Italian Fascism known as Classical Fascism or Fascism, is the original fascist ideology as developed in Italy. The ideology is associated with a series of three political parties led by Benito Mussolini, namely the Fascist Revolutionary Party founded in 1915, the succeeding National Fascist Party, renamed at the Third Fascist Congress on 7–10 November 1921 and ruled the Kingdom of Italy from 1922 until 1943 and the Republican Fascist Party that ruled the Italian Social Republic from 1943 to 1945. Italian Fascism is associated with the post-war Italian Social Movement and subsequent Italian neo-fascist movements. Italian Fascism was rooted in Italian nationalism, national syndicalism, revolutionary nationalism and the desire to restore and expand Italian territories, which Italian Fascists deemed necessary for a nation to assert its superiority and strength and to avoid succumbing to decay. Italian Fascists claimed that modern Italy is the heir to ancient Rome and its legacy and supported the creation of an Italian Empire to provide spazio vitale for colonization by Italian settlers and to establish control over the Mediterranean Sea.
Italian Fascism promoted a corporatist economic system whereby employer and employee syndicates are linked together in associations to collectively represent the nation's economic producers and work alongside the state to set national economic policy. This economic system intended to resolve class conflict through collaboration between the classes. Italian Fascism opposed liberalism classical liberalism that Mussolini and Fascist leaders denounced as "the debacle of individualism", but rather than seeking a reactionary restoration of the pre-French Revolutionary world which it considered to have been flawed, it had a forward-looking direction. Fascism was opposed to Marxist socialism because of its typical opposition to nationalism, but it was opposed to the reactionary conservatism developed by Joseph de Maistre, it believed the success of Italian nationalism required respect for tradition and a clear sense of a shared past among the Italian people, alongside a commitment to a modernised Italy.
While Fascism in Italy did not espouse the explicit Nordicism and antisemitism inherent to Nazi ideology, racist overtones were present in Fascist thought and policies from the beginning of Fascist rule of Italy. As Fascist Italy and Nazi Germany grew politically closer in the latter half of the 1930s, Italian laws and policies became explicitly antisemitic, including the passage of the Italian Racial Laws; when the Fascists were in power, they persecuted the Greek speakers in Italy. Italian Fascism is based upon Italian nationalism and in particular seeks to complete what it considers as the incomplete project of Risorgimento by incorporating Italia Irredenta into the state of Italy; the National Fascist Party founded in 1921 declared that the party was to serve as "a revolutionary militia placed at the service of the nation. It follows a policy based on three principles: order, hierarchy", it identifies modern Italy as the heir to the Roman Empire and Italy during the Renaissance and promotes the cultural identity of Romanitas.
Italian Fascism sought to forge a strong Italian Empire as a Third Rome, identifying ancient Rome as the First Rome and Renaissance-era Italy as the Second Rome. Italian Fascism has emulated ancient Rome and Mussolini in particular emulated ancient Roman leaders, such as Julius Caesar as a model for the Fascists' rise to power and Augustus as a model for empire-building. Italian Fascism has directly promoted imperialism, such as within the Doctrine of Fascism, ghostwritten by Giovanni Gentile on behalf of Mussolini: The Fascist state is a will to power and empire; the Roman tradition is here a powerful force. According to the Doctrine of Fascism, an empire is not only a territorial or military or mercantile concept, but a spiritual and moral one. One can think of an empire, that is, a nation, which directly or indirectly guides other nations, without the need to conquer a single square kilometre of territory. Fascism emphasized the need for the restoration of the Mazzinian Risorgimento tradition that pursued the unification of Italy, that the Fascists claimed had been left incomplete and abandoned in the Giolittian-era Italy.
