The New Testament is the second part of the Christian biblical canon, the first part being the Old Testament, based on the Hebrew Bible. The New Testament discusses the teachings and person of Jesus, as well as events in first-century Christianity. Christians regard both the New Testaments together as sacred scripture; the New Testament has accompanied the spread of Christianity around the world. It serves as a source for Christian theology and morality. Extended readings and phrases directly from the New Testament are incorporated into the various Christian liturgies; the New Testament has influenced religious and political movements in Christendom and left an indelible mark on literature and music. The New Testament is a collection of Christian works written in the common Greek language of the 1st century AD, at different times by various writers, the modern consensus is that it provides important evidence regarding Judaism in the 1st century. In all Christian traditions today, the New Testament consists of 27 books: the four gospels, The Acts of the Apostles, twenty-one epistles, Revelation.
The united Catholic Church defined the 27-book canon. The earliest known complete list of the 27 books is by the 4th-century eastern Catholic bishop Athanasius; the first time that church councils approved this list was with the councils of Hippo and Carthage in North Africa and Pope Innocent I ratified the same canon in 405, but it is probable that a Council in Rome in 382 under pope Damasus gave the same list first. These councils provided the canon of the Old Testament, which included the apocryphal books; the original texts were written in the first century of the Christian Era, in Greek, the common language of the Eastern Mediterranean from the conquests of Alexander the Great until the Muslim conquests in the 7th century AD. All the works that became incorporated into the New Testament are believed to have been written no than around 120 AD. John A. T. Robinson, Dan Wallace, William F. Albright dated all the books of the New Testament before 70 AD. Others give a final date of 80 AD or of 96 AD.
Collections of related texts such as letters of the Apostle Paul and the Canonical Gospels of Matthew, Mark and John were joined to other collections and single works in different combinations to form various Christian canons of Scripture. Over time, some disputed books, such as the Book of Revelation and the Minor Catholic Epistles were introduced into canons in which they were absent. Other works earlier held to be Scripture, such as 1 Clement, the Shepherd of Hermas, the Diatessaron, were excluded from the New Testament; the Old Testament canon is not uniform among all major Christian groups including Roman Catholics, the Greek Orthodox Church, the Slavic Orthodox Churches, the Armenian Orthodox Church. However, the twenty-seven-book canon of the New Testament, at least since Late Antiquity, has been universally recognized within Christianity; the phrase new testament, or new covenant first occurs in Jeremiah 31:31. The same Greek phrase for'new covenant' is found elsewhere in the New Testament.
In early Bible translations into Latin, the phrase was rendered foedus,'federation', in Jeremiah 31:31, was rendered testamentum in Hebrews 8:8 and other instances, from which comes the English term New Testament. Modern English, like Latin, distinguishes testament and covenant as alternative translations, the treatment of the term Διαθήκη diathḗkē varies in Bible translations into English. John Wycliffe's 1395 version is a translation of the Latin Vulgate and so follows different terms in Jeremiah and Hebrews: Lo! Days shall come, saith the Lord, I shall make a new covenant with the house of Israel, with the house of Judah. For he reproving him saith, Lo! Days come, saith the Lord, when I shall establish a new testament on the house of Israel, on the house of Judah. Use of the term New Testament to describe a collection of first and second-century Christian Greek scriptures can be traced back to Tertullian. In Against Marcion, written c. 208 AD, he writes of: the Divine Word, doubly edged with the two testaments of the law and the gospel.
And Tertullian continues in the book, writing: it is certain that the whole aim at which he has strenuously laboured in the drawing up of his Antitheses, centres in this, that he may establish a diversity between the Old and the New Testaments, so that his own Christ may be separate from the Creator, as belonging to this rival god, as alien from the law and the prophets. By the 4th century, the existence—even if not the exact contents—of both an Old and New Testament had been established. Lactantius, a 3rd–4th century Christian author wrote in his early-4th-century Latin Institutiones Divinae: But all scripture is divided into two Testaments; that which preceded the advent and passion of Christ—that is, the law and the prophets—is called the Old.
