New Braunfels, Texas
New Braunfels is a city in Comal and Guadalupe counties in the U. S. state of Texas, located in the northeastern part of Greater San Antonio. It is 32 miles from Downtown San Antonio; the city covers 44.9 square miles and has a 2017 estimated population of 79,152. New Braunfels was established in 1845 by Prince Carl of Solms-Braunfels, Commissioner General of the Adelsverein known as the Noblemen's Society. Prince Solms named the settlement in honor of his home of Germany; the Adelsverein organized hundreds of people in Germany to settle in Texas. Immigrants from Germany began arriving at Galveston in July 1844. Most traveled by ship to Indianola in December 1844, began the overland journey to the Fisher-Miller land grant purchased by Prince Solms. At the urging of John Coffee Hays, who realized the settlers would not have time to build homes and plant crops further inland before winter, as the German settlers were traveling inland along the Guadalupe River, they stopped near the Comal Springs.
Prince Solms bought two leagues of land from Rafael Garza and Maria Antonio Veramendi Garza for $1,111.00. The land was located northeast of San Antonio on El Camino Real de los Tejas and had the strong freshwater Comal Springs, known as Las Fontanas, when the Germans arrived, it was the lower portions of the Fisher-Miller land grant. The first settlers forded the Guadalupe River on Good Friday, March 21, 1845, near the present-day Faust Street bridge; as the spring of 1845 progressed, the settlers built the "Zinkenburg", a fort named for Adelsverein civil engineer Nicolaus Zink, divided the land, began building homes and planting crops. Prince Solms would lay the cornerstone for the Sophienburg, a permanent fort and center for the immigrant association. In 1844, Prince Solms was so disillusioned with the logistics of the colonization that he asked the Vereins to remove him as commissioner-general and appoint a successor; when John O. Meusebach arrived, the finances were in disarray, due in part to Prince Solms' lack of business experience and his refusal to keep financial records.
To a larger degree, the financial situation happened because the Adelsverein was an organization of noblemen with no practical backgrounds at running businesses. They were on the other side of the world and did not witness the situation with which both Prince Solms and Meusebach were dealing. Henry Francis Fisher had not supplied transport and supplies for which the Verein advanced money to him. Meusebach found Prince Solms in Galveston trying to return to Germany, detained by authorities for unpaid bills. Meusebach made good on the debts, so Prince Solms could depart. Meusebach discovered that Prince Solms' choice of the inadequate Carlshafen as a port of entry, as well as the isolated route to New Braunfels, was deliberately chosen to keep the Germans from interacting with any Americans. According to Nicolaus Zink, Prince Solms had planned to establish a German feudal state by secretly bringing in immigrants and placing them in military fortresses. Meusebach, who had renounced his own title of nobility, took a different approach and invited Americans to settle in the Vereins territory.
Prince Solms, being an officer of the Imperial Army of Austria, had kept a uniformed military unit at the ready in Indianola. Meusebach converted the military unit to a more needed work detail. A finance and business structure for the colony was put in place by Meusebach, he provided for adequate food and shelter for the colonists. On August 11, 1845, Hermann Friedrich Seele became the first teacher for the German-English school in New Braunfels. Meusebach established friendly relations with a local tribe of Waco Indians. Upon seeing his reddish-blonde hair, they called him Ma-be-quo-si-to-mu, "Chief with the burning hair of the head". In May 1846, Meusebach received a letter from Count Castell informing him 4,304 emigrants were on their way to Texas. With no funds and no new settlements, the mass of emigrants was stalled at Carlshafen. Meusebach's requests to the Verein for more money, his warnings of pending bankruptcy for the Verein, brought no results; as a last resort, Meusebach instructed D.
