Thomas Rowley was a famous poet of Vermont, known both as the spokesman for Ethan Allen and dubbed “The Bard of the Green Mountains.” During his lifetime and before the American Revolution, his poetry gained the reputation with the catchphrase of "Setting the Hills on Fire." Thomas Rowley was born on March 24, 1721 in Hebron, the son of Samuel Rowley and Elizabeth Fuller and great grandson of Samuel Fuller. Thomas married Lois Cass in Hebron in 1744 and they had seven known children in Hebron and Kent, Connecticut. Thomas Rowley moved to the town of Danby, Rutland County, Vermont in 1768, with his family; the Rowleys are listed as some of the first settlers of Danby, Thomas was the first town clerk. In Rutland County, Thomas became acquainted with and joined with Ethan Allen and the Green Mountain Boys a growing Vermont militia named after the Green Mountains of Vermont comprised from freemen in Rutland County and neighboring Addison County; the Green Mountain Boys were concerned New York would claim all the lands of Vermont known at the time as a dispute over the New Hampshire Grants.
As Ethan Allen's spokesman, Rowley's poetry became legendary for the proverbial "setting the hills on fire." That is, he motivated the men of Vermont to fight for their independence as a state against the threat of the New York state feudal system. As early as 1774, Thomas Rowley moved further north to the eastern shore of Lake Champlain to the town of Shoreham in Addison County, with his wife and family; the state of New York was visible right across the lake. Here Thomas built a hotel, his land was known as "Rowley's Point" at the current landmark of Larabee's Point. During the American Revolution, the American settlers abandoned Shoreham and the Champlain Valley as the British dominated the lake region. Thomas returned to live in the town of Danby during the American Revolution, he served as Danby's town clerk and representative in the General Assembly from 1778 to 1782. After the war ended, Thomas Rowley returned to live in Shoreham as early as 1783, he is on record serving as the initial surveyor and clerk of Shoreham in 1783.
He resided in Shoreham for the rest of his life as an farmer. Thomas died 1796 in Vermont, at the home of his son, Nathan Rowley. Thomas Rowley's verses were published in the Rural Magazine and the Bennington Gazette. One of Rowley's motivational poems called "To Rutland Go" over the years, was published with a longer title which invited new settlers to Vermont as the paradise compared to New York, as follows: An Invitation to the Poor Tenants that Live Under Their Poor Patrons in the Province of New York, To Come and Settle on Our Good Lands, Under the New Hampshire Grants; this poem is exemplary of his style and message: West of the Mountains Green Lies Rutland Fair The best, seen For land and air... We value not New York With all her Powers Here we'll stay and Work The land is Ours... This is the noble land by conquest won Took from a savage band by sword and gun We drove them to the west, they could not stand the test– from "To Rutland Go” by Thomas Rowley, 1760s Rowley's poetry focused not only on politics, but on the pleasantness and rustic nature of pioneer life, with humor and witty observations.
For example, in another poetic inventory of his "estate", he sums up that he has nothing, but still he was independent and happy. To Rutland Go When Caesar Reigned King In Rome This poem was written to complain that New York courts sentenced Ethan Allen to death, circa 1774 and attached to a petition by Ethan Allen. Hemingway, Abby Maria, editor. "Poets and Poetry of Vermont", Hemingway Volume 29. DAR; the National Society of the Daughters of the American Revolution Rolls of Honor, 5:126. Vermont Historical Society. Vermont History, 37:249. Shoreham, Vermont Place Names, p. 63 The Literature of Vermont. Hanover: University Press of New England, 1973. Town of Shoreham, Original Town Records, p. 14–15. MacIntire and Witherell, Sanford. Genealogical Register of the Families of Shoreham. VT: 1984. Williams, John C; the History and Map of Danby, Vermont, McLean & Robbins, 1869. Pp. 13, 18, 21–22, 30–36, 70, 92, 239–244, 253. Mayflower Families Through Five Generations: Volume Ten, Family of Samuel Fuller, General Society of Mayflower Descendants, 1996
The theme of education in the Baháʼí Faith is given emphasis. Its literature gives a principle of universal and compulsory education, identified as one of key principles alongside monotheism and the unity of humanity. Baháʼu'lláh, the founder of the Baháʼí Faith wrote: "Regard man as a mine rich in gems of inestimable value. Education can, cause it to reveal its treasures, enable mankind to benefit therefrom." Baháʼu'lláh, Tablets of Baháʼu'lláh, p. 161. The Baháʼí teachings focus on promoting a moral and spiritual education, in addition to the arts, trades and professions; the emphasis on education is a means for national improvement. Since all Baháʼís have the duty to do work, useful to humanity, Baháʼí education is meant to prepare Baháʼís to perform such work. One purpose of universal compulsory education is implied in the Baháʼí Short Obligatory Prayer which states that the God's primary reason for creating humanity is so that each of us would come to know and love Him. One purpose of education would be to facilitate this process.