Southern Poverty Law Center
The Southern Poverty Law Center is an American nonprofit legal advocacy organization specializing in civil rights and public interest litigation. Based in Montgomery, Alabama, it is known for its successful legal cases against white supremacist groups, its classification of hate groups and other extremist organizations, for promoting tolerance education programs; the SPLC was founded by Morris Dees, Joseph J. Levin Jr. and Julian Bond in 1971 as a civil rights law firm in Montgomery, Alabama. Bond served as president of the board between 1971 and 1979. In 1979, the SPLC began a litigation strategy of filing civil suits for monetary damages on behalf of the victims of violence from the Ku Klux Klan and other white supremacist groups, with all damages recovered given to the victims or donated to other organizations; the SPLC became involved in other civil rights causes, including cases to challenge what it sees as institutional racial segregation and discrimination and unconstitutional conditions in prisons and detention centers, discrimination based on sexual orientation, mistreatment of illegal immigrants, the unconstitutional mixing of church and state.
The SPLC has provided information about hate groups to the Federal Bureau of Investigation and other law enforcement agencies. Since the 2000s, the SPLC's classification and listings of hate groups and extremists have been described as authoritative; the SPLC's listings have been the subject of criticism from others, who argue that some of the SPLC's listings are overbroad, politically motivated, or unwarranted. Despite such criticism, the SPLC's assessments are accepted and cited in academic and media coverage of such groups and related issues. In 2019, founder Morris Dees was dismissed, followed by the resignation of president Richard Cohen. An outside consultant, Tina Tchen, was brought in to review workplace practices relating to accusations of racial and sexual harassment; the Southern Poverty Law Center was founded by civil rights lawyers Morris Dees and Joseph J. Levin Jr. in August 1971 as a law firm focused on issues such as fighting poverty, racial discrimination and the death penalty in the United States.
Dees asked civil rights leader Julian Bond to serve as president, a honorary position. In 1979, Dees and the SPLC began filing civil lawsuits against Ku Klux Klan chapters and similar organizations for monetary damages on behalf of their victims; the favorable verdicts from these suits served to bankrupt other targeted organizations. In 1981, the Center began its Klanwatch project to monitor the activities of the KKK; that project, now called Hatewatch, was expanded to include seven other types of hate organizations. In 1986, the entire legal staff of the SPLC, excluding Dees, resigned as the organization shifted from traditional civil rights work toward fighting right-wing extremism. In 1989, the Center unveiled its Civil Rights Memorial, designed by Maya Lin. In 1995, the Montgomery Advertiser won a Pulitzer Prize recognition for work that probed management self-interest, questionable practices, employee racial discrimination allegations in the SPLC; the Center's "Teaching Tolerance" project was initiated in 1991 and in 2013 was cited as "of the most read periodicals dedicated to diversity and social justice in education".
In 2008, the SPLC and Dees were featured on National Geographic's Inside American Terror explaining their litigation strategy against the Ku Klux Klan. In July 1983, the SPLC headquarters was firebombed, destroying records; as a result of the arson, Klansmen Joe M. Garner and Roy T. Downs Jr. along with Klan sympathizer Charles Bailey, pleaded guilty in February 1985 to conspiring to intimidate and threaten members of black organizations represented by SPLC. The SPLC built a new headquarters building from 1999 to 2001. In 1984, Dees became an assassination target of a revolutionary white supremacist group. By 2007, according to Dees, more than 30 people had been jailed in connection with plots to kill him or to blow up SPLC offices. In 1995, four men were indicted for planning to blow up the SPLC. In May 1998, three white supremacists were arrested for planning a nationwide campaign of assassinations and bombings targeting "Morris Dees, an undisclosed federal judge in Illinois, a black radio show host in Missouri, Dees's Southern Poverty Law Center in Alabama, the Simon Wiesenthal Center in Los Angeles, the Anti-Defamation League in New York."