Fascism sought the incorporation of claimed "unredeemed" territories to Italy. To the east of Italy, the Fascists claimed that Dalmatia was a land of Italian culture whose Italians, including those of Italianized South Slavic descent, had been driven out of Dalmatia and into exile in Italy, supported the return of Italians of Dalmatian heritage. Mussolini identified Dalmatia as having strong Italian cultural roots for centuries via the Roman Empire and the Republic of Venice; the Fascists focused their claims based on the Venetian cultural heritage of Dalmatia, claiming that Venetian rule had been beneficial for all Dalmatians and had been accepted by the Dalmatian population. The Fascists were outraged after World War I, when the agreement between Italy and the Entente Allies in the Treaty of London of 1915 to have Dalmatia join Italy was revoked in 1919; the Fascist regime supported annexation of Yugoslavia's region of Slovenia into Italy that held a portion of the Slovene population, whereby Slovenia would become an Italian province, resulting in a quarter of Slovene ethnic territory and 327,000 out of total population of 1.3 million Slovenes being subjected to forced Italianization.
The Fascist regime imposed mandatory Italianization upon the German and South Slavic populations living within Italy's borders. The Fascist regime abolished the teaching of minority German and Slavic languag
The Protocols of the Elders of Zion
The Protocols of the Elders of Zion or The Protocols of the Meetings of the Learned Elders of Zion is a fabricated antisemitic text purporting to describe a Jewish plan for global domination. The hoax, shown to be plagiarized from several earlier sources, some not antisemitic in nature, was first published in Russia in 1903, translated into multiple languages, disseminated internationally in the early part of the 20th century. According to the claims made by some of its publishers, the Protocols are the minutes of a late 19th-century meeting where Jewish leaders discussed their goal of global Jewish hegemony by subverting the morals of Gentiles, by controlling the press and the world's economies. Henry Ford funded printing of 500,000 copies that were distributed throughout the United States in the 1920s; the Nazis sometimes used the Protocols as propaganda against Jews. It is still available today in numerous languages, in print and on the Internet, continues to be presented by some proponents as a genuine document.
The Protocols is a fabricated document purporting to be factual. Textual evidence shows that it could not have been produced prior to 1901, it is notable that the title of Sergei Nilus's distributed edition contains the dates "1902–1903", it is that the document was written at this time in Russia, despite Nilus' attempt to cover this up by inserting French-sounding words into his edition. Cesare G. De Michelis argues that it was manufactured in the months after a Russian Zionist congress in September 1902, that it was a parody of Jewish idealism meant for internal circulation among antisemites until it was decided to clean it up and publish it as if it were real. Self-contradictions in various testimonies show that the individuals involved—including the text's initial publisher, Pavel Krushevan—deliberately obscured the origins of the text and lied about it in the decades afterwards. If the placement of the forgery in 1902–1903 Russia is correct it was written at the beginning of the anti-Jewish pogroms in the Russian Empire, in which thousands of Jews died or fled the country.
Many of the people whom De Michelis suspects of involvement in the forgery were directly responsible for inciting the pogroms. Towards the end of the 18th century, following the Partitions of Poland, the Russian Empire inherited the world's largest Jewish population; the Jews lived in shtetls in the West of the Empire, in the Pale of Settlement and until the 1840s, local Jewish affairs were organised through the qahal, the semi-autonomous Jewish government, including for purposes of taxation and conscription into the Imperial Russian Army. Following the ascent of liberalism in Europe, the Russian ruling class became more hardline in its reactionary policies, upholding the banner of Orthodoxy and Nationality, whereby non-Orthodox and non-Russian subjects, including the Jews, were not always embraced. Jews who attempted to assimilate were regarded with suspicion as potential "infiltrators" trying to "take over society", while Jews who remained attached to traditional Jewish culture were resented as undesirable aliens.
Resentment towards Jews, for the aforementioned reasons, existed in Russian society, but the idea of a Protocols-esque international Jewish conspiracy for world domination was minted in the 1860s. Jacob Brafman, a Russian Jew from Minsk, had a falling out with agents of the local qahal and turned against Judaism, he subsequently converted to the Russian Orthodox Church and authored polemics against the Talmud and the qahal. Brafman claimed in his books The Local and Universal Jewish Brotherhoods and The Book of the Kahal, published in Vilna, that the qahal continued to exist in secret and that it had as its principal aim undermining Christian entrepreneurs, taking over their property and seizing power, he claimed that it was an international conspiratorial network, under the central control of the Alliance Israélite Universelle, based in Paris and under the leadership of Adolphe Crémieux, a prominent freemason. The Vilna Talmudist, Jacob Barit, attempted to refute Brafman's claim; the impact of Brafman's work took on an international aspect, as it was translated into English, French and other languages.
