The Brazilian Army is the land arm of the Brazilian Armed Forces. The Brazilian Army has fought in several international conflicts in South America during the 19th century. In the 20th century, it fought on the Allied side at World War I and World War II. Aligned with the Western Bloc, during the time of military rule in Brazil from 1964 to 1985, it had active participation in the Cold War, in Latin America and Southern Portuguese Africa, as well as taking part in UN peacekeeping missions worldwide since the late 1950s. Domestically, besides having faced several rebellions throughout these two centuries, with support of local political and economic elites, it ended the monarchy and imposed on the rest of society its political views and economic development projects during the periods that it ruled the country: 1889–94, 1930–50, 1964–85. Main Articles: 1st French-Portuguese colonial war, 2nd French-Portuguese colonial war, Sugar War, French raids, Napoleonic Wars in South America and Possession Conflicts for Banda OrientalAlthough the Brazilian Army was created during the process of the independence of Brazil from Portugal, in 1822, with the units of the Portuguese Army in Brazil that have remained loyal to Prince Dom Pedro, its origins can date back to Land Forces used by Portuguese in the colonial wars against French and Dutch, fought in 16th and 17th centuries.
In the colonial period, King D. Manuel I ordered to organize military expeditions with the purpose of protecting the Portuguese dominions in America newly discovered; as colonization advanced in Pernambuco and São Vicente, the native military authorities and bases of the colony's defensive organization began to be built to meet the ambitions of the French and Dutch. First major interventions were the expulsion of the French from Rio de Janeiro in the 16th century and the Maranhao in 1615; as internalization progressed through the broad territorial expansion movement in the seventeenth and early eighteenth centuries and Flags forced the organization of the defense of the newly conquered territory. The war against the Dutch, in the 17th century, for the first time mobilized large numbers in the country, began to have a sense of national defense, regardless of the influence of the crown; the first Battle of Guararapes marks the beginning of the organization of the army as a genuinely Brazilian force formed by local whites, led by André Vidal de Negreiros, led by Felipe Camarão, blacks / mulattos, led by Henrique Dias.
This date is celebrated as the anniversary of the Brazilian Army. At this time, following the model of organization of the Portuguese Army implemented following the Restoration of the Independence of Portugal in 1640, the ground forces in Brazil adopt the organization in three lines that will be maintained until the 19th century, which includes: 1st line - Paid troops. At that time, there were frequent clashes between Luso-Brazilians and Hispano-Platinos, in addition, the land force faced the threat of rebellions of Indians and blacks. Main Articles: Imperial Brazilian Army, Brazilian Independence War, Confederation of the Equator, Cisplatine War, Ragamuffin War, Cabanagem Rebellion, Balaiada Revolt, Platine War, Uruguayan War, Paraguayan War, Naval Revolts, Federalist Rebellion and War of Canudos During the Independence process, the Army was composed of Brazilians and foreign mercenaries. Trained in Guerrilla Warfare From To current Day. Most of its commanders were Portuguese officers loyal to Dom Pedro.
Along 1822 and 1823, the Brazilian Army was able to defeat the Portuguese resistance in the North of country and in Cisplatina, having avoid a fragmentation of the new Brazilian Empire after its independence war. After won the Independence War, the Army supported by the National Guard, destroyed any separatist tendencies of the early years, enforcing central authority of the empire, during the Regency period in the country, repressing across Brazil a host of popular movements for political autonomy or against slavery and the colonels' power; the National Guard was a military force organized in Brazil in August 1831, during the regency period, demobilized in September 1922. Its creation occurred by means of law of 18 of August 1831 that "Creates the National Guards and extinguishes the bodies of militias, city guards and ordinances. " According to the aforementioned law, in its article 1, "The National Guards are created to defend the Constitution, Liberty and Integrity of the Empire, to maintain obedience and public tranquility, to assist the Line Army in defense of borders and coasts ", based on art.
