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Battle of São Mamede

The Battle of São Mamede took place on 24 June 1128 near Guimarães and is considered the seminal event for the foundation of the Kingdom of Portugal and the battle that ensured Portugal's Independence. Portuguese forces led by Afonso Henriques defeated forces led by his mother Teresa of Portugal and her lover Fernão Peres de Trava. Following São Mamede, the future king styled himself "Prince of Portugal", he would be called "King of Portugal" in 1139 and was recognised as such by neighbouring kingdoms in 1143. In late 11th century, Henry of Portugal, a knight and brother of the Duke of Burgundy, went to support the Christians of Hispania, he fought the Moors along with Alfonso VI of León. In honour of his fights in Hispania, the King gave him the County of Portugal; this gift came with a reinstated title. Henry became count of Portugal and Theresa, his wife. In 1095, the county was a dependency of the Kingdom of Galicia, itself a dependency of the Kingdom of León. In 1097 Portugal became a direct dependency of León.

However, from the early years of his rule, as he became influenced by the desire of the lords of the county for independence, Henry desired the independence of the county. Henry died in 1112, his wife Regina Tarasia became the countess of Portugal, she wished for independence from her sister, who became Queen of León after her father's, Alfonso VI of Leon, death. Like her husband, Theresa was ambitious. In an attempt to maintain the autonomy of her county, she allied herself to her sister's enemies or with her sister, whichever was most propitious at the time. In 1116, the Portuguese took two Galician cities and Ourense. In reply, the sister of Countess Theresa, Queen Urraca, attacked Theresa's dominions. Bishop Diego Gelmírez, a friend of a Galician noble, in the service of Theresa, led a revolt in the camp of Queen Urraca, she was obliged to make peace with her sister Theresa. Urraca died in 1126. Urraca's son, Alfonso VII, became king of León and Castile and demanded that Theresa become his vassal, which she refused to do.

In response, Alfonso attacked Portugal in the spring of 1127. This increased the power of her son, because she had lost the trust of the Leonese king, her son became the count of Portugal. Theresa became a puppet of the Galician Ferdinand Perez de Trava. Theresa and Prince Afonso became enemies, as both wanted to take control of the county, but only the supporters of Prince Afonso were interested in full independence. Afonso Henriques was not alone in the battle. In fact, he was pressured by the lords of the main Portuguese cities, by the local church, by its people to achieve the country's independence. Nobles participating in the battle with Afonso Henriques: Afonso Nunes de Barbosa D. Paio Mendes da Maia Egas Moniz de Cresconhe Egas Moniz de Ribadouro Ermígio Moniz de Ribadouro Fernão Captivo Garcia Soares Godinho Fafes de Lanhoso Gonçalo Mendes da Maia Gonçalo Mendes de Sousa Nuno Soares Velho Paio Ramires Ramirão Sancho Nunes de Barbosa Soeiro Mendes de Sousa The counts that dominated the counties of Portugal and Coimbra kept the idea of independence, their merger strengthened their positions.

Alfonso VI of León, knowing the wishes of the Portuguese, united all Galicia under a single rule of one lord, which he chose from one of his close relatives. Teresa, mother of Afonso Henriques, came to Guimarães to govern the Portuguese county; the Portuguese did not accept this, the battle started. Afonso won Portugal started its journey towards independence. In 1129, Henriques in 1139 as King of Portugal. León recognized Portugal's independence in 1143 in the Treaty of Zamora. In 1179, the Holy See declared de jure. Anderson, James Maxwell; the History of Portugal online Birmingham, David. A Concise History of Portugal Grissom, James. Portugal – A Brief History excerpt and text search Oliveira Marques, A. H. de. History of Portugal: Vol. 1: from Lusitania to empire. Nowell, Charles E. A History of Portugal online Payne, Stanley G. A History of Spain and Portugal full text online vol 2 after 1700. "History of Historiography and National Memory in Portugal," History Compass 10#10 pp 765–777. de Carvalho Homem, Armando Luís.