The image of the "kahal" as a secret international Jewish shadow government working as a state within a state was picked up by anti-Jewish publications in Russia and was taken by some Russian officials such as P. A. Cherevin and Nikolay Pavlovich Ignatyev who in the 1880s urged governors-general of provinces to seek out the supposed qahal; this was around the time of the Narodnaya Volya assassination of Tsar Alexander II of Russia and the subsequent pogroms. In France it was translated by Monsignor Ernest Jouin in 1925. In 1928, Siegfried Passarge, a geographer active in the Third Reich, translated it into German. Aside from Brafman, there were other early writings which posited a similar concept to the Protocols; this includes The Conquest of the World by the Jews, authored by Osman Bey. Millingen was a British subject of Dutch-Jewish extraction, but served as an officer in the Ottoman Army where he was born, he converted to Islam, but became a Russian Orthodox Christian. Bey's work was followed up by Hippolytus Lutostansky's The Talmud and the Jews which claimed that Jews wanted to divide Russia among themselves.
Incidentally, in a 1904 edition o
João Belchior Marques Goulart was a Brazilian politician who served as the 24th President of Brazil until a military coup d'état deposed him on April 1, 1964. He is considered the last left-wing President of Brazil until Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva took office in 2003. João Goulart was nicknamed "Jango"; the Jânio Quadros–João Goulart presidential bid was thus called "Jan–Jan". His childhood nickname was "Janguinho", after an uncle named Jango. Years when he entered politics, he was supported and advised by Getúlio Vargas, his friends and colleagues started to call him Jango, his grandfather, Belchior Rodrigues Goulart, descended from Portuguese immigrants from the Azores who arrived in Rio Grande do Sul in the second half of the 18th century. There were at least three immigrants with the surname Govaert of Flemish-Azorean origins in the group of first Azoreans established in the state. Goulart was born at Yguariaçá Farm, in Itacurubi, São Borja, Rio Grande do Sul, on March 1, 1918, his parents were Vicentina Marques Goulart and Vicente Rodrigues Goulart, estancieiro and a colonel of the National Guard during the 1923 Revolution who fought on the side of Governor Borges de Medeiros.
Most sources indicate that João was born in 1918, but his birth year is 1919. Yguariaçá Farm was an isolated and his mother had no medical care at his birth, only her mother, Maria Thomaz Vasquez Marques. According to João's sister Yolanda, "my grandmother was the one able to revive little João who, at birth looked like dying". Like most Azorean descendants, Maria Thomaz was a devout Catholic. While trying to revive her grandson, warming him, she prayed to John the Baptist, promising that if the newborn survived, he would be his namesake and would not cut his hair until the age of 3, when he would march in the procession of June 24 dressed as the saint. João grew up as a skinny boy in Yguariaçá, alongside his five sisters: Eufrides, Yolanda and Neuza. Both his younger brothers died prematurely. Rivadávia died six months after birth, Ivan, to whom he was attached, died of leukemia at 33. João left for the nearby town of Itaqui to study, the decision of his father Vicente to form a partnership with Protásio Vargas, brother of Getúlio, after both leased a small refrigerator house in that town from an English businessman.
While Vicente ran the business for the following couple of years, João attended the School of the Teresian Sisters of Mary, along with his sisters. Although it was a mixed-sex school during the day, he could not stay the night at the boarding school with his sisters but had to sleep at the house of a friend of his father, it was in Itaqui that João developed a taste for both swimming. Upon his return to São Borja, ending his experience as a partner in the refrigerator house, Vicente decided to send João to attend the Ginásio Santana, run by the Marist Brothers in Uruguaiana. João attended first to the fourth grade in the Santana boarding school, but failed to be approved for the fifth grade in 1931. Angry with his son's poor achievements at school, Vicente decided to send him to attend the Colégio Anchieta in Porto Alegre. In the state capital, João lived at a pension with friends Almir Palmeiro and Abadé dos Santos Ayub, the latter attached to him. Aware of João's skills in soccer at school, where he played in the right back position and Abadé convinced him to take a test for Sport Club Internacional.
