The Ashikaga Shogunate known as the Muromachi Shogunate, was the feudal military government of Japan during the Muromachi period from 1338 to 1573. The Ashikaga Shogunate was established when Ashikaga Takauji proclaimed himself Shōgun after overthrowing the Kenmu Restoration shortly after having overthrown the Kamakura shogunate in support of Emperor Go-Daigo; the Ashikaga clan governed Japan from the Imperial capital of Heian-kyō as de facto military dictators along with the daimyō lords of the samurai class. The Ashikaga Shogunate began the Nanboku-chō period between the Pro-Ashikaga Northern Court in Kyoto and the Pro-Go-Daigo Southern Court in Yoshino until the South conceded to the North in 1392; the Ashikaga Shogunate collapsed upon outbreak of the Ōnin War in 1467, entering a state of constant civil war known as the Sengoku period, was dissolved when Shōgun Ashikaga Yoshiaki was deposed by Oda Nobunaga in 1573. The Ashikaga Shogunate's alternative name Muromachi and the Muromachi period are derived from the Muromachi district of Kyoto, where the third Shōgun, Ashikaga Yoshimitsu, established his residence nicknamed the "Flower Palace" on Muromachi Street in 1379.

From 1180 to 1185, the Genpei War was fought between the Taira and Minamoto clans longstanding violent rivalry for influence over the Emperor of Japan and his Imperial Court. The Genpei War ended with victory for the Minamoto under Minamoto no Yoritomo, establishing the Kamakura Shogunate after proclaiming himself the Shōgun and beginning the Kamakura period; the Hōjō clan rose to power and governed Japan from the city of Kamakura, while the Emperor and his Imperial Court remained in the official capital city of Heian-kyō as symbolic figures. The Hōjō monopoly of power, as well as the lack of a reward of lands after the defeat of the Mongol invasions, led to simmering resentment among Hōjō vassals. In 1333, the Emperor Go-Daigo ordered local governing vassals to oppose Hōjō rule, in favor of Imperial rule in the Kenmu Restoration; the Kamakura Shogunate ordered Ashikaga Takauji to quash the uprising, but for reasons that are unclear, Takauji turned against Kamakura and fought on behalf of the Imperial court overthrowing the shogunate.

It is because Takauji was the unofficial leader of the powerless Minamoto clan while the Hōjō clan were from the Taira clan the Minamoto had defeated. Japan was returned to Imperial civilian rule, but Emperor Go-Daigo's policies were unpopular and failed to satisfy those who had fought for him. In 1336, Takauji established his own military government in Kyoto overthrowing the Kenmu Restoration and appointing himself as the new Shōgun. After Ashikaga Takauji established himself as the Shōgun, a dispute arose with Emperor Go-Daigo on the subject of how to govern the country; that dispute led Takauji to cause Prince Yutahito, the second son of Emperor Go-Fushimi, to be installed as Emperor Kōmyō while Go-Daigō fled Kyoto. Japan was subsequently divided between two Imperial courts: the Northern Court located in Kyoto, in favor of Kōmyō under Ashikaga influence, Southern Court located in Yoshino, in favor of Go-Daigō; the Northern and Southern courts engaged in an ideological struggle for power that continued for 56 years, until the Southern Court gave up during the reign of Shōgun Ashikaga Yoshimitsu in 1392.

The Ashikaga shogunate was the weakest of the three Japanese military governments. Unlike its predecessor, the Kamakura shogunate, or its successor, the Tokugawa shogunate, when Ashikaga Takauji established his government he had little personal territory with which to support his rule; the Ashikaga shogunate was thus reliant on the prestige and personal authority of its shōgun. The centralized master-vassal system used in the Kamakura system was replaced with the de-centralized daimyōs system, because of the lack of direct territories, the military power of the shōgun depended on the loyalty of the daimyō. On the other hand, the Imperial court was no longer a credible threat to military rule; the failure of the Kenmu Restoration had rendered the court weak and subservient, a situation the Ashikaga Takauji reinforced by establishing within close proximity of the Emperor at Kyoto. The authority of the local daimyō expanded from its Kamakura times. In addition to military and policing responsibilities, the shogunate-appointed shugos now absorbed the justice and taxation powers of the local Imperial governors, while the government holdings in each province were absorbed into the personal holdings of the daimyō or their vassals.