In March 2019, the SPLC fired founder Morris Dees for undisclosed reasons and removed his bio from its website. In a statement regarding the firing, the SPLC announced it would be bringing in an "outside organization to conduct a comprehensive assessment of our internal climate and workplace practices."Following the dismissal, a letter signed by two dozen SPLC employees was sent to management, expressing concern that "allegations of mistreatment, sexual harassment, gender discrimination, racism threaten the moral authority of this organization and our integrity along with it." One former employee wrote that the "unchecked power of lavishly compensated white men at the top" of the SPLC contributed to a culture which made black and female employees the targets of harassment. The SPLC appointed Tina Tchen, a former chief of staff for former first-lady Michelle Obama, to review and investigate any issues with the organization's workplace environment. A week President Richard Cohen and legal director Rhonda Brownstein announced their resignations amid the internal upheava
Upper Darby Township, Delaware County, Pennsylvania
Upper Darby Township is a home rule township bordering Philadelphia in Delaware County, United States. Upper Darby is home to a historic music venue on 69th Street built in the 1920s. Upper Darby's population is diverse, representing over 100 ethnic cultures; the township hosts a range of housing types including densely populated rowhouse sections similar to houses in neighboring West Philadelphia, tree-lined neighborhoods of turn-of-the-century single-family houses and mid-century developments. It is Pennsylvania's sixth most populous municipality. Upper Darby is 65% residential, 25% commercial, 8% other; as of the 2010 census, the township had a total population of 82,795. Because of a home-rule charter adopted in 1974 and effective in 1976, Upper Darby utilizes a mayor-council form of management, unlike communities that are still under the Pennsylvania Township Code. Upper Darby, along with Lower Merion and Cheltenham form the major inner ring suburbs of Philadelphia. In 1650, the area that became Upper Darby had been inhabited by the Lenape tribe of Native Americans for hundreds of years, but war with the Susquehannock to the west, along with devastating smallpox and measles epidemics, had reduced their numbers.
The Lenape were part of the larger late Woodland culture, living in longhouses and birch bark homes, engaging in the type of agriculture featuring Companion planting of the Three Sisters. The first permanent Europeans settlers arrived in late 1653 with a group from New Sweden. Soon after, in 1655, New Sweden was taken over by the Dutch, came under English rule in October 1664 as part England's overall conquest of New Amsterdam; the region was controlled as a possession of the English king until it was included in a large land grant to William Penn in 1681. Upon Penn's founding of the colony of Pennsylvania the next year, the area was designated as part of the municipality of Darby Township, in Chester County, it was subsequently part of the eastern section of that county, split off on September 26, 1789, to form Delaware County. The Lower Swedish Cabin, thought to have been built in 1654, is located on Creek Road along the Darby Creek and is believed by many to be a remnant of the early Swedes, who introduced the log cabin to this area.
Today the "Swedish Cabin" is designated with a Pennsylvania Historical Marker. The Cabin is on the National Register of Historic Places. Darby Township occupied the area between the current border of Upper Darby to the north, Cobbs Creek and Darby Creek to the east and south, Ridley and Springfield townships to the west; this continued until 1736, for the convenience of the inhabitants, it was decided at a town meeting to separate the upper part from the lower "in all matters save the levies made for the support of the poor," with the northern part thereafter to be called Upper Darby Township. The exact boundary was not established until 1787; the following is an excerpt from this petition: Beginning at Cobb's Creek on the Northwest side of a tract of land belonging to the heirs of Joshua Ash and in the line of said land, thence along said line and the line of land late Enoch Bonsall's & Joshua Bonsall's to Darby Creek thence down the said Creek to the northwest line of John Ash's land, thence along said line and the line of Samuel Ash and Nathaniel Smith to the line of Ridley Township, that the lower part may be called Darby and the other part Upper Darby.
Reflecting the Quaker background of its earliest English settlers, Upper Darby was active in the antislavery movement. At least one abolition society existed prior to 1830, sent a committee of twelve prominent citizens to the 1830 meeting of the Pennsylvania Anti-Slavery Society in Philadelphia. Many homes in the area were stops on the Underground Railroad, including Hoodland, the home of abolitionist Thomas Pennock, bequeathed to the township's public library and which houses the children's library, connected to a much larger modern annex which houses the Main Branch. Another prominent abolitionist, Thomas Garrett, grew up in the township and Thornfield, his home until the age of 32, still stands at Garrett Road and Maple Avenue in the Drexel Hill section of the township. Two regiments from Upper Darby took part in the fighting in the American Civil War, one, the 106th, was involved in the Battle of Antietam; the abundance of creeks and streams in the area favored the development of mills, it was in Upper Darby that the first mills in Delaware County could be found.