H. Klaener to publish the plight in the German news media. Embarrassed by the publicity, the Verein established a $60,000 letter of credit; the amount was not adequate for sustaining the total number of German emigrants in Texas, but Castell sent Philip Cappes as special commissioner to observe the situation. Cappes had been instructed by Castell to observe Meusebach and to secretly report back every detail. By the time Cappes departed in March 1847, he recommended another $200,000 be advanced. Cappes invited Henry Francis Fisher to New Braunfels, in spite of Fisher not being trustworthy to the Verein; as of February 11, 1845, Fisher had been involved in coercing newly arrived immigrants to sign documents stating their intent to depart from the Verein and align with Fisher's friend Dr. Friedrich Schubbert known as Friedrich Strubberg. Cappes was not in town when Meusebach was breakfast host to Fisher on December 31, 1846. Posters had mysteriously appeared about town maligning Meusebach, saying "Curses upon Meusebach the slave driver", inciting colonists to free themselves from his "tyranny".
A group led by Rudolph Iwonski pushed their way into Meusebach's home, colonist C. Herber brandished a whip. Herber was an alleged counterfeiter. Meusebach and Herber shared a dislike of one another; the colonists' list of demands included Meusebach resigning as commissioner-general and turning the colonization over to Fisher. Meusebach kept his composure, but the group became so heated
Time in the United States
Time in the United States, by law, is divided into nine standard time zones covering the states and its possessions, with most of the United States observing daylight saving time for the spring and fall months. The time zone boundaries and DST observance are regulated by the Department of Transportation. Official and precise timekeeping services are provided by two federal agencies: the National Institute of Standards and Technology; the clocks run by these services are kept synchronized with each other as well as with those of other international timekeeping organizations. It is the combination of the time zone and daylight saving rules, along with the timekeeping services, which determines the legal civil time for any U. S. location at any moment. Before the adoption of four standard time zones for the continental United States, many towns and cities set their clocks to noon when the sun passed their local meridian, pre-corrected for the equation of time on the date of observation, to form local mean solar time.
Noon occurred at different times but time differences between distant locations were noticeable prior to the 19th century because of long travel times and the lack of long-distance instant communications prior to the development of the telegraph. The use of local solar time became awkward as railways and telecommunications improved. American railroads maintained many different time zones during the late 1800s; each train station set its own clock making it difficult to coordinate train schedules and confusing passengers. Time calculation became a serious problem for people traveling by train, according to the Library of Congress; every city in the United States used a different time standard so there were more than 300 local sun times to choose from. Time zones were therefore a compromise, relaxing the complex geographic dependence while still allowing local time to be approximate with mean solar time. Railroad managers tried to address the problem by establishing 100 railroad time zones, but this was only a partial solution to the problem.
Weather service chief Cleveland Abbe had needed to introduce four standard time zones for his weather stations, an idea which he offered to the railroads. Operators of the new railroad lines needed a new time plan that would offer a uniform train schedule for departures and arrivals. Four standard time zones for the continental United States were introduced at noon on November 18, 1883, when the telegraph lines transmitted time signals to all major cities. In October 1884, the International Meridian Conference at Washington DC adopted a proposal which stated that the prime meridian for longitude and timekeeping should be one that passes through the centre of the transit instrument at the Greenwich Observatory in the United Kingdom; the conference therefore established the Greenwich Meridian as the prime meridian and Greenwich Mean Time as the world's time standard. The US time-zone system grew from this, in which all zones referred back to GMT on the prime meridian. In 1960, the International Radio Consultative Committee formalized the concept of Coordinated Universal Time, which became the new international civil time standard.
UTC is, within about 1 second, mean solar time at 0°. UTC does not observe daylight saving time. For most purposes, UTC is considered interchangeable with GMT, but GMT is no longer defined by the scientific community. UTC is one of several related successors to GMT. Standard time zones in the United States are defined at the federal level by law 15 USC §260; the federal law establishes the transition dates and times at which daylight saving time occurs, if observed. It is the authority of the Secretary of Transportation, in coordination with the states, to determine which regions will observe which of the standard time zones and if they will observe daylight saving time; as of August 9, 2007, the standard time zones are defined in terms of hourly offsets from UTC. Prior to this they were based upon the mean solar time at several meridians 15° apart west of Greenwich. Only the full-time zone names listed below are official. View the standard time zone boundaries here; the United States uses nine standard time zones.