But religious education, however critical, should not lead to conflict. Baháʼu'lláh writes: "Schools must first train the children in the principles of religion, so that the Promise and the Threat recorded in the Books of God may prevent them from the things forbidden and adorn them with the mantle of the commandments. Baháʼu'lláh, Tablets of Baháʼu'lláh, p. 67. This principle is most applied by Baháʼís in the form of social-welfare projects and children's classes; the emphasis on education as a means for social and national improvement is shown in the following quote by ʻAbdu'l-Bahá, the son and appointed successor of Baháʼu'lláh: "The primary, the most urgent requirement is the promotion of education. It is inconceivable that any nation should achieve prosperity and success unless this paramount, this fundamental concern is carried forward; the principal reason for the decline and fall of peoples is ignorance. Today the mass of the people are uninformed as to ordinary affairs, how much less do they grasp the core of the important problems and complex needs of the time."
ʻAbdu'l-Bahá, The Secret of Divine Civilization, p. 109. The type of education, written about in the Baháʼí writings does not point to one particular type or method of education; the Baháʼí teachings focus on promoting a moral and spiritual education, in addition to the arts, trades and professions. "Training in morals and good conduct is far more important than book learning. A child, cleanly, agreeable, of good character, well-behaved though he be ignorant is preferable to a child, rude, ill-natured, yet becoming versed in all the sciences and arts; the reason for this is that the child who conducts himself well though he be ignorant, is of benefit to others, while an ill-natured, ill-behaved child is corrupted and harmful to others though he be learned. If, the child be trained to be both learned and good, the result is light upon light." ʻAbdu'l-Bahá, Selections from the Writings of ʻAbdu'l-Bahá, Sec. 110, pp. 135-136. Children, the requirement to give them a proper education, is emphasized in many of the Baháʼí writings.
Children's classes have become common-place in most Baháʼí communities, were named by the Universal House of Justice in 2001 as one of the four core activities that Baháʼís should focus on. Baháʼí individuals have created the noted book The Family Virtues Guide, dedicated to the spiritual education of children, its multi-religious content has brought it enough popularity to sell over 100,000 copies and to win the authors an interview on The Oprah Winfrey Show. All Baháʼís have the duty to do work, useful to humanity. A major goal of Baháʼí education is therefore to prepare Baháʼís to perform such work; this is by no means the only goal, or necessarily the overriding one, but Baháʼís are warned against courses of study which "begin and end in words": "The learned of the day must direct the people to acquire those branches of knowledge which are of use, that both the learned themselves and the generality of mankind may derive benefits therefrom. Such academic pursuits as begin and end in words alone have never been and will never be of any worth.
The majority of Persia's learned doctors devote all their lives to the study of a philosophy the ultimate yield of, nothing but words." Baháʼu'lláh, Tablets of Baháʼu'lláh Revealed after the Kitáb-i-Aqdas, p. 169. The seventh Ishráq of Baháʼu'lláh's Ishráqat stipulates as follows: "Unto every father hath been enjoined the instruction of his son and daughter in the art of reading and writing... " While there do exist a number of preliterate or non-literate cultures, Baháʼís assume the spread of literacy to be one of the signs of an "ever-advancing civilization." For example, a priesthood is not needed in this era because the ability to read and write is no longer restricted to a professional class, with the masses reduced to auditors of their sacred texts. Baháʼís expect the world's governments to one day cooperate in selecting an international auxiliary language to be used in global communication. After this is done, that language, along with one's mother tongue will be taught in schools all over the world.