João was selected for the club's juvenile team. In 1932, he became a juvenile state champion; that same year he finished the third grade of the ginásio at Colégio Anchieta, with an irregular academic achievement, which would be repeated when he attended the Law School at Rio Grande do Sul Federal University. João graduated from high school at Ginásio Santana after being sent back to Uruguaiana. Sent back to Porto Alegre after graduating from high school, Jango attended law school to satisfy his father, who desired to see him earn a degree. While there Jango restored contact with his youth friends Abadé Ayub and Salvador Arísio, made new friends and explored the state capital's nightlife, it was during that time of a bohemian lifestyle that Jango acquired a venereal disease, which paralyzed his left knee entirely. His family paid for expensive medical treatment, including a trip to São Paulo, but he expected that he would never walk again; because of the paralysis of his knee, Jango graduated separately from the rest of his class in 1939.
He would never practice law. After graduating, Jango returned to São Borja, his depression because of the leg problem was visible. He isolated himself at Yguariaçá Farm. According to his sister Yolanda, his depression did not last long. In the early 1940s he decided to make fun of his own walking disability in the Carnival, participating in the parade of the block Comigo Ninguém Pode, his father died in 1943, leaving the rural properties to Jango, who became one of the most influential estancieiros of the region. Upon the resignation of President Getúlio Vargas and his return to São Borja in October 1945, Jango was a wealthy man, he did not need to enter politics to rise but the frequent meetings with Vargas, a close friend of his father, were decisive in Jango's pursuit of a
Liberalism is a political and moral philosophy based on liberty and equal rights. Liberals espouse a wide array of views depending on their understanding of these principles, but they support limited government, individual rights, democracy, gender equality, racial equality, freedom of speech, freedom of the press and freedom of religion. Liberalism became a distinct movement in the Age of Enlightenment, when it became popular among Western philosophers and economists. Liberalism sought to replace the norms of hereditary privilege, state religion, absolute monarchy, the divine right of kings and traditional conservatism with representative democracy and the rule of law. Liberals ended mercantilist policies, royal monopolies and other barriers to trade, instead promoting free markets. Philosopher John Locke is credited with founding liberalism as a distinct tradition, arguing that each man has a natural right to life and property, adding that governments must not violate these rights based on the social contract.
While the British liberal tradition has emphasised expanding democracy, French liberalism has emphasised rejecting authoritarianism and is linked to nation-building. Leaders in the Glorious Revolution of 1688, the American Revolution of 1776 and the French Revolution of 1789 used liberal philosophy to justify the armed overthrow of royal tyranny. Liberalism started to spread especially after the French Revolution; the 19th century saw liberal governments established in nations across Europe and South America, whereas it was well-established alongside republicanism in the United States. In Victorian Britain, it was used to critique the political establishment, appealing to science and reason on behalf of the people. During 19th and early 20th century, liberalism in the Ottoman Empire and Middle East influenced periods of reform such as the Tanzimat and Al-Nahda as well as the rise of secularism, constitutionalism and nationalism; these changes, along with other factors, helped to create a sense of crisis within Islam, which continues to this day, leading to Islamic revivalism.
Before 1920, the main ideological opponent of classical liberalism was conservatism, but liberalism faced major ideological challenges from new opponents: fascism and communism. However, during the 20th century liberal ideas spread further—especially in Western Europe—as liberal democracies found themselves on the winning side in both world wars. In Europe and North America, the establishment of social liberalism became a key component in the expansion of the welfare state. Today, liberal parties continue to wield influence throughout the world. However, liberalism still has challenges to overcome in Asia; the fundamental elements of contemporary society have liberal roots. The early waves of liberalism popularised economic individualism while expanding constitutional government and parliamentary authority. Liberals sought and established a constitutional order that prized important individual freedoms, such as freedom of speech and freedom of association. Waves of modern liberal thought and struggle were influenced by the need to expand civil rights.