As defined by US law they are: From east to west, the four time zones of the contiguous United States are: Eastern Time Zone, which comprises the states on the Atlantic coast and the eastern two thirds of the Ohio Valley. Central Time Zone, which comprises the Gulf Coast, Mississippi Valley, most of the Great Plains. Mountain Time Zone, which comprises the states and portions of states that include the Rocky Mountains and the western quarter of the Great Plains. Pacific Time Zone, which comprises the states on the Pacific coast, plus Nevada and the Idaho panhandle. Alaska Time Zone, which comprises most of the state of Alaska. Hawaii-Aleutian Time Zone, which includes Hawaii and most of the length of the Aleutian Islands chain. Samoa Time Zone, which comprises American Samoa. Chamorro Time Zone, which comprises Guam and the Northern Mariana Islands. Atlantic Time Zone, which comprises Puerto Rico and the US Virgin Islands; some United States Minor Outlying Islands are outside the time zones defined by 15 U.
S. C. § exist in waters defined by Nautical time. In practice, military crews may
A county seat is an administrative center, seat of government, or capital city of a county or civil parish. The term is used in Canada, Romania and the United States. County towns have a similar function in the United Kingdom and Republic of Ireland, in Jamaica. In most of the United States, counties are the political subdivisions of a state; the city, town, or populated place that houses county government is known as the seat of its respective county. The county legislature, county courthouse, sheriff's department headquarters, hall of records and correctional facility are located in the county seat though some functions may be located or conducted in other parts of the county if it is geographically large. A county seat is but not always, an incorporated municipality; the exceptions include the county seats of counties that have no incorporated municipalities within their borders, such as Arlington County, Virginia. Ellicott City, the county seat of Howard County, is the largest unincorporated county seat in the United States, followed by Towson, the county seat of Baltimore County, Maryland.
Some county seats may not be incorporated in their own right, but are located within incorporated municipalities. For example, Cape May Court House, New Jersey, though unincorporated, is a section of Middle Township, an incorporated municipality. In some of the colonial states, county seats include or included "Court House" as part of their name. In the Canadian provinces of Prince Edward Island, New Brunswick, Nova Scotia, the term "shire town" is used in place of county seat. County seats in Taiwan are the administrative centers of the counties. There are 13 county seats in Taiwan, which are in the forms of county-administered city, urban township or rural township. Most counties have only one county seat. However, some counties in Alabama, Georgia, Kentucky, Mississippi, New Hampshire, New York, Vermont have two or more county seats located on opposite sides of the county. An example is Harrison County, which lists both Biloxi and Gulfport as county seats; the practice of multiple county seat towns dates from the days.
There have been few efforts to eliminate the two-seat arrangement, since a county seat is a source of pride for the towns involved. There are 36 counties with multiple county seats in 11 states: Coffee County, Alabama St. Clair County, Alabama Arkansas County, Arkansas Carroll County, Arkansas Clay County, Arkansas Craighead County, Arkansas Franklin County, Arkansas Logan County, Arkansas Mississippi County, Arkansas Prairie County, Arkansas Sebastian County, Arkansas Yell County, Arkansas Columbia County, Georgia Lee County, Iowa Campbell County, Kentucky Kenton County, Kentucky Essex County, Massachusetts Middlesex County, Massachusetts Plymouth County, Massachusetts Bolivar County, Mississippi Carroll County, Mississippi Chickasaw County, Mississippi Harrison County, Mississippi Hinds County, Mississippi Jasper County, Mississippi Jones County, Mississippi Panola County, Mississippi Tallahatchie County, Mississippi Yalobusha County, Mississippi Jackson County, Missouri Hillsborough County, New Hampshire Seneca County, New York Bennington County, Vermont In New England, the town, not the county, is the primary division of local government.
Counties in this region have served as dividing lines for the states' judicial systems. Connecticut and Rhode Island have no county level of thus no county seats. In Vermont and Maine the county seats are designated shire towns. County government consists only of a Superior Court and Sheriff, both located in the respective shire town. Bennington County has two shire towns. In Massachusetts, most government functions which would otherwise be performed by county governments in other states are performed by town or city governments; as such, Massachusetts has dissolved many of its county governments, the state government now operates the registries of deeds and sheriff's offices in those counties. In Virginia, a county seat may be an independent city surrounded by, but not part of, the county of which it is the administrative center. Two counties in South Dakota have their county seat and government services centered in a neighboring county, their county-level services are provided by Fall River Tripp County, respectively.