The mill trade increased the population of the township, from just over 800 in 1800 to 5,000 by 1890. However, beginning in 1885, the township lost large sections of territory as the citizens of more populated neighborhoods petitioned the state to be recognized as separate municipalities; the first of these was the borough of Clifton Heights, followed by the boroughs of Lansdowne, Aldan and East Lansdowne. In 1907, the Philadelphia Rapid Transit Company recognized the potential for growth in the township and extended the Market-Frankford elevated train line from just west of the Schuylkill River in Philadelphia to 69th and Market Streets in Upper Darby; the El terminus at 69th Street Station became a busy terminal serving several trolley
Race (human categorization)
A race is a grouping of humans based on shared physical or social qualities into categories viewed as distinct by society. First used to refer to speakers of a common language and to denote national affiliations, by the 17th century the term race began to refer to physical traits. Modern scholarship regards race as a social construct, an identity, assigned based on rules made by society. While based on physical similarities within groups, race is not an inherent physical or biological quality. Social conceptions and groupings of races vary over time, involving folk taxonomies that define essential types of individuals based on perceived traits. Scientists consider biological essentialism obsolete, discourage racial explanations for collective differentiation in both physical and behavioral traits. Though there is a broad scientific agreement that essentialist and typological conceptualizations of race are untenable, scientists around the world continue to conceptualize race in differing ways, some of which have essentialist implications.
While some researchers use the concept of race to make distinctions among fuzzy sets of traits or observable differences in behaviour, others in the scientific community suggest that the idea of race is used in a naive or simplistic way, argue that, among humans, race has no taxonomic significance by pointing out that all living humans belong to the same species, Homo sapiens, subspecies, Homo sapiens sapiens. Since the second half of the 20th century, the association of race with the ideologies and theories of scientific racism has led to the use of the word race itself becoming problematic. Although still used in general contexts, race has been replaced by less ambiguous and loaded terms: populations, ethnic groups, or communities, depending on context. Modern scholarship views racial categories as constructed, that is, race is not intrinsic to human beings but rather an identity created by dominant groups, to establish meaning in a social context; this involves the subjugation of groups defined as racially inferior, as in the one-drop rule used in the 19th-century United States to exclude those with any amount of African ancestry from the dominant racial grouping, defined as "white".
Such racial identities reflect the cultural attitudes of imperial powers dominant during the age of European colonial expansion. This view rejects the notion. Although commonalities in physical traits such as facial features, skin color, hair texture comprise part of the race concept, the latter is a social distinction rather than an inherently biological one. Other dimensions of racial groupings include shared history and language. For instance, African-American English is a language spoken by many African Americans in areas of the United States where racial segregation exists. Furthermore, people self-identify as members of a race for political reasons; when people define and talk about a particular conception of race, they create a social reality through which social categorization is achieved. In this sense, races are said to be social constructs; these constructs develop within various legal and sociopolitical contexts, may be the effect, rather than the cause, of major social situations.
While race is understood to be a social construct by many, most scholars agree that race has real material effects in the lives of people through institutionalized practices of preference and discrimination. Socioeconomic factors, in combination with early but enduring views of race, have led to considerable suffering within disadvantaged racial groups. Racial discrimination coincides with racist mindsets, whereby the individuals and ideologies of one group come to perceive the members of an outgroup as both racially defined and morally inferior; as a result, racial groups possessing little power find themselves excluded or oppressed, while hegemonic individuals and institutions are charged with holding racist attitudes. Racism has led to many instances including slavery and genocide. In some countries, law enforcement uses race to profile suspects; this use of racial categories is criticized for perpetuating an outmoded understanding of human biological variation, promoting stereotypes. Because in some societies racial groupings correspond with patterns of social stratification, for social scientists studying social inequality, race can be a significant variable.
As sociological factors, racial categories may in part reflect subjective attributions, self-identities, social institutions. Scholars continue to debate the degrees to which racial categories are biologically warranted and constructed. For example, in 2008, John Hartigan, Jr. argued for a view of race that focused on culture, but which does not ignore the potential relevance of biology or genetics. Accordingly, the racial paradigms employed in different disciplines vary in their emphasis on biological reduction as contrasted with societal construction. In the social sciences, theoretical frameworks such as racial formation theory and critical race theory investigate implications of race as social construction by exploring how the images and assumptions of race are expressed in everyday life. A large body of scholarship has traced the relationships between the historical, social production of race in legal and criminal language, their effects on the policing and disproportionate incarceration of certain groups.
Groups of humans have always identified themselves as distinct from neighboring groups, but such differences have not always been understood to be natural and global. These features a
Unidentified flying object
An unidentified flying object is an object observed in the sky, not identified. Most UFOs are identified as conventional objects or phenomena; the term is used for claimed observations of extraterrestrial spacecraft. The term "UFO" was coined in 1953 by the United States Air Force to serve as a catch-all for all such reports. In its initial definition, the USAF stated that a "UFOB" was "any airborne object which by performance, aerodynamic characteristics, or unusual features, does not conform to any presently known aircraft or missile type, or which cannot be positively identified as a familiar object." Accordingly, the term was restricted to that fraction of cases which remained unidentified after investigation, as the USAF was interested in potential national security reasons and/or "technical aspects". During the late 1940s and through the 1950s, UFOs were referred to popularly as "flying saucers" or "flying discs"; the term UFO became more widespread during the 1950s, at first in technical literature, but in popular use.
