delegate and proclaimed the sovereignty of the province and its membership into Artigas's Free Peoples League. López drew, in 1818, a provincial constitution of a conservative flavour, after rejecting a project proposed by a provincial assembly. During the civil strifes of 1820, Santa Fe troops were decisive in the defeat of Buenos Aires' centralist army. So, in time, López became the Federation's Patriarch, establishing himself as the central figure of the Federal Party until his death in 1838.
After López's death it was José María Cullen the one elected governor. However, being Cullen a potential rival of Buenos Aires governor and Confederation's Foreign Affairs Representative, Juan Manuel de Rosas, he sought and got Cullen's capture and execution, naming pro-Rosas Juan Pablo López as governor; the new governor maintained in power, alterning with Pascual Echagüe, until the province invasion by Justo José de Urquiza's Great Army in 1851, during his term the province adopted a new constitution in 1841. After the organization of the nation, the province entered an era of prosperity; the political hegemony of the conservative groups was challenged by the new ideas brought by the European immigrants gave birth to the Radical Civic Union and the Progressive Democratic Party, the creation of the Argentine Agrarian Federation. These two parties had many strong electoral contests with the province's conservative parties. After the Electoral Reform of Roque Sáenz Peña in 1912, the UCR reached the government and stayed until the coup of 1930.
During this time, more in 1919, the National University of the Littoral was founded. In 1932 it was the PDP; the contentious 1958 elections brought an ally of President-elect Arturo Frondizi to power in Santa Fe, Dr. Carlos Sylvestre Begnis. Gov. Begnis steered budgets into sorely needed public works, most notably the construction of the Hernandarias Tunnel, a 10-mile -long connection between the city of Santa Fe and neighboring Paraná; the tunnel, most of which runs under the massive Paraná River, is the longest in Argentina. Forced to resign after conservative pressure drove Pres. Frondizi from office in 1962, Begnis had the satisfaction of seeing Hernandarias open in 1969 and voters overwhelmingly return him to office in 1973. Santa Fe suffered the violence of the late'70s and the depression of the 1980s more than most other provinces, it continued to languish economically during the prosperous 1990s, as the revalued Argentine peso put pressure on its productive sectors. Touching bottom around 2002, its economy has grown by 7% a year since then.
The heart of Argentina's lucrative soy harvest, the province's importance has continued to grow, now rivaling Buenos Aires Province as the nation's leading agricultural producer, with Rosario as one of the most important ports in Argentina. Most of the province consists of green flatlands, part of the humid Pampas, bordering to the north with the Gran Chaco region. There are low sierras to the west; the north has higher temperatures, with an annual average of 19 °C and precipitations of up to 1,100 millimetres in the east, decreasing towards the west, where there is a distinctive dry season during the winter. The south presents lower temperatures, averaging 14 °C, less precipitations. Summers are hot and humid throughout the province, with average highs ranging from 30 °C in the south to 34 °C