In Louisiana, divided into parishes rather than counties, county seats are referred to as parish seats. Alaska is divided into boroughs rather than counties; the Unorganized Borough, which covers 49 % of Alaska's area, has equivalent. The state with the most counties is Texas, with 254, the state with the fewest counties is Delaware, with 3. County seat war Administrative center County town, administrative centres in Ireland and the UK Chef-lieu, administrative centres in Algeria, Luxembourg, France and Tunisia Municipality, equivalent to county in many c
Asian Americans are Americans of Asian ancestry. The term refers to a panethnic group that includes diverse populations, which have ancestral origins in East Asia, South Asia, or Southeast Asia, as defined by the U. S. Census Bureau; this includes people who indicate their race on the census as "Asian" or reported entries such as "Chinese, Indian, Japanese and Other Asian". Asian Americans with other ancestry comprise 5.6% of the U. S. population, while people who are Asian alone, those combined with at least one other race, make up 6.9%. Although migrants from Asia have been in parts of the contemporary United States since the 17th century, large-scale immigration did not begin until the mid-18th century. Nativist immigration laws during the 1880s–1920s excluded various Asian groups prohibiting all Asian immigration to the continental United States. After immigration laws were reformed during the 1940s–60s, abolishing national origins quotas, Asian immigration increased rapidly. Analyses of the 2010 census have shown that Asian Americans are the fastest growing racial or ethnic minority in the United States.
As with other racial and ethnicity-based terms and common usage have changed markedly through the short history of this term. Prior to the late 1960s, people of Asian ancestry were referred to as Oriental and Mongoloid. Additionally, the American definition of'Asian' included West Asian ethnic groups Jewish Americans, Armenian Americans, Assyrian Americans, Iranian Americans, Kurdish Americans, Arab Americans, although these groups are now considered Middle Eastern American; the term Asian American was coined by historian Yuji Ichioka, credited with popularizing the term, to frame a new "inter-ethnic-pan-Asian American self-defining political group" in the late 1960s. Changing patterns of immigration and an extensive period of exclusion of Asian immigrants have resulted in demographic changes that have in turn affected the formal and common understandings of what defines Asian American. For example, since the removal of restrictive "national origins" quotas in 1965, the Asian-American population has diversified to include more of the peoples with ancestry from various parts of Asia.
Today, "Asian American" is the accepted term for most formal purposes, such as government and academic research, although it is shortened to Asian in common usage. The most used definition of Asian American is the U. S. Census Bureau definition, which includes all people with origins in the Far East, Southeast Asia, the Indian subcontinent; this is chiefly because the census definitions determine many governmental classifications, notably for equal opportunity programs and measurements. According to the Oxford English Dictionary, "Asian person" in the United States is sometimes thought of as a person of East Asian descent. In vernacular usage, "Asian" is used to refer to those of East Asian descent or anyone else of Asian descent with epicanthic eyefolds; this differs from the U. S. Census definition and the Asian American Studies departments in many universities consider all those of East, South or Southeast Asian descent to be "Asian". In the US Census, people with origins or ancestry in the Far East, Southeast Asia, the Indian subcontinent are classified as part of the Asian race.
As such, "Asian" and "African" ancestry are seen as racial categories for the purposes of the Census, since they refer to ancestry only from those parts of the Asian and African continents that are outside the Middle East and North Africa. In 1980 and before, Census forms listed particular Asian ancestries as separate groups, along with white and black or negro. Asian Americans had been classified as "other". In 1977, the federal Office of Management and Budget issued a directive requiring government agencies to maintain statistics on racial groups, including on "Asian or Pacific Islander". By the 1990 census, "Asian or Pacific Islander" was included as an explicit category, although respondents had to select one particular ancestry as a subcategory. Beginning with the 2000 census, two separate categories were used: "Asian American" and "Native Hawaiian and Other Pacific Islander"; the definition of Asian American has variations that derive from the use of the word American in different contexts.