The loss of both political clout and economic base deprived the Imperial court of much of its power, which were assumed by the Ashikaga shōgun. This situation reached its peak under the rule of Ashikaga Yoshimitsu. After Yoshimitsu however, the structural weakness of the Ashikaga shogunate were exposed by numerous succession troubles and early deaths; this became more acute after the Ōnin War, after which the shogunate itself became reduced to little more than a local political force in Kyoto. The Ashikaga shogunate's foreign relations policy choices were played out in evolving contacts with Joseon on the Korean Peninsula and with imperial China; as the daimyō feuded among themselves in the pursuit of power in the Ōnin War, that loyalty grew strained, until it erupted into open warfare in the late Muromachi period known as the Sengoku period. When the shōgun Ashikaga Yoshiteru was assassinated in 1565, an ambitious daimyō, Oda Nobunaga, seized the opportunity and installed Yoshiteru's brother Yoshiaki as the 15th Ashikaga shōgun.

However, Yoshiaki was only a puppet of Nobuna

The 2017 Campeonato Brasileiro Série C, the third level of the Brazilian League, was contested by 20 clubs. The competition started on 14 May and ended on 21 October 2017. CSA, Sampaio Corrêa and São Bento qualified for the semi-finals and were promoted to the 2018 Campeonato Brasileiro Série B. CSA won the title after defeating Fortaleza in the final. In the group stage, each group was played on a home-and-away round-robin basis; the teams were ranked according to points. If tied on points, the following criteria would be used to determine the ranking: 1. Wins. Goal difference. Goals scored. Head-to-head. If tied on aggregate, the away goals rule would be used. Fewest red cards. Fewest yellow cards. Draw in the headquarters of the Brazilian Football Confederation. In the final stage, each tie was played on a home-and-away two-legged basis. If tied on aggregate, the away goals rule would be used. If still tied, extra time would not be played, the penalty shoot-out would be used to determine the winner.

The matches were played between 25 September. Sampaio Corrêa won 2–1 on aggregate and advanced to the semi-finals Fortaleza won 2–1 on aggregate and advanced to the semi-finals CSA won 3–0 on aggregate and advanced to the semi-finals São Bento won 2–0 on aggregate and advanced to the semi-finals The matches were played between 1 and 7 October. Fortaleza won 3–2 on aggregate and advanced to the Finals Tied 1–1 on aggregate, CSA won on penalties and advanced to the Finals The matches were played on 14 and 21 October

The Estonian Cup known as the OlyBet Cup for sponsorship reasons, was an annual cup competition for Estonian basketball teams. It was organized by the Estonian Basketball Association; until the 2000–01 season, the cup tournament was held in the end of the season in spring. In 2001, the tournament was moved to the first half of the season, two Estonian Basketball Cup tournaments were held within the same calendar year. 1998–99 Tallinn Vjatšeslav Botškarjov, Arko Kask, Erki Kivinukk, Aivar Kuusmaa, Mait Käbin, Olev-Illimar Luiga, Margus Metstak, Indrek Rumma, Indrek Ruut, Kauri Sild, Meelis Songe, Raoul Suurorg, Tair Tenno, Rivo Turro, Reemo Veski 1999–00 Tartu Ülikool-Delta Marek Doronin, Tanel Kaljula, Toomas Kandimaa, Tarmo Kikerpill, Aigar Kristovald, Marti Lasn, Jaanus Liivak, Toomas Liivak, Vallo Reinkort, Andrus Renter, Tanel Tein, Veljo Vares, Indrek Visnapuu 2000–01 Tartu Ülikool-Delta Marek Doronin, Toomas Kandimaa, Tarmo Kikerpill, Aigar Kristovald, Jaanus Liivak, Toomas Liivak, Kuldar Lossmann, Rolandas Mačiulaitis, Ardi Niinepuu, Asko Paade, Rain Peerandi, Heiko Rannula, Vallo Reinkort, Tanel Tein, Veljo Vares, Antti Vasar 2001–02 Kalev Erik Dorbek, Priit Ilver, Tarmo Juhanson, Tanel Kaljula, Kristjan Kangur, Andres Kilk, Valmo Kriisa, Andrey Laletin, Kristjan Makke, Rauno Pehka, Indrek Rumma, Dan Shanks, Seth Sundberg, Alar Varrak 2002–03 Tartu Ülikool/Rock Vallo Allingu, Marek Doronin, Toomas Kandimaa, Tarmo Kikerpill, Silver Leppik, Toomas Liivak, Asko Paade, Heiko Rannula, Vallo Reinkort, Andrus Renter, Tanel Tein, Antti Vasar, Martin Viiask 2003–04 TTÜ/A.