Liberals have advocated gender and racial equality in their drive to promote civil rights and a global civil rights movement in the 20th century achieved several objectives towards both goals. Continental European liberalism is divided between moderates and progressives, with the moderates tending to elitism and the progressives supporting the universalisation of fundamental institutions, such as universal suffrage, universal education and the expansion of property rights. Over time, the moderates displaced the progressives as the main guardians of continental European liberalism. Words such as liberal, liberty and libertine all trace their history to the Latin liber, which means "free". One of the first recorded instances of the word liberal occurs in 1375, when it was used to describe the liberal arts in the context of an education desirable for a free-born man; the word's early connection with the classical education of a medieval university soon gave way to a proliferation of different denotations and connotations.
Liberal could refer to "free in bestowing" as early as 1387, "made without stint" in 1433, "freely permitted" in 1530 and "free from restraint"—often as a pejorative remark—in the 16th and the 17th centuries. In 16th century England, liberal could have positive or negative attributes in referring to someone's generosity or indiscretion. In Much Ado About Nothing, William Shakespeare wrote of "a liberal villaine" who "hath confest his vile encounters". With the rise of the Enlightenment, the word acquired decisively more positive undertones, being defined as "free from narrow prejudice" in 1781 and "free from bigotry" in 1823. In 1815, the first use of the word "liberalism" appeared in English. In Spain, the liberales, the first group to use the liberal label in a political context, fought for decades for the implementation of the 1812 Constitution. From 1820 to 1823 during the Trienio Liberal, King Ferdinand VII was compelled by the liberales to swear to uphold the Constitution. By the middle of the 19th century, liberal was used as a politicised term for parties and movements worldwide.
Over time, the meaning of the word liberalism began to diverge in different parts of the world. According to the Encyclopædia Britannica: "In the United States, liberalism is associated with the welfare-state policies of the New Deal programme of the Democratic administration of Pres. Franklin D. Roosevelt, where
A dictatorship is an authoritarian form of government, characterized by a single leader or group of leaders with either no party or a weak party, little mass mobilization, limited political pluralism. According to other definitions, democracies are regimes in which "those who govern are selected through contested elections". With the advent of the 19th and 20th centuries and constitutional democracies emerged as the world's two major forms of government eliminating monarchies, one of the traditional widespread forms of government of the time. In a dictatorial regime, the leader of the country is identified with the title of dictator, although their formal title may more resemble something similar to "leader". A common aspect that characterized dictators is taking advantage of their strong personality by suppressing freedom of thought and speech of the masses, in order to maintain complete political and social supremacy and stability. Dictatorships and totalitarian societies employ political propaganda to decrease the influence of proponents of alternative governing systems.
The word "dictator" comes from the classical Latin language word dictātor, agent noun from dictare In Latin use, a dictator was a judge in the Roman republic temporarily invested with absolute power. Right after the end of World War II, with a more relaxed political and social climate, several studies regarding the classification of various forms of government have been conducted. Among these, has been intensely discussed by historians and political scientists the conceptualization and definition of the dictatorship form of government, it has been concluded that dictatorship is a form of government in which the absolute power is concentrated in the hands of a leader, a "small clique", or a "government organization", it aims the abolition of political pluralism and civilian mobilization. On the other hand, compared to the concept of dictatorship, is defined as a form of government where the supremacy belongs to the population and rulers are elected through contested elections. A new form of government that, in the 20th century, marked the beginning of a new political era and is linked to the concept of dictatorship, is known as totalitarianism.
This form of government is characterized by the presence of a single political party and more by a powerful leader who imposes his personal and political prominence. The two fundamental aspects that contribute to the maintenance of the power are: a steadfast collaboration between the government and the police force, a developed ideology. Here, the government has "total control of mass communications and social and economic organizations". According to Hannah Arendt, totalitarianism is a new and extreme form of dictatorship composed of "atomized, isolated individuals". In addition, she affirmed that ideology plays a leading role in defining how the entire society should be organized. According to the political scientist Juan Linz, the distinction between an authoritarian regime and a totalitarian one is that while an authoritarian regime seeks to suffocate politics and political mobilization, totalitarianism seeks to control politics and political mobilization. However, one of the most recent classification of dictatorships, formulated, do not identify Totalitarianism as a form of dictatorship.
