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Bram Stoker Award

The Bram Stoker Award is a recognition presented annually by the Horror Writers Association for "superior achievement" in dark fantasy and horror writing. The Awards were established in 1987 and have been presented annually since 1988, the winners are selected by ballot of the Active members of the HWA, they are named after author of the novel Dracula, among others. Several members of the HWA—including Dean Koontz—were reluctant to endorse such writing awards, fearing it would incite competitiveness rather than friendly admiration; the HWA therefore went to lengths to avoid mean-spirited competition, they agreed to seek out new and neglected writers and works, issue Awards not based on "best of the year" criteria, but "for superior achievement", which allows for ties. Nominated works come from two different processes. Works can be recommended by any member of the HWA and a separate list of works is presented by a Jury for each category. Members with Active status vote on works appearing on preliminary ballots.

The field is thereby narrowed to the Final ballot. Winners of a Bram Stoker Award receive a statuette made by Society Awards; the terms Bram Stoker Award and Bram Stoker Awards are registered trademarks of the Horror Writers Association. As of 2019, Stephen King holds the record for wins. Other past award winners include: Official Website Stokercon 2018

Oxford University Liberal Democrats

Oxford University Liberal Democrats is the student branch of the Liberal Democrats for students at the University of Oxford, with the purpose to support, develop and promote the policies and candidates of the Liberal Democrats and liberal values within Oxford and the University. It is affiliated with the federal Young Liberals, is involved in activism and campaigning alongside YL; the former President of OULD, Finn Conway is currently Chair of Young Liberals. It is the official successor to both the Oxford University Liberal Club and the Oxford University Social Democrats, which voted to merge early in 1987, about a year in advance of the national parties; the Oxford University Liberal Club was founded in 1913, with the stated aim to "rally progressive members of the University to the support of Liberal principles". Its foundation date makes it the oldest political society founded at an English university, it was formed from a merger of two older Liberal societies at Oxford, the Russell Club, the Palmerston Club, both of which dated to at least the 1870s, had as their goals the promotion of liberal politics.

Around in the early 1900s was a society called the'Liberal League', founded "in defence of free trade". Holding premises on the corner of Cornmarket Street and George Street, open for the majority of the day, the society was modelled after the usual gentlemen's clubs of the day, before the arrival of World War One and the general reduction in the student body of Oxford; the society faced further problems in the 1920s, as around half of its members defected and joined the newly established Labour Club, as well as the New Reform Club, a pro-Lloyd George group, reflecting the division of the national Liberal Party at the time. Revitalisation occurred with the coming to the fore of Harold Wilson, Treasurer in Hilary 1935, along with Frank Byers as President and Raymond Walton as Secretary. Efforts made to provide a stronger draw to the society - including the institution of a society newspaper and library - had membership treble to over 300. Membership continued to grow during and after the war, with its peak hit under the Presidency of Jeremy Thorpe in 1950, of over 1000 members.

By this point, the Liberal Club had become more of a social club, including drinking events and parties, some of which are continued by the society in its modern form. Turbulence for the national party meant turbulence for the society itself and the party's catastrophic collapse in the 1960s, combined with mergers throughout the late 1970s and 1980s, led to a smaller membership and a series of renamings and mergers for the society at large. After merging the Oxford University Liberal Club and the Oxford University Social Democrats in 1987, the society in its present structure was formed, with a smaller membership focussed more on campaigning, but maintaining the social functions from its post-war heyday. Recent years have seen a resurgence in numbers - after the 2015 general election, attendance at the society's weekly meetings more than trebled from an average of around 15 to an average of around 50, with further increases after the 2017 general election to over 100. In Michaelmas 2016, following the Labour Party leadership crisis, it was announced that for the first time in decades, OULD had surpassed the Labour Club in size of signups, event attendance, overall subscription.

The society is run by a committee as established under the society's Constitution, with elections taking place at the end of each term. The constitution may be changed by a majority at the Termly General Meeting or an Extraordinary General Meeting, called by Senior Officers or seven members of the society, with any member being able to submit amendments. At the Termly General Meeting the President and Treasurer must both submit reports on the state of the society and its accounts; the committee is elected each term and is made up of a President, President-elect, Secretary as well as a number of Junior Officers and General Committee members who oversee social events and the main society meeting each week,'Spirited Discussions'. The President-elect is elected a term in advance of their term as President, the Treasurer is elected for two terms, all other Officers and General Committee members are elected at the end of a term to serve in the next term. There are a number of appointed committee roles, such as the LGBT+ Officer, the Women's Officer, the Social Backgrounds Officer, the Ethnic Minorities Officer, the IT Officer, the Charities Officer, the Editor and the Returning and Deputy Returning Officers.