"A. H. de Oliveira Marques: Historiography and Citizenship," E-Journal of Portuguese History 5#2 pp 1–9. Wikimedia Atlas of Portugal Portugal Chronology World History Database History of Portugal: Primary documents

Weighted planar stochastic lattice

Physicists use various lattices to apply their favorite models in them. For instance, the most favorite lattice is the square lattice. There are 14 Bravais space lattice where every cell has the same number of nearest, next nearest, nearest of next nearest etc neighbors and hence they are called regular lattice. Physicists and mathematicians study phenomena which require disordered lattice where each cell do not have the same number of neighbors rather the number of neighbors can vary wildly. For instance, if one wants to study the spread of disease, rumors etc the last thing one would look for is the square lattice. In such cases a disordered lattice is necessary. One way of constructing a disordered lattice is by doing the following. Starting with a square, say of unit area, dividing randomly at each step only one block, after picking it preferentially with respect to ares, into four smaller blocks creates weighted planar stochastic lattice, it is a disordered planar lattice as its block size and their coordination number are random.

In applied mathematics, a weighted planar stochastic lattice is a structure that has properties in common with those of lattices and those of graphs. In general, space-filling planar cellular structures can be useful in a wide variety of disparate physical and biological systems. Examples include grain in polycrystalline structures, cell texture and tissues in biology, acicular texture in martensite growth, tessellated pavement on ocean shores, soap froths and agricultural land division according to ownership etc; the question of how these structures appear and the understanding of their topological and geometrical properties have always been an interesting proposition among scientists in general and physicists in particular. Several models prescribe; these structures can mimic directly the structures found in nature and they are able to capture the essential properties that we find in natural structures. In general, cellular structures appear through random tessellation, tiling, or subdivision of a plane into contiguous and non-overlapping cells.

For instance, Voronoi diagram and Apollonian packing are formed by partitioning or tiling of a plane into contiguous and non-overlapping convex polygons and disks respectively. Regular planar lattices like square lattices, triangular lattices, honeycomb lattices, etc. are the simplest example of the cellular structure in which every cell has the same size and the same coordination number. The planar Voronoi diagram, on the other hand, has neither a fixed cell size nor a fixed coordination number, its coordination number distribution is rather Poissonian in nature. That is, the distribution is peaked about the mean where it is impossible to find cells which have higher or fewer coordination number than the mean. Hassan et al proposed a lattice, namely the weighted planar stochastic lattice. For instance, unlike a network or a graph, it has properties of lattices as its sites are spatially embedded. On the other hand, unlike lattices, its dual display the property of networks as its degree distribution follows a power law.

Besides, unlike regular lattices, the sizes of its cells are not equal. The construction process of the WPSL can be described, it starts with a square of unit area. The generator divides the initiator, in the first step, randomly with uniform probability into four smaller blocks. In the second step and thereafter, the generator is applied to only one of the blocks; the question is: How do we pick that block when there is more than one block? The most generic choice would be to pick preferentially according to their areas so that the higher the area the higher the probability to be picked. For instance, in step one, the generator divides the initiator randomly into four smaller blocks. Let us label their areas starting from the top left corner and moving clockwise as a 1, a 2, a 3 and a 4, but of course the way we label is arbitrary and will bear no consequence to the final results of any observable quantities. Note that a i is the area of the i th block which can be well regarded as the probability of picking the i th block.

These probabilities are normalized ∑ i a i = 1 since we choose the area of the initiator equal to one. In step two, we pick one of the four blocks preferentially with respect to their areas. Consider that we pick the block 3 and apply the generator onto it to divide it randomly into four smaller blocks, thus the label 3 is now redundant and hence we recycle it to label the top left corner while the rest of three new blocks are labelled a 5, a 6 and a 7 in a clockwise fashion. In general, in the j th step, we pick one out of 3 j − 2 blocks preferentially with respect to area and divide randomly into


The term Womxn is an alternative term for the English language word women, in use since 2015 to explicitly include non-cisgender women. It has been used in a similar manner as womyn and wimmin, as a rejection of the folk etymology of'woman' being'of man'. Due to transgender women's perceived exclusion from the usage of these respellings, an "x" is used to "broaden the scope of womanhood," to include them; the term's advocates emphasize its inclusive nature as its key benefit. "While hard to pronounce, “womxn” is the most inclusive word yet using an “x” to tinker with the word's literal approach to gender in a similar way as “Latinx,” which has become an ungendered alternative to words like “Latino” and “Latina.” The term explicitly includes femme/feminine-identifying genderqueer and non-binary individuals.'Women' is considered an exclusionary term in relation to histories of slavery and the struggle of black women to resist objectification and the combined impacts of racism and sexism. Bell hooks' 1981 book'Ain't I a Woman?: Black women and feminism argues that stereotypes fixed during slavery continue to affect black women categorising them as separate and different from white women.