Immigration status, citizenship and language ability are some variables that are used to define American for various purposes and may vary in formal and everyday usage. For example, restricting American to include only U. S. citizens conflicts with discussions of Asian American businesses, which refer both to citizen and non-citizen owners. In a PBS interview from 2004, a panel of Asian American writers discussed how some groups include people of Middle Eastern descent in the Asian American category. Asian American author Stewart Ikeda has noted, "The definition of'Asian American' frequently depends on who's asking, who's defining, in what context, why... the possible definitions of'Asian-Pacific American' are many and shifting... some scholars in Asian American Studies conferences suggest that Russians and Israelis all might fit the field's subject of study." Jeff Yang, of the Wall Street Journal, writes that the panethnic definition of Asian American is a unique American construct, as an identity is "in beta".
Scholars have grappled with the accuracy, correctn
Medina County, Texas
Medina County is a county located in the U. S. state of Texas. As of the 2010 census, its population was 46,006, its county seat is Hondo. The county is named for the Medina River; the Medina Dam, the fourth largest in the nation when completed in 1913, is listed on the National Register of Historic Places. The irrigation project, creating Medina Lake, was built by 1500 skilled workers who worked in shifts operating 24 hours a day to complete the dam in two years. Medina County is part of the San Antonio, TX Metropolitan Statistical Area; the Texas Legislature formed Medina county on February 12, 1848 and enlarged it on February 1, 1850 using land taken from Bexar County. Castroville was the county seat, the county erected the first permanent courthouse there in 1854; the county seat moved to Hondo in 1892, a new courthouse was completed there in 1893. According to the U. S. Census Bureau, the county has a total area of 1,335 square miles, of which 1,325 square miles is land and 9.2 square miles is water.
Interstate 35 U. S. Highway 90 State Highway 16 State Highway 132 State Highway 173 Bandera County Bexar County Atascosa County Frio County Uvalde County As of the census of 2000, there were 39,304 people, 12,880 households, 10,136 families residing in the county; the population density was 30 people per square mile. There were 14,826 housing units at an average density of 11 per square mile; the racial makeup of the county was 79.38% White, 2.20% Black or African American, 0.68% Native American, 0.33% Asian, 0.05% Pacific Islander, 14.48% from other races, 2.88% from two or more races. 45.47% of the population were Hispanic or Latino of any race. There were 12,880 households out of which 39.10% had children under the age of 18 living with them, 63.20% were married couples living together, 11.10% had a female householder with no husband present, 21.30% were non-families. 18.20% of all households were made up of individuals and 8.20% had someone living alone, 65 years of age or older. The average household size was 2.91 and the average family size was 3.30.
In the county, the population was spread out with 29.00% under the age of 18, 8.40% from 18 to 24, 28.70% from 25 to 44, 21.50% from 45 to 64, 12.40% who were 65 years of age or older. The median age was 34 years. For every 100 females, there were 105.60 males. For every 100 females age 18 and over, there were 104.90 males. The median income for a household in the county was $36,063, the median income for a family was $40,288. Males had a median income of $27,045 versus $21,734 for females; the per capita income for the county was $15,210. About 12.00% of families and 15.40% of the population were below the poverty line, including 19.80% of those under age 18 and 15.60% of those age 65 or over. D'Hanis Lake Medina Shores Dunlay Mico Pearson Rio Medina Yancey New Fountain Quihi Vandenburg, abandoned for New Fountain in 1846 National Register of Historic Places listings in Medina County, Texas Recorded Texas Historic Landmarks in Medina County Holt, Jr. C. L. R.. Geology and ground-water resources of Medina County, Texas.
