The Brazilian Democratic Movement is a Brazilian centrist political party. Under military rule from 1965 to 1979, Brazil had a enforced two party system, with supporters of the regime gathered under the National Renewal Alliance Party umbrella, the official opposition making up the MDB; the MDB comprised nearly all of the Brazilian Labour Party and the main body of the Social Democratic Party. For much of the first decade-and-a-half of the military dictatorship, ARENA had large majorities in the federal and state legislatures, the MDB was powerless. Since the president was indirectly elected by Congress, ARENA's candidate–in practice, selected by the military high command–could not be defeated; the MDB did not put forward candidates in the first post-coup elections, in 1966 and 1969. While the MDB did put forward presidential candidates in 1974 and 1978, they were soundly defeated. From 1979 onwards, a restricted number of parties were allowed, nearly all of the old MDB reorganized as PMDB; the MDB had been a big tent party uniting nearly all of the opposition to the military dictatorship.
As such, it harboured elements ranging across the political spectrum. PMDB had a similar character to its predecessor, including a range of politicians from conservatives such as José Sarney to liberals such as Pedro Simon, leftists like Roberto Requião, populists like Íris Resende, nationalists like Orestes Quércia and the former guerilla movement MR-8. In 1985, party leader Tancredo Neves died before taking office, his running mate José Sarney, who had joined the party after defecting from the political wing of the military, became president, serving until 1990. Up until 2016, he was the only president of Brazil to come from the party. In recent presidential elections the party has not run candidates of its own, preferring to focus on congressional and governatorial elections. At the legislative elections on 6 October 2002, the party won 74 out of 513 seats in the Chamber of Deputies and 19 out of 81 seats in the Senate, making it one of the biggest parties in Brazil; the party decided not to launch a candidate for the 2006 presidential election in order to be free to join any coalition in the states.
Under Brazilian electoral law parties launching presidential candidates could not form alliances at the state level that differed at the national level. At the congressional elections in October 2006, PMDB won 89 of 513 seats in the Chamber of Deputies, becoming its biggest party. PMDB won seven state gubernatorial elections in the same election. In 2010 the party made gains in the Senate, winning 16 of the elected seats for a total of 20, it was somewhat weakened in other elections, winning 79 seats in the Chamber of Deputies and winning five state governorships. Notable PMDB members included: Wanderlei Silva, Tancredo Neves, Ulysses Guimarães, Itamar Franco, Orestes Quércia, Michel Temer, Anthony Garotinho, José Sarney, Renan Calheiros, Pedro Simon, Roberto Requião, Germano Rigotto, Paulo Skaf, Ramez Tebet, Marcelo Fortuna, Iris Rezende and Maguito Vilela. On March 29, 2016, PMDB announced that it was leaving the coalition with the Workers' Party following accusations against President Dilma Rousseff and former president Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva of corruption.
The PMDB supported the impeachment process against Dilma Rousseff. After the impeachment process began, vice president Michel Temer formed a new center-right liberal coalition government with PSDB and other parties, he was confirmed as president as Dilma was permanently removed from office by the Senate on August, 31st 2016, thus becoming the second Brazilian president to hail from PMDB. On December 19, 2017, the party reverted to Brazilian Democratic Movement; the movement was seen as an attempt to renew party identity. The initials PMDB had become associated with corruption and cronyism, while the original acronym was associated with the struggle for democracy, according to party leader, Romero Jucá; the party announced a program based on economic liberalism, fiscal conservatism and greater openness to sectors of civil society such as evangelicals and environmentalists. The party made it clear that it will prioritize parliamentarians who agree with the new positions of the party, interpreted by many as a warning that rebel parliamentarians the senator from Paraná, Roberto Requião associated with the Brazilian nationalist left, Renan Calheiros, the President of the Federal Senate, considered one of the most powerful personalities of Brazilian politics, but shows little alignment with Temer's government and propositions of economic liberalism, can be excluded from the party.
A few days earlier, Senator Kátia Abreu of Tocantins was expelled from the party for her support of the opposition for her firm stance against the pension reform, as an alignment to the PT of whom she had been allied in the mandate of Dilma Rousseff, an end of PMDB as a big-tent party. The PMDB is the Brazilian political party; the company's "institutional relations" manager, Melo Filho, says he can find among the PMDB senators "the parliamentarians most devoted to the group's interests", but those "who asked for the highest contributions". The predecessor of the party, MDB, was founded as a legal, civil movement of opposition to Brazilian military governme
The Hawkesbury Advocate was an English language broadsheet newspaper published in Windsor, New South Wales, Australia. The Hawkesbury Advocate was published from 1899 - 1900. Rod and Wendy Gow created an index to Hawkesbury local newspapers, including Hawkesbury advocate newspaper index 1899 to 1900 / GOW; the paper has been digitised as part of the Australian Newspapers Digitisation Program project of the National Library of Australia. List of newspapers in Australia List of newspapers in New South Wales Hawkesbury Advocate at Trove Press timeline: Select chronology of significant Australian press events to 2011 The birth of the newspaper in Australia Australian Newspaper History: A Bibliography Isaacs, Kirkpatrick and Russell, John. Isaacs, Victor.