“In America, white racist ideology has always allowed white women to assume that the word woman is synonymous with white woman, for women of other races are always perceived as Others, as de-humanized beings who do not fall under the heading woman.” Hooks resists American feminist claims at solidarity between white and black women in the US and charts the way in which the word'women' came to symbolically exclude black women. Kimberle Crenshaw emphasises this exclusion in her article'Demarginalizing the Intersection of Race and Sex: A Black Feminist Critique of Antidiscrimination Doctrine, Feminist Theory and Antiracist Politics'. Crenshaw references Sojourner Truth's 1851 speech'Ain't I a Woman?' Stating'When feminist theory and politics that claim to reflect women's experience and women's aspirations do not include or speak to Black women, Black women must ask: "Ain't We Women?"'. The term Womxn originated at the University of California, Davis in 1971. A Womxn's Resources and Research Center aims to achieve gender equity, defined as “a world in which people of all genders womxn and people with marginalised genders - have the opportunity to reach their full potential.”

The history of the term's use at UC Davis is explored on their website where their use of the'x' is explained. Heather C. Lou, a former director of the U. C. Davis Womxn's Resources and Research Centre, writes about the work to address and dismantle cisgenderism in womxn's centres in'University and College Women's and Gender Equity Centers: The Changing Landscape'. U. C. Davis now use the term across their site, the term has been picked up by societies across the campus and across disciplines; the university celebrates an International Womxn's Day. Other universities across the US have adopted the spelling including The University of Iowa, The University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill, Texas State University. In 2017 the Womxn's March on Seattle used womxn in place of women "to promote intersectionality in the movement". In South Africa some students in the organised higher education protest movements #RhodesMustFall, the subsequent #FeesMustFall student movements which aimed to decolonise the institution and increase access to university education for all, used the term'womxn' define an intersectional approach to the movement.

Many of the organisers of the movement were womxn and took inspiration from Kimberlé Crenshaw's work on intersectionality. Their manifesto states "an intersectional approach to our blackness takes into account that we are not only defined by our blackness, but that some of us are defined by our gender, our sexuality, our able-bodiedness, our mental health, our class, among other things. We all have certain oppressions and certain privileges and this must inform our organising so that we do not silence groups among us, so that no one should have to choose between their struggles."South African poet Koleka Putuma uses the term in her 2017 poetry anthology Collective Amnesia and named the first poem in the collection “Growing up Black and a Womxn”. Some MOGAI women in Nepal are using the'x' spelling to demand a more inclusive Women's Movement. MOGAI is an acronym for'Marginalized Ori­entation, Gender alignments and Intersex bodily variations'; the use of the term'Womxn' has caused huge debate in the UK in relation to the Gender Recognition Act reforms, debated in late 2018.

Intersectional feminist use of the term'womxn' over other alternative spellings has arisen in response to associations of terms such as'womyn' and'wimmin' with trans-exclusionary radical feminists. A programme of events at the Wellcome Collection in October 2018'Daylighting' used the term'womxn' in promotional tweets, triggering a national debate, international news coverage, a media furore. Criticism of the term included responses from MPs such as Jess Phillips who said she'd never met a trans woman, offended by the word woman being used, alongside trans-exclusionary radical feminist perspectives that claimed the use of the term is an erasure and exclusion of cisgender women that takes away their identities. Further comments acknowledged that the term prompts new thinking, conversation and a challenge to binary ideas about gender; the Wellcome Collection apologised for its use of the term. Concurrently with the Wellcome Collection programme, Nottingham Contemporary used'Womxn' in relation to their'Still I Rise: Feminisms, Resistance, Act 1' exhibition, October 2018 – January 2019.