Washington, D. C.: U. S. Government Printing Office. Castro Colonies Heritage Association, The History of Medina County, Dallas, TX: National Share Graphics, 1983). Houston B. Eggen, History of Public Education in Medina County, Texas, 1848–1928. Cyril Matthew Kuehne, S. M. Ripples from Medina Lake, San Antonio, TX: Naylor, 1966. Bobby D. Weaver, Castro's Colony: Empresario Development in Texas, 1842–1865, College Station, TX: Texas A&M University Press, 1985. Media related to Medina County, Texas at Wikimedia Commons Medina County Profile from the Texas Association of Counties
White Americans are Americans who are descendants from any of the white racial groups of Europe, the Middle East and North Africa or in census statistics, those who self-report as white based on having majority-white ancestry. White Americans constitute the historical and current majority of the people living in the United States, with 72% of the population in the 2010 United States Census. Non-Hispanic whites totaled about 197,285,202 or 60.7% of the U. S. population. European Americans are the largest ethnic group of White Americans and constitute the historical population of the United States since the nation's founding; the United States Census Bureau defines white people as those "having origins in any of the original peoples of Europe, the Middle East or North Africa." Like all official U. S. racial categories, "White" has a "not Hispanic or Latino" and a "Hispanic or Latino" component, the latter consisting of White Mexican Americans and White Cuban Americans. The term "Caucasian" is synonymous with "white", although the latter is sometimes used to denote skin tone instead of race.
Some of the non-European ethnic groups classified as white by the U. S. Census, such as Arab Americans, Jewish Americans, Hispanics or Latinos, may not identify as or may not be perceived to be, white; the largest ancestries of American whites are: German Americans, Irish Americans, English Americans, Italian Americans, French Americans, Polish Americans, Scottish Americans, Scotch-Irish Americans, Dutch Americans, Norwegian Americans and Swedish Americans. However, the English Americans and British Americans demography is considered a serious under-count as the stock tend to self-report and identify as "Americans", due to the length of time they have inhabited the United States if their family arrived prior to the American Revolution; the vast majority of white Americans have ancestry from multiple countries. Definitions of, "White" have changed throughout the history of the United States; the term "White American" can encompass many different ethnic groups. Although the United States Census purports to reflect a social definition of race, the social dimensions of race are more complex than Census criteria.
The 2000 U. S. census states that racial categories "generally reflect a social definition of race recognized in this country. They do not conform to any biological, anthropological or genetic criteria."The Census question on race lists the categories White or European American, Black or African American, American Indian and Alaska Native, Native Hawaiian or Other Pacific Islander, plus "Some other race", with the respondent having the ability to mark more than one racial and or ethnic category. The Census Bureau defines White people as follows: "White" refers to a person having origins in any of the original peoples of Europe, the Middle East or North Africa, it includes people who indicated their race as "White" or reported entries such as German, Lebanese, Moroccan, or Caucasian. In U. S. census documents, the designation White overlaps, as do all other official racial categories, with the term Hispanic or Latino, introduced in the 1980 census as a category of ethnicity and independent of race.
Hispanic and Latino Americans as a whole make up a racially diverse group and as a whole are the largest minority in the country. The characterization of Middle Eastern and North African Americans as white has been a matter of controversy. In the early 20th century, peoples of Arab descent were sometimes denied entry into the United States because they were characterized as nonwhite. In 1944, the law changed, Middle Eastern and North African peoples were granted white status; the U. S. Census is revisiting the issue, considering creating a separate racial category for Middle Eastern and North African Americans in the 2020 Census. In cases where individuals do not self-identify, the U. S. census parameters for race give each national origin a racial value. Additionally, people who reported Muslim, Zoroastrian, or Caucasian as their "race" in the "Some other race" section, without noting a country of origin, are automatically tallied as White; the US Census considers the write-in response of "Caucasian" or "Aryan" to be a synonym for White in their ancestry code listing.
In the contemporary United States anyone of European descent is considered White. However, many of the non-European ethnic groups classified as White by the U. S. Census, such as Arab Americans, Jewish Americans, Hispanics or Latinos may not identify as, may not be perceived to be, White; the definition of White has changed over the course of American history. Among Europeans, those not considered White at some point in American history include Italians, Spaniards, Swedes and Russians. Early on in the United States, membership in the white race was limited to those of British, Germanic, or Nordic ancestry. David R. Roediger argues that the construction of the white race in the United States was an effort to mentally distance slave owners from slaves; the process of being defined as white by law came about in court disputes over pursuit of citizenship. Critical race theory developed in the 1970s and 1980s, influenced by the language of critical legal studies, which challenged concepts such as objective truth and judicial neutrality, by critical theory.