Le Coq Mindaugas Budzinauskas, Larry Daniels, Gert Dorbek, Kert Kesküla, Karmo Allikas, Petri Virtanen, Andre Pärn, Aivar Kuusmaa, Krzysztof Wilangowski, Ivo Uibukant, Leho Kraav, Rauno Pehka 2004–05 Tartu Ülikool/Rock Heiko Rannula, Rain Peerandi, Martin Viiask, Kristo Aab, Silver Leppik, Tarmo Kikerpill, Vallo Allingu, Marek Doronin, Asko Paade, Antti Vasar, Augenijus Vaškys, Marko Raamat 2005–06 Kalev/Cramo Turner Battle, Erik Dorbek, Gert Dorbek, Karl-Peeter Dorbek, Víctor González, Tanel Kaljula, Rait Keerles, Sten Möldre, Heiko Niidas, Andre Pärn, Kristo Saage, Reimo Tamm, Veljo Vares, Ardo Ärmpalu 2006–07 Kalev/Cramo James Allen, Gregor Arbet, Erik Dorbek, Tanel Kaljula, Kristjan Kangur, Rait Keerles, Valmo Kriisa, Heiko Niidas, Travis Reed, Tanel Sokk 2007–08 Kalev/Cramo Marlon Parmer, Tanel Sokk, Martin Viiask, Valmo Kriisa, Bojan Pelkić, Vladimir Vuksanović, Travis Reed, Rait Keerles, Gregor Arbet, Kristjan Kangur, Kristo Saage 2008–09 Kalev/Cramo Gregor Arbet, Nate Fox, Indrek Kajupank, Kristjan Kangur, Rait Keerles, Valmo Kriisa, Tanel Kurbas, John Linehan, Martin Müürsepp, Josh Pace, Rain Raadik, Tanel Sokk, Viljar Veski 2009–10 Tartu Ülikool/Rock Sten Sokk, Todd Abernethy, Vallo Allingu, Janar Talts, Silver Leppik, Martin Viiask, Timo Eichfuss, Asko Paade, Sven Kaldre, Scott Morrison, Kristjan Kitsing 2010–11 Tartu Ülikool/Rock Vallo Allingu, Marek Doronin, Timo Eichfuss, Kristjan Evart, Callistus Eziukwu, Joonas Järveläinen, Tanel Kurbas, Silver Leppik, Asko Paade, Rain Raadik, Sten Sokk, Janar Talts, Giorgi Tsintsadze, Rain Veideman 2011–12 Tartu Ülikool Vallo Allingu, Marek Doronin, Timo Eichfuss, Taavi Leok, Tanel Kurbas, Silver Leppik, Asko Paade, Bill Amis, Sten Sokk, Kristo Saage, Rain Veideman, Kristjan Evart, Rain Raadik 2012–13 Rakvere Tarvas Mihkel Schleicher, Brandis Raley-Ross, Renato Lindmets, Māris Ļaksa, Kaido Saks, Reimo Tamm, Raimond Tribuntsov, Andri Metsaru, Oliver Metsalu, Juris Umbraško, Kevin Täpp 2013–14 Tartu Ülikool/Rock Kent-Kaarel Vene, Gert Dorbek, Valmo Kriisa, Janar Talts, Timo Eichfuss, Saimon Sutt, Marek Doronin, Augustas Pečiukevičius, Kristen Meister, Vilmantas Dilys, Joosep Toome, Tanel Kurbas, Vincent Simpson 2014–15 Tartu Ülikool/Rock Tanel Sokk, Kent-Kaarel Vene, Gert Dorbek, Valmo Kriisa, Janar Talts, Timo Eichfuss, Saimon Sutt, Marek Doronin, Augustas Pečiukevičius, Kristen Meister, Karolis Petrukonis, Joosep Toome, Tanel Kurbas 2015–16 Kalev/Cramo Gregor Arbet, Josh Boone, Martin Dorbek, Rolands Freimanis, Silver Jurno, Erik Keedus, Sten Olmre, Brandis Raley-Ross, Sten Sokk, Janar Soo, Rain Veideman 2016–17 Kalev/Cramo Gregor Arbet, Martin Dorbek, Aleksandr Gavrilov, Mickell Gladness, Demonte Harper, Silver Jurno, Erik Keedus, Vitali Liutych, Cedric Simmons, Sten Sokk, Matthias Tass, Mark Tollefsen, Rain Veideman Korvpalli Meistriliiga Official website