Despite receiving similar

Rudy Pevenage

Rudy Pévenage is a former Belgian cyclist, in his career team coach of cycling teams such as Histor, La William, Team Bianchi and T-Mobile Team. Pévenage was a professional cyclist from 1976 until 1988, his largest success was in the Tour de France: he won one stage and won the points classification. In 1979 he reached second place in the Tour de Suisse, he spent nine days in the yellow jersey, leading the general classification in the Tour de France. His nickname was de rosse van Moerbeke. After his cycling career, Pévenage became a team manager. Pévenage was team manager of Deutsche Telekom. In 2002, when Ullrich was forced to leave the team, Pévenage followed Ullrich to his new team Bianchi. After a good 2003 Tour de France, Ullrich returned without Pévenage. In 2006, Pévenage returned to Telekom; when Ullrich was suspected of using illegal doping in Operación Puerto and was fired by T-Mobile Team, Pévenage had to leave. He was rumoured to have worked as a connection between the Spanish Eufemiano Fuentes.

Official Tour de France results for Rudy Pevenage Rudy Pevenage at Cycling Archives

Balwin, Edmonton

Balwin is a residential neighbourhood in north east Edmonton, Canada. Part of North Edmonton, the area was annexed by the City of Edmonton in 1912. According to the 2001 federal census, 6.5% of the residences in the neighbourhood were constructed prior to the end of World War II. However, most of the residential construction were built between 1946 and 1970. One out of every eight were built during the 1980s, by 1981 residential construction was complete; the most common type of residence, according to the 2005 municipal census, is the single-family dwelling. These account for just under two out of every three of all residences in the neighbourhood. Another one in four are rented apartments with most of these in low-rise buildings with fewer than five stories. One in ten of residences are duplexes and one in twenty are row houses. Just under three out of every five of residences are owner-occupied with the remaining two out of three being rented; the neighbourhood population is comparatively mobile.

According to the 2005 municipal census one in five of residents had moved within the previous 12 months. Another one in five had moved within the previous one to three years. Just under half had lived at the same address for five years or more; the neighbourhood is bounded on the north by 132 Avenue, on the south by 127 Avenue and the Yellowhead Corridor, on the west by 82 Street, on the east by 66 Street. The community is represented by the Balwin community league, established in 1962, which maintains tennis courts, a community hall, a basketball court and an outdoor rink located at 129 Avenue and 74 Street. In the City of Edmonton's 2012 municipal census, Balwin had a population of 3,863 living in 1,761 dwellings, a -6.6% change from its 2009 population of 4,138. With a land area of 1.4 km2, it had a population density of 2,759.3 people/km2 in 2012. Three schools are in operation within the neighbourhood. Edmonton Public School System Balwin Junior High School Princeton Elementary School Edmonton Catholic School System St. Francis of Assisi Elementary Junior High SchoolA fourth school, North Edmonton Elementary School of Edmonton Public Schools, closed due to low enrollment, now hosts the Excel Society that houses brain injury and dementia patients.

Queen Elizabeth High School is located a west of the neighbourhood on 132 Avenue NW, while M. E. Lazerte High School is located to the north on 66 Street NW. A commercial plaza is located at 127 Avenue NW and 82 Street NW. Londonderry Mall is located nearby to the north on 66 Street NW. Edmonton Federation of Community Leagues Balwin Neighbourhood Profile

Mathias Hebo

Mathias Hebo Rasmussen is a Danish footballer who plays as a midfielder for Lyngby Boldklub. In the summer 2014, Hebo was one out of six under-19 players, who permanently was promoted to the first team squad. On 24 September 2014, he made his first team debut for FCN, when he played in a Danish Cup match against SC Egedal, who FCN lost 4–5, he debuted in the Danish league, in a match against Randers FC on 5 October 2014, replacing Mario Ticinovic in the 79th minute. In February 2015, his contract was extended until the summer 2016. On 1 February 2016, FCN confirmed, that they had terminated Hebo's contract, because he had a deal with another unnamed club. Just one day after his contract was terminated, 2 February 2016, Hebo signed with Danish 1st Division club FC Fredericia. Having finished the season with 30 league games and seven goals, he left the club. On 17 June 2017, it was confirmed. In January 2019 Hebo signed with Vejle BK on a 3.5-year contract. Vejle was relegated to the Danish 1st Division for the 2019-20 season and on 27 August 2019, Hebo was loaned out to newly promoted Danish Superliga club Silkeborg IF for the rest of 2019.

On 6 January 2020 it was confirmed, that Hebo had returned to Lyngby Boldklub on a 3,5-year contract. Mathias Hebo at Soccerway Mathias Hebo on DBU