145 of the Constitution of 1824: "All Brazilians are obliged to take up arms to support the independence and integrity of the Empire, defend it from its external or internal enemies." In September 1850, through Law No. 602, the National Guard was reorganized and retained its powers subordinated to the Minister of Justice and the provincial presidents. During the 1850s and early 1860s, the Army along with Navy, entered in action against Argentinian and Uruguayan forces, which opposed to Brazilian empire's interests; the Brazilian success with such "Gun Diplomacy" lead to a shock of interests with another country with similar aspirations, the Paraguay in December, 1864. On May 1, 1865, Brazil and Argentina signed the Triple Alliance to defend themselves a
The Vargas Era is the period in the history of Brazil between 1930 and 1945, when the country was under the dictatorship of Getúlio Vargas. The Brazilian Revolution of 1930 marked the end of the Old Republic. President Washington Luís was deposed. Federal intervention in State governments increased and the political landscape was altered by suppressing the traditional oligarchies of São Paulo and Minas Gerais states; the Vargas Era comprises three successive phases: the period of the Provisional Government, when Vargas governed by decree as Head of the Provisional Government instituted by the Revolution, pending the adoption of a new Constitution. The period of the Constitution of 1934, when a new Constitution was drafted and approved by the Constituent Assembly of 1933–34, Vargas – elected by the Constituent Assembly under the transitional provisions of the Constitution – governed as President, alongside a democratically elected Legislature; the Estado Novo period, that began when in order to perpetuate his rule, Vargas imposed a new, quasi-totalitarian Constitution in a coup d'état, shut down Congress, assuming dictatorial powers.
The deposition of Getúlio Vargas and his Estado Novo regime in 1945 and the subsequent re-democratization of Brazil with the adoption of a new Constitution in 1946 mark the end of the Vargas Era and the beginning of the period known as the Second Brazilian Republic. The tenente rebellion did not mark the revolutionary breakthrough for Brazil's bourgeois social reformers, but the ruling paulista coffee oligarchy could not withstand the economic meltdown of 1929. Brazil's vulnerability to the Great Depression had its roots in the economy's heavy dependence on foreign markets and loans. Despite limited industrial development in São Paulo, the export of coffee and other agricultural products was still the mainstay of the economy. Days after the U. S. stock market crash on October 29, 1929, coffee quotations fell 30% to 60%. And continued to fall. Between 1929 and 1931, coffee prices fell from 22.5 cents per pound to 8 cents per pound. As world trade contracted, the coffee exporters suffered a vast drop in foreign exchange earnings.
The Great Depression had a more dramatic effect on Brazil than on the United States. The collapse of Brazil's valorization program, a safety net in times of economic crisis, was intertwined with the collapse of the central government, whose base of support resided in the landed oligarchy; the coffee planters had grown dangerously dependent on government valorization. For example, in the aftermath of the recession following World War I, the government was not short of the cash needed to bail out the coffee industry, but between 1929–30, world demand for Brazil's primary products had fallen far too drastically to maintain government revenues. By the end of 1930, Brazil's gold reserves had been depleted, pushing the exchange rate down to a new low; the program for warehoused coffee collapsed altogether. The government of President Washington Luís faced a deepening balance-of-payments crisis and the coffee growers were stuck with an unsaleable harvest. Since power rested on a patronage system, wide-scale defections in the delicate balance of regional interests left the regime of Washington Luís vulnerable.
Government policies designed to favor foreign interests further exacerbated the crisis, leaving the regime alienated from every segment of society. Following the Wall Street panic, the government attempted to please foreign creditors by maintaining convertibility according to the money principles preached by the foreign bankers and economists who set the terms for Brazil's relations with the world economy, despite lacking any support from a single major sector in Brazilian society. Despite capital flight, Washington Luís clung to a hard-money policy, guaranteeing the convertibility of the Brazilian currency into gold or British sterling. Once the gold and sterling reserves were exhausted amid the collapse of the valorization program, the government was forced to suspend convertibility of the currency. Foreign credit had now evaporated. A populist governor of Brazil's southernmost Rio Grande do Sul state, Vargas was a cattle rancher with a doctorate in law and the 1930 presidential candidate of the Liberal Alliance.
Vargas was a member of the gaucho-landed oligarchy and had risen through the system of patronage and clientelism, but had a fresh vision of how Brazilian politics could be shaped to support national development. He came from a region with a positivist and populist tradition, was an economic nationalist who favored industrial development and liberal reforms. Vargas built up political networks, was attuned to the interests of the rising urban classes. In his early years Vargas relied on the support of the tenentes of the 1922 rebellion. Vargas understood that with the breakdown of direct relations between workers and owners in the growing factories of Brazil, workers could become the basis for a new form of political power – populism. Using such insights, he established such mastery over the Brazilian political world that, upon achieving power, he stayed in power for 15 years. During this time, as the stranglehold of the agricultural elites eased, new urban industrial leaders acquired more influence nationally, the middle class began to show strength.