The society has a Honorary President former Liberal Democrat Chief Whip and MP for North Cornwall Lord Tyler, who speaks at the society and hosts an annual tour of the Palace of Westminster. There is a Senior Member, as constitutionally required by the Proctors, a member of academic staff who oversees the Society, signs off on the accounts and has a role within the internal disputes and disciplinary procedures. For a full list of Former Presidents, see Former Presidents of Oxford University Liberal Club and Oxford University Liberal Democrats, its members are active in local campaigns in parliamentary elections. Towards the late 20th century, Oxford West and Abingdon was a ConservativeLiberal Democrat marginal, it returned Dr Evan Harris from 1997 until 2010, when he was defeated by Nicola Blackwood, a Conservative candidate. However, in the 2017 election the constituency was won by Layla Moran, thereby swinging it back to the Liberal Democrats. In neighboring Oxford East, traditionally a safe Labour seat, there was an 11.2% swing towards the Lib Dems in 2005 general election.

The margin of victory for Andrew Smith in 2005 was 963 votes - a 90% decrease from 2001. However

Perth Cultural Centre

The Perth Cultural Centre is an area of central Perth, Western Australia, centred on the James Street Mall. It is home to a number of cultural institutions including the Art Gallery of Western Australia, Western Australian Museum, State Library of Western Australia, State Records Office, State Theatre Centre of Western Australia, Perth Institute of Contemporary Arts; the Perth Cultural Centre precinct is bound by Roe Street, Aberdeen Street, Beaufort Street and William Street in the suburb of Perth. A walkway – Gallery Walk, named to commemorate the 100th anniversary of the WA Art Gallery – connects the Cultural Centre to Perth railway station. From 1 July 2018, the Perth Theatre Trust took over responsibility for the management and activation of the Perth Cultural Centre from the Metropolitan Redevelopment Authority. Picabar, bar adjacent to the Perth Institute of Contemporary Arts Official website

Xiuhtecuhtli

In Aztec mythology, was the god of fire and heat. He was the lord of volcanoes, the personification of life after death, warmth in cold, light in darkness and food during famine, he was named Cuezaltzin and Ixcozauhqui, is sometimes considered to be the same as Huehueteotl, although Xiuhtecuhtli is shown as a young deity. His wife was Chalchiuhtlicue. Xiuhtecuhtli is sometimes considered to be a manifestation of Ometecuhtli, the Lord of Duality, according to the Florentine Codex Xiuhtecuhtli was considered to be the father of the Gods, who dwelled in the turquoise enclosure in the center of earth. Xiuhtecuhtli-Huehueteotl was one of the most revered of the indigenous pantheon; the cult of the God of Fire, of the Year, of Turquoise began as far back as the middle Preclassic period. Turquoise was the symbolic equivalent of fire for Aztec priests. A small fire was permanently kept alive at the sacred center of every Aztec home in honor of Xiuhtecuhtli; the Nahuatl word xihuitl means "year" as well as "turquoise" and "fire", Xiuhtecuhtli was the god of the year and of time.

The Lord of the Year concept came from the Aztec belief. In the 260-day ritual calendar, the deity was the patron of the day Atl and with the trecena 1 Coatl. Xiuhtecuhtli was one of the nine Lords of the Night and ruled the first hour of the night, named Cipactli. Scholars have long emphasized that this fire deity has aquatic qualities. Xiuhtecuhtli dwelt inside an enclosure of turquoise stones, fortifying himself with turquoise bird water, he is the god of fire in relation to the cardinal directions, just as the brazier for lighting fire is the center of the house or temple. Xiuhtecuhtli was the patron god of the Aztec emperors, who were regarded as his living embodiment at their enthronement; the deity was one of the patron gods of the pochteca merchant class. Stone sculptures of Xiuhtecuhtli were ritually buried as offerings, various statuettes have been recovered during excavations at the Great Temple of Tenochtitlan with which he was associated. Statuettes of the deity from the temple depict.