UFOs garnered considerable interest during the Cold War, an era associated with a heightened concern for national security, more in the 2010s, for unexplained reasons. Various studies have concluded that the phenomenon does not represent a threat to national security, nor does it contain anything worthy of scientific pursuit; the Oxford English Dictionary defines a UFO. The first published book to use the word was authored by Donald E. Keyhoe; the acronym "UFO" was coined by Captain Edward J. Ruppelt, who headed Project Blue Book the USAF's official investigation of UFOs, he wrote, "Obviously the term'flying saucer' is misleading when applied to objects of every conceivable shape and performance. For this reason the military prefers the more general, if less colorful, name: unidentified flying objects. UFO for short." Other phrases that were used and that predate the UFO acronym include "flying flapjack", "flying disc", "unexplained flying discs", "unidentifiable object". The phrase "flying saucer" had gained widespread attention after the summer of 1947.
On June 24, a civilian pilot named Kenneth Arnold reported seeing nine objects flying in formation near Mount Rainier. Arnold estimated the speed of discs to be over 1,200 mph. At the time, he claimed he described the objects flying in a saucer-like fashion, leading to newspaper accounts of "flying saucers" and "flying discs". Ufo's were referred to colloquially, as a "Bogey" by military personal and pilots during the cold war; the term "bogey" was used to report anomalies in radar blips, to indicate possible hostile forces that might be roaming in the area. In popular usage, the term UFO came to be used to refer to claims of alien spacecraft, because of the public and media ridicule associated with the topic, some ufologists and investigators prefer to use terms such as "unidentified aerial phenomenon" or "anomalous phenomena", as in the title of the National Aviation Reporting Center on Anomalous Phenomena. "Anomalous aerial vehicle" or "unidentified aerial system" are sometimes used in a military aviation context to describe unidentified targets.
Studies have established that the majority of UFO observations are misidentified conventional objects or natural phenomena—most aircraft, noctilucent clouds, nacreous clouds, or astronomical objects such as meteors or bright planets with a small percentage being hoaxes. Between 5% and 20% of reported sightings are not explained, therefore can be classified as unidentified in the strictest sense. While proponents of the extraterrestrial hypothesis suggest that these unexplained reports are of alien spacecraft, the null hypothesis cannot be excluded that these reports are other more prosaic phenomena that cannot be identified due to lack of complete information or due to the necessary subjectivity of the reports. Instead of accepting the null hypothesis, UFO enthusiasts tend to engage in special pleading by offering outlandish, untested explanations for the validity of the ETH; these violate Occam's razor. No scientific papers about UFOs have been published in peer-reviewed journals. There was, in the past, some debate in the scientific community about whether any scientific investigation into UFO sightings is warranted with the general conclusion being that the phenomenon was not worthy of serious investigation except as a cultural artifact.
UFOs have been the subject of investigations by various governments who have provided extensive records related to the subject. Many of the most involved government-sponsored investigations ended after agencies concluded that there was no benefit to continued investigation; the void left by the lack of institutional or scientific study has given rise to independent researchers and fringe groups, including the National Investigations Committee on Aerial Phenomena in the mid-20th century and, more the Mutual UFO Network and the Center for UFO Studies. The term "Ufology" is used to describe the collective efforts of those who study reports and associated evidence of unidentified flying objects. UFOs have become a prevalent theme in modern culture, the social phenomena have been the subject of academic research in sociology and psychology. Unexplained aerial observations have been reported throughout history; some were undoubtedly astronomical in nature: comets, bright meteors, one or more of the five planets that can be readily
Black people is a term used in certain countries in based systems of racial classification or of ethnicity, to describe persons who are perceived to be dark-skinned compared to other populations. As such, the meaning of the expression varies both between and within societies, depends on context. For many other individuals and countries, "black" is perceived as a derogatory, reductive or otherwise unrepresentative label, as a result is neither used nor defined. Different societies apply differing criteria regarding, classified as "black", these social constructs have changed over time. In a number of countries, societal variables affect classification as much as skin color, the social criteria for "blackness" vary. In the United Kingdom, "black" was equivalent with "person of color", a general term for non-European peoples. In South Africa and Latin America, mixed-race people are not classified as "black". In other regions such as Australasia, settlers applied the term "black" or it was used by local populations with different histories and ancestral backgrounds.