Aside from the Great Depression and the emergence of the Brazilian bourgeoisie, Brazil's historic dynamic of inter
Fascism is a form of radical, right-wing, authoritarian ultranationalism, characterized by dictatorial power, forcible suppression of opposition, strong regimentation of society and of the economy, which came to prominence in early 20th-century Europe. The first fascist movements emerged in Italy during World War I before it spread to other European countries. Opposed to liberalism and anarchism, fascism is placed on the far-right within the traditional left–right spectrum. Fascists saw World War I as a revolution that brought massive changes to the nature of war, the state, technology; the advent of total war and the total mass mobilization of society had broken down the distinction between civilians and combatants. A "military citizenship" arose in which all citizens were involved with the military in some manner during the war; the war had resulted in the rise of a powerful state capable of mobilizing millions of people to serve on the front lines and providing economic production and logistics to support them, as well as having unprecedented authority to intervene in the lives of citizens.
Fascists believe that liberal democracy is obsolete and regard the complete mobilization of society under a totalitarian one-party state as necessary to prepare a nation for armed conflict and to respond to economic difficulties. Such a state is led by a strong leader—such as a dictator and a martial government composed of the members of the governing fascist party—to forge national unity and maintain a stable and orderly society. Fascism rejects assertions that violence is automatically negative in nature and views political violence and imperialism as means that can achieve national rejuvenation. Fascists advocate a mixed economy, with the principal goal of achieving autarky through protectionist and interventionist economic policies. Since the end of World War II in 1945, few parties have described themselves as fascist, the term is instead now used pejoratively by political opponents; the descriptions neo-fascist or post-fascist are sometimes applied more formally to describe parties of the far-right with ideologies similar to, or rooted in, 20th-century fascist movements.
The Italian term fascismo is derived from fascio meaning a bundle of rods from the Latin word fasces. This was the name given to political organizations in Italy known as fasci, groups similar to guilds or syndicates. According to Mussolini's own account, the Fascist Revolutionary Party was founded in Italy in 1915. In 1919, Mussolini founded the Fasci Italiani di Combattimento in Milan, which became the Partito Nazionale Fascista two years later; the Fascists came to associate the term with the ancient Roman fasces or fascio littorio—a bundle of rods tied around an axe, an ancient Roman symbol of the authority of the civic magistrate carried by his lictors, which could be used for corporal and capital punishment at his command. The symbolism of the fasces suggested strength through unity: a single rod is broken, while the bundle is difficult to break. Similar symbols were developed by different fascist movements: for example, the Falange symbol is five arrows joined together by a yoke. Historians, political scientists, other scholars have long debated the exact nature of fascism.
Each group described as fascist has at least some unique elements, many definitions of fascism have been criticized as either too wide or narrow. One common definition of the term focuses on three concepts: the fascist negations. According to many scholars, fascism—especially once in power—has attacked communism and parliamentary liberalism, attracting support from the far-right. Historian Stanley Payne identifies three main strands in fascism, his typology is cited by reliable sources as a standard definition. First, Payne's "fascist negations" refers to such typical policies as anti-communism and anti-liberalism. Second, "fascist goals" include an expanded empire. Third, "fascist style" is seen in its emphasis on violence and authoritarianism and its exultation of men above women and young against old. Roger Griffin describes fascism as "a genus of political ideology whose mythic core in its various permutations is a palingenetic form of populist ultranationalism". Griffin describes the ideology as having three core components: " the rebirth myth, populist ultra-nationalism, the myth of decadence".
Fascism is "a genuinely revolutionary, trans-class form of anti-liberal, in the last analysis, anti-conservative nationalism" built on a complex range of theoretical and cultural influences. He distinguishes an inter-war period in which it manifested itself in elite-led but populist "armed party" politics opposing socialism and liberalism and promising radical politics to rescue the nation from decadence. Robert Paxton says that fascism is "a form of political behavior marked by obsessive preoccupation with community decline, humiliation, or victimhood and by compensatory cults of unity and purity, in which a mass-based party of committed nationalist militants, working in uneasy but effective collaboration with traditional elites, abandons democratic liberties and pursues with redemptive violence and without ethical or legal restraints goals of internal cleansing and external expansion". Racism was a
Minas Gerais is a state in the north of Southeastern Brazil. It ranks as the second most populous, the third by gross domestic product, the fourth largest by area in the country; the state's capital and largest city, Belo Horizonte, is a major urban and finance center in Latin America, the sixth largest municipality in Brazil, after the cities of São Paulo, Rio de Janeiro, Salvador and Fortaleza, but its metropolitan area is the third largest in Brazil with just over 5,500,000 inhabitants, after those of São Paulo and Rio de Janeiro. Nine Brazilian presidents were born in the most of any state. With an area of 586,528 square kilometres —larger than Metropolitan France—it is the fourth most extensive state in Brazil; the main producer of coffee and milk in the country, Minas Gerais is known for its heritage of architecture and colonial art in historical cities such as São João del Rei, Ouro Preto, Diamantina and Mariana. In the south, the tourist points are the hydro mineral spas, such as Caxambu, Lambari, São Lourenço, Poços de Caldas, São Thomé das Letras, Monte Verde and the national parks of Caparaó and Canastra.