"It is incumbent upon all nations... to convene a gathering and through joint consultation choose one language from among the varied existing languages, or create a new one, to be taught to the children in all the schools of the world." Baháʼu'lláh, Tablets of Baháʼu'lláh, p. 165. Although Baháʼu'lláh rued the necessity of spending man
Alfred M. Craig was an American judge from Illinois. Born and raised in the state, he was first elected Knox County judge before he was named to the Illinois Supreme Court in 1873. Craig served three nine-year terms there. Alfred M. Craig was born on January 15, 1832, in Paris, the son of David and Mintie Craig. Craig attended public schools and attended Knox College, graduating in 1853, he moved to Lewistown and studied law under Hezekiah H. Weed and William C. Goudy. Craig was admitted to the bar in 1855 and moved to Knoxville to form the law firm of Manning, Douglas & Craig. In 1864, Craig was elected Knox County judge, he formed a new practice with his brother-in-law C. K. Harvey in 1868. Craig represented Knoxville in the unsuccessful legal battle to remain the county seat of Knox County, he lost an election to the Illinois House of Representatives in 1868 and an election to the Illinois Senate two years later. As one of the foremost judges in the area affiliated with the Democratic Party, Craig was nominated to challenge Republican Justice Charles B. Lawrence for a seat on the Illinois Supreme Court in 1873.
Craig's bid was successful. He was re-elected in 1882, defeating John Davis McCulloch again in 1891, defeating Henry W. Wells. Craig was named Chief Justice a one-year position, in 1878, 1881, 1888, 1895, he wrote the opinion of Illinois Central Railroad v. Illinois, a case taken up by the Supreme Court of the United States. Craig was coveted for political candidacy, but he refused all offers. Grover Cleveland considered Craig to fill the Chief Justice vacancy on the Supreme Court of the United States, but he instead elected to name Melville Fuller. Outside of his law interests, Craig had large landholdings, he was the president of the Banks of Galesburg and the Bank of Altoona, was a director of the First National Bank of Knoxville. Craig married Elizabeth Harvey on August 4, 1857, they had three children. One of their children Charles C. Craig served on the Illinois Supreme Court, he died in Galesburg on September 6, 1911, from pneumonia and was buried in Hope Cemetery
The Provisional Office for Mass Organizational Affairs was a political organization in Ethiopia active between 1975 and 1979. POMOA functioned as a forum to involve different Marxist-Leninist organizations in the revolutionary process and to politicize and organize the masses. POMOA was set up through a decree of the Derg military junta in December 1975; the existence of POMOA was publicly revealed on April 21, 1976 following the announcement of the National Democratic Revolution Programme. The organization was known as the People's Organizing Provisional Office; the organization was conceptualized not as a political party, but as a "popular revolutionary front". The Yekatit'66 Political School, an institution under the supervision of POMOA, trained political cadres. POMOA functioned as a government department, received allocations from the state treasury. According to Kiflu Tadesse, POMOA had an annual budget of 7 million Birr. Through POMOA the Derg military junta received political support through the building of organizational structures in the provinces.
But the Derg was wary of the dominance of the All-Ethiopian Socialist Movement over POMOA. As a means of keeping POMOA under check, Mengistu Haile Mariam employed tactics of playing out different POMOA factions against each other; the leading body in POMOA was a 15-member committee. Its full name was Co-ordinating Committee, it was referred to as the'Politburo', had many scholars within its ranks. The Politburo and other POMOA structures were dominated by Meison. Haile Fida, the leader of Meison, was the chairman of POMOA. Sennai Likkai of the Waz League served as the vice chairman of the organization; the activities of POMOA supervised by Supreme Organizing Committee, a body chaired by Mengistu himself. Membership in POMOA was kept secret. Five political groups were active inside POMOA; the entry of Seded caused controversy within the coalition. Two factions opposed the entry of Seded into the alliance whilst the other two supported the integration of Seded; the different member organizations of POMOA conspired against each other, trying to place their own people in key positions inside POMOA.