The Romans interacted with and conquered parts of Mauretania, an early state that covered modern Morocco, western Algeria, the Spanish cities Ceuta and Melilla during the classical period. The people of the region were noted in Classical literature as Mauri, subsequently rendered as Moors in English. Numerous communities of dark-skinned peoples are present in North Africa, some dating from prehistoric communities. Others are descendants of the historical Trans-Saharan trade in peoples and/or, after the Arab invasions of North Africa in the 7th century, descendants of slaves from the Arab Slave Trade in North Africa. In the 18th century, the Moroccan Sultan Moulay Ismail "the Warrior King" raised a corps of 150,000 black soldiers, called his Black Guard. According to Carlos Moore, resident scholar at Brazil's University of the State of Bahia, in the 21st century Afro-multiracials in the Arab world, including Arabs in North Africa, self-identify in ways that resemble multi-racials in Latin America.
He claims that black-looking Arabs, much like black-looking Latin Americans, consider themselves white because they have some distant white ancestry. Egyptian President Anwar Sadat had a mother, a dark-skinned Nubian Sudanese woman and a father, a lighter-skinned Egyptian. In response to an advertisement for an acting position, as a young man he said, "I am not white but I am not black either. My blackness is tending to reddish". Due to the patriarchal nature of Arab society, Arab men, including during the slave trade in North Africa, enslaved more black women than men, they used more black female slaves in domestic agriculture than males. The men interpreted the Qur'an to permit sexual relations between a male master and his female slave outside of marriage, leading to many mixed-race children; when an enslaved woman became pregnant with her Arab master's child, she was considered as umm walad or "mother of a child", a status that granted her privileged rights. The child was given rights of inheritance to the father's property, so mixed-race children could share in any wealth of the father.
Because the society was patrilineal, the children took their fathers' social status at birth and were born free. Some succeeded their fathers as rulers, such as Sultan Ahmad al-Mansur, who ruled Morocco from 1578 to 1608, he was not technically considered as a mixed-race child of a slave. In early 1991, non-Arabs of the Zaghawa tribe of Sudan attested that they were victims of an intensifying Arab apartheid campaign, segregating Arabs and non-Arabs. Sudanese Arabs, who controlled the government, were referred to as practicing apartheid against Sudan's non-Arab citizens; the government was accused of "deftly manipulat Arab solidarity" to carry out policies of apartheid and ethnic cleansing. American University economist George Ayittey accused the Arab government of Sudan of practicing acts of racism against black citizens. According to Ayittey, "In Sudan... the Arabs monopolized power and excluded blacks – Arab apartheid." Many African commentators joined Ayittey in accusing Sudan of practising Arab apartheid.
In the Sahara, the native Tuareg Berber populations kept "Negro" slaves. Most of these captives were of Nilotic extraction, were either purchased by the Tuareg nobles from slave markets in the Western Sudan or taken during raids, their origin is denoted via the Ahaggar Berber word Ibenheren, which alludes to slaves that only speak a Nilo-Saharan language. These slaves were sometimes known by the borrowed Songhay term Bella; the Sahrawi autochthones of the Western Sahara observed a class system consisting of high castes and low castes. Outside of these traditional tribal boundaries were "Negro" slaves, who were drawn from the surrounding areas. In parts of the Horn of Africa, the local Afroasiatic speaking populations have long adhered to a construct similar to that of the Sahara and Maghreb. In Ethiopia and Somalia, the slave classes consisted of individuals of Nilotic and Bantu origin who were collectively known as Shanqella and Adone; these captives and others of analogous morphology were distinguished as tsalim barya in contrast with the Afroasiatic-speaking nobles or saba qayh.