George Wolf was the seventh Governor of Pennsylvania from 1829 to 1835. On June 29, 1888, he was recognized as the "father of the public-school system" in Pennsylvania by the erection of a memorial gateway at Easton. Wolf was born in Pennsylvania, his parents and Mary Wolf, had immigrated from Alsace, a then-province of the Holy Roman Empire, in 1751. George Wolf was educated at a classical school, taught for some time, studied law, he commenced practice in Easton, Pennsylvania. He became a member of the Democratic Republican Party at the start of Thomas Jefferson's administration, was appointed postmaster of Easton, which office he filled in 1802 and 1803, he was a clerk of the orphans' court of Northampton County, from 1803 to 1809. He was a member of the Pennsylvania House of Representatives in 1814. Wolf married Mary Erb of Lancaster, Pennsylvania, on June 5, 1798; the couple had one daughter. Wolf was elected without opposition to the United States House of Representatives in 1824 to the Eighteenth Congress to fill the vacancy caused by the resignation of Thomas J. Rogers.

He was reelected to the Nineteenth and Twenty-first Congresses. He took the protectionist side in debates on the tariff; as member of the Jacksonian Democratic Party, Wolf defeated Joseph Ritner in both 1829 and 1832 to become the Governor of Pennsylvania. He lost the governor's seat to the Anti-Mason candidate Ritner in 1835, owing to the defection of a part of the Democrats, who voted for Henry A. Muhlenberg; as governor, Wolf persuaded the legislature to construct canals and impose new taxes for the liquidation of debts, incurred on account of internal improvements. Wolf advocated the establishment of a general system of common schools, by strenuous efforts accomplished this reform where former governors had failed. From 1827 to 1840, Wolf was a trustee of Lafayette College. In 1836 Andrew Jackson appointed him as first Comptroller of the Treasury. Two years President Martin Van Buren appointed him as Collector of Customs for the District of Philadelphia in a job swap with James Nelson Barker.

He held this office until his death. Wolf Hall on the campus of Penn State University is named for George Wolf. Wolf Township in Lycoming County is named for him, as is Wolf Street in Philadelphia; the Governor Wolf Building, built in 1893 as the first Easton High School in Easton, the George Wolf Elementary School in Bath, the Governor Wolf Elementary School in Bethlehem are named for Governor Wolf. Pennsylvania Historical and Museum Commission Biography United States Congress. "George Wolf". Biographical Directory of the United States Congress; the Political Graveyard George Wolf at Find a Grave The George Wolf papers, containing much of Wolf's correspondence from his time in office, are available for research use at the Historical Society of Pennsylvania

Dewees is a ghost town in Wilson County, Texas, a few miles southwest of Poth, Texas. The town was founded at the end of the Civil War by the brothers John Oatman Dewees and Thomas Dewees, who became successful cattlemen, delivering tens of thousands of Texas Longhorn cattle annually from their ranching operations in the area. Dewees had a school for many years. Schneider's Store, on the other hand, remains in operation, for over 85 years, there are a few houses near it; the store's owner for its first 65 years, "Aunt Helen" Schneider, had a poodle that would start barking at customers at closing time. As of 1998, she had 30 nieces, 17 nephews, 61 great-nieces, 65 great-nephews, 184 great-great-nieces and -nephews, 37 great-great-great-nieces and -nephews, making a total of 394 people who might properly call her "Aunt Helen". Alfred and Helen Schneider operated a cotton gin and Hereford ranching operation until Alfred died in 1967; the Dewees Remschel House is a historic mansion, in Gonzales, where it was built by Dr. Robert Taggart Knox, sometime in the late 1860s.