Academics and activists disillusioned with the outcomes of the Civil Rights Movement pointed out that though African Americans enjoyed legal equality, white Americans continued to hold disproportionate power and still had superior living standards
United States Census Bureau
The United States Census Bureau is a principal agency of the U. S. Federal Statistical System, responsible for producing data about the American people and economy; the Census Bureau is part of the U. S. Department of Commerce and its director is appointed by the President of the United States; the Census Bureau's primary mission is conducting the U. S. Census every ten years, which allocates the seats of the U. S. House of Representatives to the states based on their population; the Bureau's various censuses and surveys help allocate over $400 billion in federal funds every year and it helps states, local communities, businesses make informed decisions. The information provided by the census informs decisions on where to build and maintain schools, transportation infrastructure, police and fire departments. In addition to the decennial census, the Census Bureau continually conducts dozens of other censuses and surveys, including the American Community Survey, the U. S. Economic Census, the Current Population Survey.
Furthermore and foreign trade indicators released by the federal government contain data produced by the Census Bureau. Article One of the United States Constitution directs the population be enumerated at least once every ten years and the resulting counts used to set the number of members from each state in the House of Representatives and, by extension, in the Electoral College; the Census Bureau now conducts a full population count every 10 years in years ending with a zero and uses the term "decennial" to describe the operation. Between censuses, the Census Bureau makes population projections. In addition, Census data directly affects how more than $400 billion per year in federal and state funding is allocated to communities for neighborhood improvements, public health, education and more; the Census Bureau is mandated with fulfilling these obligations: the collecting of statistics about the nation, its people, economy. The Census Bureau's legal authority is codified in Title 13 of the United States Code.
The Census Bureau conducts surveys on behalf of various federal government and local government agencies on topics such as employment, health, consumer expenditures, housing. Within the bureau, these are known as "demographic surveys" and are conducted perpetually between and during decennial population counts; the Census Bureau conducts economic surveys of manufacturing, retail and other establishments and of domestic governments. Between 1790 and 1840, the census was taken by marshals of the judicial districts; the Census Act of 1840 established a central office. Several acts followed that revised and authorized new censuses at the 10-year intervals. In 1902, the temporary Census Office was moved under the Department of Interior, in 1903 it was renamed the Census Bureau under the new Department of Commerce and Labor; the department was intended to consolidate overlapping statistical agencies, but Census Bureau officials were hindered by their subordinate role in the department. An act in 1920 changed the date and authorized manufacturing censuses every two years and agriculture censuses every 10 years.
In 1929, a bill was passed mandating the House of Representatives be reapportioned based on the results of the 1930 Census. In 1954, various acts were codified into Title 13 of the US Code. By law, the Census Bureau must count everyone and submit state population totals to the U. S. President by December 31 of any year ending in a zero. States within the Union receive the results in the spring of the following year; the United States Census Bureau defines four statistical regions, with nine divisions. The Census Bureau regions are "widely used...for data collection and analysis". The Census Bureau definition is pervasive. Regional divisions used by the United States Census Bureau: Region 1: Northeast Division 1: New England Division 2: Mid-Atlantic Region 2: Midwest Division 3: East North Central Division 4: West North Central Region 3: South Division 5: South Atlantic Division 6: East South Central Division 7: West South Central Region 4: West Division 8: Mountain Division 9: Pacific Many federal, state and tribal governments use census data to: Decide the location of new housing and public facilities, Examine the demographic characteristics of communities and the US, Plan transportation systems and roadways, Determine quotas and creation of police and fire precincts, Create localized areas for elections, utilities, etc.
Gathers population information every 10 years The United States Census Bureau is committed to confidentiality, guarantees non-disclosure of any addresses or personal information related to individuals or establishments. Title 13 of the U. S. Code establishes penalties for the disclosure of this information. All Census employees must sign an affidavit of non-disclosure prior to employment; the Bureau cannot share responses, addresses or personal information with anyone including United States or foreign government