A sacred fire was always kept burning in the temples of Xiuhtecuhtli. In gratitude for the gift of fire, the first mouthful of food from each meal was flung into the hearth. Xiuhtecuhtli's face is painted with red pigment. Xiuhtecuhtli was depicted adorned with turquoise mosaic, wearing the turquoise xiuhuitzolli crown of rulership on his head and a turquoise butterfly pectoral on his chest, he wears a descending turquoise xiuhtototl bird on his forehead and the Xiuhcoatl fire serpent on his back, he owns fire serpent earplugs. On his head he has a paper crown painted with different motifs. On top of the crown there are sprays of green feathers, like flames from a fire, he has feather tufts to like pendants, toward his ears. On his back he has plumage resembling a dragon's head, made of yellow feathers with marine conch shells, he has copper bells tied to the insteps of his feet. In his left hand he holds a shield with five greenstones, called chalchihuites, placed in the form of a cross on a thin gold plate that covered all the shield.

In his right hand he has a kind of scepter, a round gold plate with a hole in the middle, topped by two globes, one larger than the other, the smaller one had a point. Xiuhtecuhtli is associated with youthful warriors and with rulership, was considered a solar god, his principal symbols are the tecpatl and the mamalhuatzin, the two sticks that were rubbed together to light ceremonial fires. A staff with a deer's head was an attribute of Xiuhtecuhtli, although not so as it could be associated with Xochiquetzal and other deities. Many of the attributes of Xiuhtecuhtli are found associated with Early Postclassic Toltec warriors but clear representations of the god are not common until the Late Postclassic; the nahual, or spirit form, of Xiuhtecuhtli is the Fire Serpent. Xiuhtecuhtli was embodied in the teotecuilli, the sacrificial brazier into which sacrificial victims were cast during the New Fire ceremony; this took place at the end of each cycle of the Aztec calendar round, when the gods were thought to be able to end their covenant with humanity.

Feasts were held in honor of Xiuhtecuhtli to keep his favors, human sacrifices were burned after removing their heart. The annual festival of Xiuhtecuhtli was celebrated in the 18th veintena of the year; the Nahuatl word izcalli means "stone house" and refers to the building where maize used to be dried and roasted between mid-January and mid-February. The whole month was therefore devoted to fire; the Izcalli rituals grew in importance every four years. A framework image of the deity was constructed from wood and was richly finished with clothing, feathers and an elaborate mask. Quails were sacrificed to the idol and their blood spilt before it and copal was burnt in his honour. On the day of the festival, the priests of Xiuhtecuhtli spent the day dancing and singing before their god. People caught animals, including mammals, snakes and fish, for ten days before the festival in order to throw them into the hearth on the night of the festival. On the tenth day of Izcalli, during a festival called huauhquiltamalcualiztli, the New Fire was lighted, signifying the change of the annual cycle and the rebirth of the fire deity.

During the night the image of the god was lit with using the mamalhuatzin. Food was consumed ritua

Rona MacKie

Rona McLeod, Lady Black, CBE, FRSE, FMedSci, FRCP, FRCPath, known professionally by her first husband's surname, MacKie, is a Scottish dermatologist. Rona McLeod Davidson was born in Dundee on 22 May 1940, the daughter of Professor James Norman Davidson, CBE, PRSE, FRS, his wife Dr Morag, née McLeod, her father was Gardiner Professor of Biochemistry at the University of Glasgow from 1947 to 1972. Davidson attended Channing School and Laurel Bank School, before studying at the University of Glasgow, she has been married twice. By her first husband, she had two children. Mackie held junior posts in Glasgow hospitals between completing her medical qualifications and obtaining her doctorate in 1970, she became a member of the Royal College of Physicians in 1971. Between 1971 and 1972, she was a lecturer in Dermatology at her alma mater, but spent six years as a Consultant Dermatologist with the Greater Glasgow Health Board. In 1978, she returned to Glasgow University as a Professor Dermatology and remained in the post until 2001, when she was appointed a senior research fellow in the Faculty of Medicine.

Mackie's principle interest is skin cancer melanoma. Mackie has received a range of honours. In 1983, she was elected a fellow of the Royal Society of Edinburgh. In 1994, Glagow conferred on her a higher doctorate. In 1998, she was among the founding fellows of the Academy of Medical Sciences and the next year the British Association of Dermatologists awarded her the Sir Archibald Grey Medal. In the 1999 Birthday Honours, Mackie was appointed a Commander of the Order of the British Empire, she received the Bicentenary Medal from the Royal Society of Edinburgh in 2007 and the Medal for Dermatological Research from the British Society for Investigative Dermatology two years later

Emiliano Zapata

Emiliano Zapata Salazar was a leading figure in the Mexican Revolution, the main leader of the peasant revolution in the state of Morelos, the inspiration of the agrarian movement called Zapatismo. Zapata was born in the rural village of Anenecuilco in Morelos State, where peasant communities were under increasing pressure from the small landowning class who monopolized land and water resources for sugar cane production with the support of dictator Porfirio Díaz. Zapata early on participated in political movements against Diaz and the landowning hacendados, when the Revolution broke out in 1910 he was positioned as a central leader of the peasant revolt in Morelos. Cooperating with a number of other peasant leaders he formed the Liberation Army of the South, of which he soon became the undisputed leader. Zapata's forces contributed to the fall of Díaz, defeating the Federal Army in the Battle of Cuautla, but when the revolutionary leader Francisco I. Madero became president. In November 1911, Zapata promulgated the Plan de Ayala which called for substantial land reforms, redistributing lands to the peasants.