Orchestra Safari Sound was a major Tanzanian muziki wa dansi band in the 1970s. Along with Orchestra Maquis Original, OSS contributed to the evolution of dansi, introducing a slower-paced and more melodic style that further differentiated dansi from its ancestor genre, the Congolese soukous; the band was led by one of the most popular musicians in Tanzanian pop music. As a difference with respect to most dansi bands, that were managed by government institutions, OSS was the property of an entrepreneur, Hugo Kisima. In 1985, Kisima disbanded OSS to found another successful ensemble, International Orchestra Safari Sound. Numerous music groups have positioned Tanzania on the international map. Indeed, regardless of the famed bongo fava, a type of music that has rattled entire sub-Saharan Africa, the post-independence era marked the growth and development of some of the lost famed musical groups in the East African nation. Among the most popular musical groups in post-independence Tanzania the international orchestra safari sound was the most popular musical group in the nation.
Many music groups in Tanzania and greater east African in the post-independence era were aggressive in their marketing and strategic popularization approaches after emancipation and freedom from the British rule. Such aggressiveness was not beneficial since it led to the fragmentation of such music groups. Hence, the IOSS adopted a similar trend, an aspect that restrained its lifespan from 1985 to 1992. During its formative years, the IOSS was instrumental in inspiring various musicians that subsequently emerged to fame and steered Tanzania’s music industry to its current standings within the sub-Saharan entertainment industry. For example, research by Rosenberg illustrates an inextricable link between the music style of the IOSS as well as the current conventional famed trends of bongo fava; the inherent need to reflect Tanzania’s culture and typical aspects of daily was an underlying core to the IOSS. Hence, the IOSS established a form and theme that underscored the principles and verbal art of Tanzania, which subsequently propagated to the current generation.
Furthermore though the IOSS has been a reserved and a conservative faction, it inspired a generation of bongo fava that metamorphosed the Tanzania music to reflect the thriving urban culture and the new generation that had tasted globalization. Jens Finke, Rough Guides 2003, p. 783. Graebner, W.. The Legacy of Tanzanian Musicians Muhidin Gurumo and Hassan Bitchuka. Rhumba Kiserebuka! Rosenberg, A. L.. Form and theme as unifying principles in Tanzanian verbal art: elieshi Lema and orchestra ddc Mlimani Park. Wasafiri, 26, 40-49. Suriano, M..'Mimi ni msanii, kioo cha jamii'urban youth culture in Tanzania as seen through Bongo Fleva and Hip-Hop
Walk, Don't Run, Vol. 2 is the 16th studio album by The Ventures, released in 1964. It features "Walk Don't Run'64," an updated recording of the Johnny Smith cover. S. with that same composition. The album includes a rendition of blues classic "The House of the Rising Sun," and "Rap City," the Ventures' arrangement of Brahms' Hungarian Dance No. 5. The original Walk, Don't Run album cover from 1960 featured employees from Liberty Records' stockroom, falling over instruments behind a walking model. For the new album, the genuine group is shown on the floor in more relaxed poses; the model standing in front of them is Nancy Bacon, guitarist Don Wilson's wife at the time. The new Walk, Don't Run, Vol. 2 album was another hit for The Ventures, peaking at #17 on Billboard and #18 on Cashbox. In his review for Allmusic, critic Fred Thomas called the album "the standard Ventures experience, though a bit on the livelier side in its song selections... All said, most Ventures records are pretty similar, but the bright moments on Walk, Don't Run, Vol. 2 hint at the band relaxing and having a little bit more fun than usual."