The landscape of the State is marked by mountains and large areas of fertile lands. In the Serra do Cipó, Sete Lagoas and Lagoa Santa, the caves and waterfalls are the attractions; some of Brazil's most famous caverns are located there. In recent years, the state has emerged as one of the largest economic forces of Brazil, exploring its great economic potential. Two interpretations are given for the origin of the name Minas Gerais, it comes from "Minas dos Matos Gerais", the former name of the colonial province. So a first and more common understanding affirms that the name means "General Mines", with the word Gerais serving as an adjective to the mines, which were themselves spread in several spots around a larger region. Another explanation is that this ignores the two large geographical spaces which conformed the state in its history: the region of the mines, the region of the Gerais; these corresponded to the areas of Sertão which were farther and hard to access from the mining spots. The confusion comes from the fact that the term "Gerais" is taken as an adjective to "Minas" in the first version, although according to this point of view it refers to the region called Gerais.
A further complication is that this is not a well-defined area on the map of the state, but rather a designation to these parts outside the mining spots, more related to the geography of Sertão, more isolated from the state's nucleus. Minas Gerais is in the north of the southeastern subdivision of Brazil, which contains the states of São Paulo, Rio de Janeiro and Espírito Santo, it borders on Bahia, Goiás, Mato Grosso do Sul, the states of São Paulo and Rio de Janeiro and the state of Espírito Santo. It shares a short boundary with the Distrito Federal. Minas Gerais is situated between 14°13'58" and 22°54'00" S latitude and between 39°51'32" and 51°02'35" W longitude, it is larger in area than Metropolitan Spain. Minas Gerais features some of the longest rivers in Brazil, most notably the São Francisco, the Paraná and to a lesser extent, the Rio Doce; the state holds many hydroelectric power plants, including Furnas. Some of the highest peaks in Brazil are in the mountain ranges in the southern part of the state, such as Serra da Mantiqueira and Serra do Cervo, that mark the border between Minas and its neighbors São Paulo and Rio de Janeiro.
The most notable one is the Pico da Bandeira, the third highest mountain in Brazil at 2890 m, standing on the border with Espírito Santo state. The state has huge reserves of iron and sizeable reserves of gold and gemstones, including emerald and aquamarine mines. Emeralds found in this location are comparable to the best Colombia-origin emeralds, are most a bluish-green color; each region of the state has a distinct character, geographically and to a certain extent culturally. The central and eastern area of the state is hilly and rocky, with little vegetation on the mountains. Around Lagoa Santa and Sete Lagoas a typical Karst topography with caves and lakes is found; some of the mountains are entirely iron ore, which led to extensive mining. Recent advances in environmental policy helped to put limits to mining. About 200 kilometres to the east of Belo Horizonte is the second Metropolitan Region of the state, Vale do Aço, which has iron and steel processing companies along the course of the Rio Doce and its tributaries.
Vale do Aço's largest cities are Coronel Fabriciano and Timóteo. Now that mining is restricted large areas of forest are being removed for timber, charcoal and to clear land for cattle ranching; the original forest cover of these inland hills is much fragmented. The city of Governador Valadares is in the limit of this region with the poorer North; the south of Minas Gerais is green, with coffee and milk production. This region is notably cooler than the rest of the state, some locations are subject to temperatures just below the freezing point during the winter; the region is famed for its mineral-water resorts, including the cities of Poços de Caldas, Lambari, São Lourenço and Caxambu. Many industries are located at Pouso Alegre; the southeast of the state, called Zona da Mata was the richest region unti
Military Police (Brazil)
Military Police are a type of preventive state police of the states and of the Federal District of Brazil. The Military Police units, which have their own formations and uniforms depending on the state and the Federal District, are responsible for maintaining public order across the country. Deployed to act as a deterrent against the commission of crime, units do not conduct criminal investigations. Detective work and prosecutions are undertaken by a state's Civil Police. In 1999 the National Public Security Force was created to handle any significant security crisis; the unit, composed of the most qualified Military Police personnel from all federal states, can only be deployed through the express command of a state governor. All state Military Police and Military Firefighters Corps are classed as reserve troops and ancillary forces of the Brazilian Army. In time of war the military police forces can be pressed into federal service, but they remain distinct from the provosts belonging to the other services within the Brazilian military: the corps Army Police for the Army, Navy Police for the Navy, Air Force Police for the Air Force.