Madero sent the Federal Army to root out the Zapatistas in Morelos. Madero's generals employed a scorched earth policy, burning villages and forcibly removing their inhabitants, drafting many men into the Army or sending them to forced labor camps in southern Mexico; this strengthened Zapata's standing among the peasants, Zapata was able to drive the forces of Madero led by Victoriano Huerta out of Morelos. In a coup against Madero in February 1913, Huerta took power in Mexico, but a coalition of Constitutionalist forces in northern Mexico led by Venustiano Carranza, Álvaro Obregón and Francisco "Pancho" Villa ousted him in July 1914 with the support of Zapata's troops. Zapata did not recognize the authority that Carranza asserted as leader of the revolutionary movement, continuing his adherence to the Plan de Ayala. In the aftermath of the revolutionaries' victory over Huerta, they attempted to sort out power relations in the Convention of Aguascalientes. Zapata and Villa broke with Carranza, Mexico descended into civil war among the winners.

Dismayed with the alliance with Villa, Zapata focused his energies on rebuilding society in Morelos which he now controlled, instituting the land reforms of the Plan de Ayala. As Carranza consolidated his power and defeated Villa in 1915, Zapata initiated guerrilla warfare against the Carrancistas, who in turn invaded Morelos, employing once again scorched-earth tactics to oust the Zapatista rebels. Zapata once again retook Morelos in 1917 and held most of the state against Carranza's troops until he was killed in an ambush in April 1919. Article 27 of the 1917 Mexican Constitution was drafted in response to his agrarian demands. After his death, Zapatista generals aligned with Obregón against Carranza and helped drive Carranza from power. In 1920, Zapatistas managed to obtain powerful posts in the governance of Morelos after Carranza's fall, they instituted many of the land reforms envisioned by Zapata in Morelos. Zapata remains an iconic figure in Mexico, used both as a nationalist symbol as well as a symbol of the neo-Zapatista movement.

Emiliano Zapata was born to Gabriel Zapata and Cleofas Jertrudiz Salazar of Anenecuilco, Morelos, a well-known local family. Zapata's family were Mexicans of Nahua and Spanish ancestry. Emiliano was the ninth of ten children, and three brothers: Pedro, Eufemio Zapata and Loreto. The Zapata family were descended from the Zapata of Mapaztlán, his maternal grandfather, José Salazar, served in the army of José María Morelos y Pavón during the siege of Cuautla. From a family of farmers, Emiliano Zapata had insight into the severe difficulties of the countryside and his village's long struggle to regain land taken by expanding haciendas, he received a limited education from his teacher, Emilio Vara, but it included "the rudiments of bookkeeping". At the age of 16 or 17, Zapata had to care for his family following his father's death. Emiliano was entrepreneurial, buying a team of mules to haul maize from farms to town, as well as bricks to the Hacienda of Chinameca, he was a skilled competed in rodeos and races, as well as bullfighting from horseback.

These skills as a horseman brought him work as a horse trainer for Porfirio Díaz's son-in-law, who had a hacienda nearby, served Zapata well as a revolutionary leader. He had a striking appearance, with a large mustache in which he took pride, good quality clothing described by his loyal secretary: "General Zapata's dress until his death was a charro outfit: tight-fitting black cashmere pants with silver buttons, a broad charro hat, a fine linen shirt or jacket, a scarf around his neck, boots of a single piece, Amozoqueña-style spurs, a pistol at his belt." In an undated studio photo, Zapata is dressed in a standard business suit and tie, projecting an image of a man of means. Around the turn of the 20th century, Anenecuilco was a mixed Spanish-speaking mestizo and indigenous Nahuatl-speaking pueblo, it had a long history of protesting the local haciendas taking community members' land, its leaders gathered colonial-era documentation of their land titles to prove their claims. Some of the colonial documentation was in Nahuatl, with contemporary translations to Spanish for use in legal cases in the Spanish cou