"House of the Rising Sun" – 2:59 "Diamond Head" – 2:06 "Night Train" – 2:34 "Peach Fuzz" – 2:24 "Rap City" – 2:03 "Blue Star" – 2:17 "Walk, Don't Run'64" – 2:27 "Night Walk" – 2:36 "One Mint Julep" – 2:17 "Pedal Pusher" – 2:30 "The Creeper" – 2:23 "Stranger on the Shore" – 2:28 Bob Bogle – bass Don Wilson – guitar Nokie Edwards – guitar Mel Taylor – drums Dick Glasser – producer “Lanky” Linstrot – engineer Eddie Brackett – engineer Jim Lockert – engineer Henry Lewy – engineer
The Grand Central Hotel was an early hotel establishment located at 14th and Farnam Streets in downtown Omaha, Nebraska. The Grand Central was built as Omaha's premier lodging after the Herndon House became the Union Pacific Headquarters. After the Herndon House was converted to the Union Pacific Headquarters, Omaha had no large hotel. To alleviate the situation, a syndicate was formed to raise $130,000 to erect the Grand Central Hotel. Construction was begun in 1870, but halted with only the walls and roof complete when funds were exhausted, it sat unfinished for nearly two years. Another syndicate raised; when it opened in 1873, advertisements claimed the Grand Central to be "the largest and best hotel between Chicago and San Francisco." The building sat on limestone foundation and architectural details included limestone lintels and sills, a mansard roof. The interior details included imported chandeliers and mirrors; the hotel immediately ran into financial difficulties. In 1878, a $100,000 mortgage was foreclosed.
On August 18, 1878, the hotel was bought at auction by Augustus Kountze. George Thrall leased the hotel from Kountze and assumed its management. In the summer of 1878, the Kitchen Brothers took over the lease and began extensive renovations, including the installation of an elevator. On the evening of September 4, 1878 a fire broke out. Five firefighters died battling the fire that destroyed the hotel, it was determined that an unattended candle left by a careless worker had caused the fire. The Grand Central Hotel catastrophe proved to be the impetus that moved Omaha’s fire department from volunteer to professional status. In 1882 the original Paxton Hotel was built on the site as a replacement hotel for the city. History of Omaha Historic Photo of Grand Central Hotel Interior View Grand Central Hotel Grand Central Hotel Ruins
The Battle of Albarracín took place in Albarracín and surrounding areas between July 5 and August 11, 1937, during the Spanish Civil War. The Aragon front was, from the beginning of the war, a secondary front, but a primary objective for the Republicans; the Nationalists maintained a weak position, defending a large line which stretched from the Pyrenees to the city of Teruel, from there down to the Montes Universales and the birth of the Tagus. Thus, it was a tempting target to the numerically superior Republican troops Huesca and Teruel, which were besieged. In order to support the Republican offensive at Brunete and to force the Nationalists to maintain their troops in this front, the Republicans in Aragon planned to launch a small offensive at Albarracín. In rapid deployment on the heights that surround Albarracín, forces of the 42nd Republican division took positions to attack the city; the town was weakly garrisoned and the Republicans were in a commanding position. On July 5, the Republicans broke through enemy lines and on the 7th they made it into the city.
The inhabitants were conquered and in its entirety, with the exceptions of two concentrated pockets of resistance in the barracks of the Guardia Civil and the cathedral, composed of civilians with some Nationalist military support. The 60th mixed brigade did most of the operation. On the other hand, the majority of the 59th Brigade was directed towards Gea de Albarracín to reinforce the positions while the 61st brigade went to Monterde. After the Republican advance, most of the Francoist defenders took positions on the higher part of Albarracín while the Aviación Nacional bombarded the Republican enclaves; the rebel forces, composed of units of the Legion and Moroccan Regulars, began their advance on the roads penetrating the Sierra de Albarracín Comarca. On July 9, the Nationalist troops reorganized to form three columns under the command of General Miguel Ponte; the Republican troops received orders on July 11 to maintain their position in Albarracín at all costs and to wipe out the Francoist resistance which remained in some of the buildings of the city, without food or water since the 8th.
The Nationalists mounted a counterattack which beat back Republicans and on the 14th of July, Ponte's troops broke through the Republican positions and retook Albarracín. On the 16th, amid fierce Republican resistance and hard fighting, the Nationalists recovered all the positions they had lost at the beginning of the offensive. Taking advantage of the momentum from the counterattack, the Nationalists moved towards the Montes Universales and again broke through the Republican resistance, unable to cope with the rebel advance, on the 21st the rebels took over several Republican towns. On July 31, the Republicans forces disintegrated in the face of the Nationalist offensive, which continued through the Montes Universales; the Nationalists halted their advance and military actions ended on August 11. The battle had no influence on either the Aragon front or the Battle of Brunete, although the nationalists moved forward a few kilometers and conquered some inhabitants, reinforcing their defensive positions on the southern flank of Teruel.
This area remained calm until the end of the war