The house was moved by its owner Claribel Dewees Remschel to her 130 acre ranch near Dewees in 1983, was renovated over the next 15 years. It now operates as a museum and event venue. Old Schneider's Gin photo with store in background, circa 1975, from Rescuing Texas History, 2010, collection Windmill patent by Thomas Dewees, 1879

Civilian control of the military is a doctrine in military and political science that places ultimate responsibility for a country's strategic decision-making in the hands of the civilian political leadership, rather than professional military officers. The reverse situation, where professional military officers control national politics, is called a military dictatorship. A lack of control over the military may result in a state within a state. One author, paraphrasing Samuel P. Huntington's writings in The Soldier and the State, has summarized the civilian control ideal as "the proper subordination of a competent, professional military to the ends of policy as determined by civilian authority". Civilian control is seen as a prerequisite feature of a stable liberal democracy. Use of the term in scholarly analyses tends to take place in the context of a democracy governed by elected officials, though the subordination of the military to political control is not unique to these societies. One example is the People's Republic of China.

Mao Zedong stated that "Our principle is that the Party commands the gun, the gun must never be allowed to command the Party," reflecting the primacy of the Communist Party of China as decision-makers in Marxist–Leninist and Maoist theories of democratic centralism. As noted by University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill professor Richard H. Kohn, "civilian control is not a fact but a process". Affirmations of respect for the values of civilian control notwithstanding, the actual level of control sought or achieved by the civilian leadership may vary in practice, from a statement of broad policy goals that military commanders are expected to translate into operational plans, to the direct selection of specific targets for attack on the part of governing politicians. National Leaders with limited experience in military matters have little choice but to rely on the advice of professional military commanders trained in the art and science of warfare to inform the limits of policy. Advocates of civilian control take a Clausewitzian view of war, emphasizing its political character.

The words of Georges Clemenceau, "War is too serious a matter to entrust to military men", wryly reflect this view. Given that broad strategic decisions, such as the decision to declare a war, start an invasion, or end a conflict, have a major impact on the citizens of the country, they are seen by civilian control advocates as best guided by the will of the people, rather than left to an elite group of tactical experts; the military serves as a special government agency, supposed to implement, rather than formulate, policies that require the use of certain types of physical force. Kohn succinctly summarizes this view when he writes that: The point of civilian control is to make security subordinate to the larger purposes of a nation, rather than the other way around; the purpose of the military is to defend society. A state's effective use of force is an issue of great concern for all national leaders, who must rely on the military to supply this aspect of their authority; the danger of granting military leaders full autonomy or sovereignty is that they may ignore or supplant the democratic decision-making process, use physical force, or the threat of physical force, to achieve their preferred outcomes.

A related danger is the use of the military to crush domestic political opposition through intimidation or sheer physical force, interfering with the ability to have free and fair elections, a key part of the democratic process. This poses the paradox that "because we fear others we create an institution of violence to protect us, but we fear the institution we created for protection". Military personnel, because of the nature of their job, are much more willing to use force to settle disputes than civilians because they are trained military personnel that specialize in warfare; the military is authoritative and hierarchical allowing discussion and prohibiting dissention. For instance, in the Empire of Japan, prime ministers and everyone in high positions were military people like Hideki Tojo, advocated and pressured the leaders to start military conflicts against China and others because they believed that they would be victorious. Many of the Founding Fathers of the United States were suspicious of standing militaries.

As Samuel Adams wrote in 1768, "Even when there is a necessity of the military power, within a land, a wise and prudent people will always have a watchful and jealous eye over it". More forceful are the words of Elbridge Gerry, a delegate to the American Constitutional Convention, who wrote that "tanding armies in time of peace are inconsistent with the principles of republican Governments, dangerous to the liberties of a free people, converted into destructive engines for establishing despotism."In Federalist No. 8, one of The Federalist papers documenting the ideas of some of the Founding Fathers, Alexander Hamilton expressed concern that maintaining a large standing army would be a dangerous and expensive undertaking. In his principal argument for the ratification of the proposed constitution, he argued that only by maintaining a strong union could the new country avoid such a pitfall. Using the European experience as a negative example and the British experien