The first militarized police in Portugal was the Royal Police Guard of Lisbon, established in 1801. When the Portuguese Royal Family was transferred to Brazil, the Royal Police Guard of Lisbon remained in Portugal, another equivalent was created in Rio de Janeiro, under the name of Military Division of the Royal Guard Police of Rio de Janeiro, in 1809. With the abdication of Emperor Pedro I in 1831, the Regency held reformulations on the Brazilian Armed Forces; the Royal Guard Police of Rio de Janeiro was extinct, replaced by the Municipal Guard Corps of Volunteers. The same law allowed each province to establish its own Guard of Volunteers. In 1834 Pedro I died in Portugal and this reduced the fear in Brazil of a reunification of the kingdoms; the Guard of Volunteers were transformed into Province Police Corps, with professional troops. The Police Corps were created with the same structure as the Army, to serve as reserve troops when necessary. With the Proclamation of the Republic, Brazil adopted a constitution based on the United States' one, where the states have a large autonomy.
The Corps of Police began to be administered by the states and became smaller regional armies, with infantry, cavalry and even with air forces. This dangerous situation to the national security remained until the end of World War II, with the deposition of the dictatorial government of Getúlio Vargas. After World War II, the Military Police assumed the roles of a more "traditional" police force, similar to a gendarmerie subject to the states, they sought a rapprochement with the civil society developing the configuration it possesses. The Secretariat for Public Security supervises all state police activities; the SSPs are subordinate to the National Council of Public Security. According to Article 144 of the federal constitution, the function of the Military Police "is to serve as a conspicuous police force and to preserve public order." The Military Police of any state are organized as a military force and have a military-based rank structure. Training is weighted more toward police matters, but counterinsurgency training is included.
Arms and equipment of state forces include machine guns and armored cars, in addition to other items associated with police. Article 144 of the constitution stipulates that: "The Military Police forces and the Military Firefighters Corps, ancillary forces and army reserve, are subordinate, along with the Civil Police forces, to the governors of the states, Federal District, territories." Between 1969 and 1985, the Ministry of Army has controlled the Military Police during periods of declared national emergency. Before 1930 these forces were under individual state control, known as "the governors' armies." They sometimes outnumbered regular troops in many states. In 1932, after Constitutionalist Revolution in São Paulo, the Federal Army took steps to reverse this situation. In 1964 most Military Police members were on the side of the successful conspirators. During military dictatorship, Military Police units were commanded by active-duty army officers, but that has occurred less as professional police officers have achieved higher ranks and positions.
The commandant of a state's Military Police is a Colonel. The command is divided into police regions, which deploy police companies. Firefighting is a Military Police function in some states, but they are organized in separate units called Corpo de Bombeiros Militar. State traffic police are either the State Highway Police, or the Traffic Police in the larger cities. Both are part of the state Military Police; the Military Police is organized into battalions, companies and subdivided into detachments. The battalions are based in major urban centers, their companies and platoons are distributed according to populat
A gaucho or gaúcho is a skilled horseman, reputed to be brave and unruly. The gaucho is a national symbol in Argentina and Uruguay, but is a strong culture in the far south region of Brazil. Gauchos became admired and renowned in legends and literature and became an important part of their regional cultural tradition. Beginning late in the 19th century, after the heyday of the gauchos, they were celebrated by South American writers; the gaucho in some respects resembled members of other nineteenth century rural, horse-based cultures such as the North American cowboy, the Chilean huaso, the Peruvian chalan or morochuco, the Venezuelan or Colombian llanero, the Hawaiian paniolo, the Mexican charro or the Portuguese campino. According to the Diccionario de la lengua española, in its historical sense a gaucho was "a mestizo who, in the 18th and 19th centuries, inhabited Argentina and Rio Grande do Sul in Brazil, was a migratory horseman, adept in cattle work" In Argentina and Uruguay today a gaucho is, according to the same source "A country person, experienced in traditional livestock farming".