In Barbara Geddes's study, she focused in how elite-leader and elite-mass relations influence authoritarian politics. Geddes typology identifies the key institutions; the study is based and directly related to factors like: the simplicity of the categorizations, cross-national applicability, the emphasis on elites and leaders, the incorporation of institutions as central to shaping politics. According to Barbara Geddes, a dictatorial government may be classified in five typologies: Military Dictatorships, Single-party Dictatorships, Personalist Dictatorships, Hybrid Dictatorships. Military dictatorships are regimes in which a group of officers holds power, determines who will lead the country, exercises influence over policy. High-level elites and a leader are the members of the military dictatorship. Military dictatorships are characterized by rule by a professionalized military as an institution. In military regimes, elites are referred to as junta members. Single-party dictatorships are regimes.
In single-party dictatorships, a single party has control over policy. Other parties may exist, compete in elections, hold legislative seats, yet true political power lies with the dominant party. In single-party dictatorships, party elites are members of the ruling body of the party, sometimes called the central committee, politburo, or secretariat; these groups of individuals controls the selection of party officials and "organizes the distribution of benefits to supporters and mobilizes citizens to vote and show support for party leaders". Personalist dictatorships are regimes. Personalist dictatorships differ from other forms of dictatorships in their access to key political positions, other fruits of office, depend much more on the discretion of the personalist dictator. Personalist dictators may be leaders of a political party. Yet, neither the military nor the party exercises power
In political science, a revolution is a fundamental and sudden change in political power and political organization which occurs when the population revolts against the government due to perceived oppression or political incompetence. In book V of the Politics, the Ancient Greek philosopher Aristotle described two types of political revolution: Complete change from one constitution to another Modification of an existing constitution. Revolutions have occurred through human history and vary in terms of methods and motivating ideology, their results include major changes in culture and socio-political institutions in response to perceived overwhelming autocracy or plutocracy. Scholarly debates about what does not constitute a revolution center on several issues. Early studies of revolutions analyzed events in European history from a psychological perspective, but more modern examinations include global events and incorporate perspectives from several social sciences, including sociology and political science.
Several generations of scholarly thought on revolutions have generated many competing theories and contributed much to the current understanding of this complex phenomenon. Notable revolutions during centuries include the creation of the United States through the American Revolutionary War, the French Revolution, the 1848 European Revolutions, the Russian Revolution in 1917, the Chinese Revolution of the 1940s, the Cuban Revolution in 1959; the word "revolucion" is known in French from the 13th century, "revolution" in English by the late fourteenth century, with regard to the revolving motion of celestial bodies. "Revolution" in the sense of representing abrupt change in a social order is attested by at least 1450. Political usage of the term had been well established by 1688 in the description of the replacement of James II with William III; this incident was termed the "Glorious Revolution". There are many different typologies of revolutions in social literature. Alexis de Tocqueville differentiated between.
One of several different Marxist typologies divides revolutions into. Mark Katz identified six forms of revolution. Revolution by osmosis, e.g. the gradual Islamization of several countries. These categories are not mutually exclusive. Katz cross-classified revolutions as follows. Aspiring revolutions, which follow the Central revolution subordinate or puppet revolutions rival revolutions, e.g. communist Yugoslavia, China after 1969A further dimension to Katz's typology is that revolutions are either against or for. In the latter cases, a transition period is necessary to decide on the direction taken. Other types of revolution, created for other typologies, include the social revolutions; the term revolution has been used to denote great changes outside the political sphere. Such revolutions are recognized as having transformed in society, culture and technology much more than political systems; some can be global. One of the classic examples of the usage of the word revolution in such context is the Industrial Revolution, or the Commercial Revolution.
Note that such revolutions fit the "slow revolution" definition of Tocqueville. A similar example is the Digital Revolution. Most the word "revolution" is employed to denote a change in social and political institutions. Jeff Goodwin gives two definitions of a revolution. First, a broad one, including any and all instances in which a state or a political regime is overthrown and thereby transformed by a popular movement in an irregular, extraconstitutional and/or violent fashion. Second, a narrow one, in which revolutions entail not only mass mobilization and regime change, but more or less rapid and fundamental social, economic and/or cultural change, during or soon after the struggle for state power. Jack Goldstone defines a revolution as an effort to transform the political institutions and the justifications for political authority in society, accompanied by formal or informal mass