Haile Fida and Sennai Likkay competed over power in POMOA. In particular, the coalition was shaken by the power struggle between Seded. POMOA had committees for ideology and for running the Yekatit'66 Political School. POMOA built up organizational structures in the regions and provinces, sometimes in the districts; the organization developed a network of some 4,000 political cadres in cells across the country. POMOA took control of the kebeles, turned them into vigilante bodies with militia squads under the supervision of POMOA. POMOA published the biweekly newspaper Abiotawit Ityopya. On September 26, 1976, EPRP unleashed a campaign of assassinations against POMOA cadres; the first prominent victim of the EPRP assassination spree was Fikre Merid, shot in his car in Addis Abeba. The campaign of Red Terror began in March 1977, as POMOA kebele militia squads and the army attacked the EPRP. In December 1976 the Derg issued proclamation 108/1976; the proclamation dissolved the Supreme Organizing Committee and brought POMOA under direct supervision of the Derg Standing Committee.
A proclamation issued in February 1977 retained these provisions. On July 14, 1977 the Derg issued a proclamation calling for POMOA to be put more under its control; this move signaled a divide between Meison. In essence, the July proclamation served as a final warning to Meison; as POMOA was reorganized, the membership of the Politburo was reduced from 15 to five. In August 1977 the head of POMOA in Hararghe and prominent Meison cadre, Abdullahi Yousuf, was killed during a visit in Addis Ababa; as regional POMOA chief, he had disarmed Shoan Christian settlers and implemented land reform in Hararghe. Meison withdrew its support to the Derg in August 1977. POMOA was now under military control. A Seded cadre, Lt. Desta Tadesse, became the new general secretary of POMOA. Militaries began occupying key positions in several regional units of POMOA. Seded cadres took over the Yekatit'66 Political School. One after one, POMOA member organization were purged. POMOA was dissolved in December 1979 as the Commission for Organizing the Party of the Working People of Ethiopia was formed.
Out of the 15 members of the original POMOA politburo, only two remained in active politics in 1984
The European pilchard is a species of ray-finned fish in the monotypic genus Sardina. The young of the species are among the many fish; this common species is found in the northeast Atlantic, the Mediterranean, the Black Sea at depths of 10–100 m. It reaches up to 27.5 cm in length and feeds on planktonic crustaceans. This schooling species is a batch spawner; the European pilchard is a somewhat elongated, herring-like fish. The origin of the pelvic fins is well behind that of the dorsal fin, the last two soft rays on the anal fin are larger than the remainder; the upper parts are green or olive, the flanks are golden and the belly is silvery. The European pilchard occurs in the northeastern Atlantic Ocean, the Mediterranean Sea and the Black Sea, its range extends from Iceland and the southern part of Norway and Sweden southwards to Senegal in West Africa. In the Mediterranean Sea it is common in the western half and the Adriatic Sea, but uncommon in the eastern half and the Black Sea, it is a migratory, schooling coastal species but sometimes travels as far as 100 km out to sea.
During the day it is in the depth range 25 to 55 m but can go as deep as 100 m. At night it is from 10 to 35 m beneath the surface. In the Mediterranean, the European pilchard moves offshore in the autumn, preferring the deeper cooler waters and constant salinity out at sea to the variable temperatures and salinities of inshore waters. Spawning starts to take place in winter, in early spring, juveniles and some adults move towards the coast, while other adults migrate inshore in the year. Multiple batches of eggs are produced over a long breeding period, total fecundity being 50,000 to 60,000. Most juveniles become sexually mature at about a year old and a length of 13 to 14 cm; the diet consists of both phytoplankton. The zooplankton is copepods and their larvae, which make daily vertical migrations to feed near the surface at night, this is when the adult pilchards feed on them. Along with the European anchovy, the European pilchard plays an important intermediate role in the Mediterranean ecosystem as a consumer of plankton and as a food for larger demersal predators such as the European hake and the European conger eel.
This role is noticeable in the Adriatic Sea where the water is shallow, the food chain is shorter and energy is retained within the basin. There are important fisheries for this species in most of its range, it is caught with purse seines and lampara nets, but other methods are used including bottom trawling with high opening nets. In total, around a million tonnes are taken annually, with Morocco and Spain having the largest catches; the Food and Agriculture Organization considers. The adults may be sold as pilchards; the terms "sardine" and "pilchard” are not precise, what is meant depends on the region. The United Kingdom's Sea Fish Industry Authority, for example, classifies sardines as young pilchards. One criterion suggests fish shorter in length than 15 cm are sardines, larger fish are pilchards; the FAO/WHO Codex standard for canned sardines cites 21 species. The fish dried. History of the pilchard fishery Sardines as food