The earliest representation of this tradition dates from a seventh or eighth century BC inscription belonging to the Kingdom of Damat. In South Africa, the period of colonization resulted in many unions and marriages between European men and Bantu and Kho
Egyptians are an ethnic group native to Egypt and the citizens of that country sharing a common culture and a common dialect known as Egyptian Arabic. Egyptian identity is tied to geography; the population of Egypt is concentrated in the lower Nile Valley, the small strip of cultivable land stretching from the First Cataract to the Mediterranean and enclosed by desert both to the east and to the west. This unique geography has been the basis of the development of Egyptian society since antiquity; the daily language of the Egyptians is the local variety of Arabic, known as Egyptian Arabic or Masri. Additionally, a sizable minority of Egyptians living in Upper Egypt speak Sa'idi Arabic. Egyptians are predominantly adherents of Sunni Islam with a Shia minority and a significant proportion who follow native Sufi orders. A considerable percentage of Egyptians are Coptic Christians who belong to the Coptic Orthodox Church, whose liturgical language, Coptic, is the most recent stage of the ancient Egyptian language and is still used in prayers along with Egyptian Arabic.
Egyptians receive or have received several names: Egyptians, from Greek Αἰγύπτιοι, from Αἴγυπτος, Aiguptos "Egypt". The Greek name is derived from Late Egyptian Hikuptah "Memphis", a corruption of the earlier Egyptian name Hat-ka-Ptah, meaning "home of the ka of Ptah", the name of a temple to the god Ptah at Memphis. Strabo provided a folk etymology according to which Αἴγυπτος had evolved as a compound from Aἰγαίου ὑπτίως Aegaeou huptiōs, meaning "below the Aegean". In English, the noun "Egyptians" appears in the 14th century, in Wycliff's Bible, as Egipcions. Copts a derivative of the Greek word Αἰγύπτιος, that appeared under Muslim rule that overtooked the Roman rule in Egypt, to refer to the Egyptian locals and to separate them from the Arabs rulers. Coptic was the language of the state and people but got replaced by Arabic after the Muslim conquest, Islam became the dominant religion centuries after the Muslim conquest in Egypt due to centuries of conversion from Christianity to Islam due to the higher rate of tax on Christians despite a tax all Egyptians had to pay, the modern term became associated with Egyptian Christianity and Coptic Christians who are members of the Coptic Orthodox Church or Coptic Catholic Church, though references to native Muslims as Copts are attested until the Mamluk period.
Masryeen, the modern Egyptian name, which comes from the ancient Semitic name for Egypt and connoted "civilization" or "metropolis". Classical Arabic Miṣr is directly cognate with the Biblical Hebrew Mitsráyīm, meaning "the two straits", a reference to the predynastic separation of Upper and Lower Egypt. Edward William Lane writing in the 1820s, said that Egyptians called themselves El-Maṣreyyīn'the Egyptians', Ewlad Maṣr'the Children of Egypt' and Ahl Maṣr'the People of Egypt', he added that the Turks "stigmatized" the Egyptians with the name Ahl-Far'ūn or the'People of the Pharaoh'. / rmṯ n Km.t, the native Egyptian name of the people of the Nile Valley, literally'People of Kemet'. In antiquity, it was shortened to Rmṯ or "the people"; the name is vocalized as rem/en/kī/mi ⲣⲉⲙⲛ̀ⲭⲏⲙⲓ in the Coptic stage of the language, meaning "Egyptian". There are an estimated 92.1 million Egyptians. Most are native to Egypt. 84–90% of the population of Egypt are Muslim adherents and 10–15% are Christian adherents according to estimates.
The majority live near the banks of the Nile River. Close to half of the Egyptian people today are urban. A large influx of fellahin into urban cities, rapid urbanization of many rural areas since the early 20th century, have shifted the balance between the number of urban and rural citizens. Egyptians form smaller minorities in neighboring countries, North America and Australia. Egyptians tend to be provincial, meaning their attachment extends not only to Egypt but to the specific provinces and villages from which they hail. Therefore, return migrants, such as temporary workers abroad, come back to their region of origin in Egypt. According to the International Organization for Migration, an estimated 2.7 million Egyptians live abroad and contribute to the development of their country through remittances, circulation of human and social capital, as well as investment. 70% of Egyptian migrants live in Arab countries and the remaining 30% are living in Europe and North America. Their characteristic rootedness as Egyptians explained as the result of centuries as a farming people clinging to the banks of the Nile, is reflected in sights and atmosphere that are meaningful to all Egyptians.
Dominating the intangible pull of Egypt is the present Nile, more than a constant backdrop. Its varying colors and changing water levels signal the coming and going of the Nile flood that sets the rhythm of farming in a rainless country and holds the attention of all Egyptians. No Egyptian is far from his river and, except for t