Because historical gauchos were reputed to be brave, if unruly, the word is applied metaphorically to mean "Noble and generous", but "One, skilful in subtle tricks, crafty". In Portuguese the word gaúcho means "An inhabitant of the plains of Rio Grande do Sul or the pampas of Argentina descended from European man and indian woman who devotes himself to lassoing and raising cattle and horses". In its purest sense, gaucho referred to the nomadic outlaw inhabitants of the great plains of Argentina and Brazil. In current usage, gaucho designates the rural working class in general." There are several hypotheses concerning the origin of the term. It may derive from the Spanish term chaucho, in turn derived from a Turkish low-rank military term Chiaus, through Arabic shawsh which became broadly applied to any guard/watcher or aide; the first recorded use of the term dates to Argentine independence in 1816. Another scenario indicates the word may derive from the Portuguese gaudério, designated to the inhabitants of the vast regions of Rio Grande do Sul and Río de la Plata in the 18th century or the Portuguese garrucho that points to an instrument used by the gauchos to trap and hamstring cattle.
The 18th century chronicler Alonso Carrió de la Vandera speaks of gauderios when it mentions the gauchos or huasos as poorly dressed men. Another plausible origin is from a South American indigenous language, such as Mapudungun cauchu, kauču, or Quechua wahcha, it could derive from Arabic وحشة wahcha, which means the state of being lonely in the wilderness. An essential attribute of a gaucho was. "He has taken his first lessons in riding before he is well able to walk". Without a horse the gaucho felt; the naturalist William Henry Hudson recorded that the gauchos of his childhood used to say that a man without a horse was a man without legs. He described meeting a blind gaucho, obliged to beg for his food yet behaved with dignity and went about on horseback. Richard W. Slatta, the author of a scholarly work about gauchos, notes that the gaucho used horses to collect, drive or tame cattle, to draw fishing nets, to hunt ostriches, to snare partridges, to draw well water, − with the help of his friends − to ride to his own burial.
By reputation the quintessential gaucho caudillo Juan Manuel de Rosas could throw his hat on the ground and scoop it up while galloping his horse, without touching the saddle with his hand. For the gaucho, the horse was essential to his survival for, said Hudson: "he must every day traverse vast distances, see judge be ready at all times to encounter hunger and fatigue, violent changes of temperature and sudden perils". A popular copla was: It was the gaucho's passion to own all his steeds in matching colours. Hudson recalled: The gaucho, from the poorest worker on horseback to the largest owner of lands and cattle, has, or had in those days, a fancy for having all his riding-horses of one colour; every man as a rule had his tropilla — his own half a dozen or a dozen or more saddle-horses, he would have them all as nearly alike as possible, so that one man had chestnuts, another browns, silver- or iron-greys, fawns, cream-noses, or blacks, or whites, or piebalds. The caudillo El Chacho Peñalosa described the low point of his life as "In Chile − and on foot!"
The gaucho plays an important symbolic role in the nationalist feelings of this region that of Argentina and Uruguay. The epic poem Martín Fierro by José Hernández used the gaucho as a symbol against corruption and of Argentine national tradition, pitted against Europeanising tendencies. Martín Fierro, the hero of the poem, is drafted into the Argentine military for a border war and becomes an outlaw and fugitive; the image of the free gaucho is contrasted to the slaves who worked the northern Brazilian lands. Further literary descriptions are found in Ricardo Güiraldes' Don Segundo Sombra. Like the North American cowboys, as discussed in Richard W. Slatta, Cowboys of the Americas, gauchos were reputed to be strong, silent types, but proud and capable of violence when provoked; the gaucho tendency to violence over pett
National Socialism, more known as Nazism, is the ideology and practices associated with the Nazi Party – the National Socialist German Workers' Party – in Nazi Germany, of other far-right groups with similar aims. Nazism is a form of fascism and showed that ideology's disdain for liberal democracy and the parliamentary system, but incorporated fervent antisemitism, anti-communism, scientific racism, eugenics into its creed, its extreme nationalism came from Pan-Germanism and the Völkisch movement prominent in the German nationalism of the time, it was influenced by the Freikorps paramilitary groups that emerged after Germany's defeat in World War I, from which came the party's "cult of violence", "at the heart of the movement."Nazism subscribed to theories of racial hierarchy and Social Darwinism, identifying the Germans as a part of what the Nazis regarded as an Aryan or Nordic master race. It aimed to overcome social divisions and create a German homogeneous society based on racial purity which represented a people's community.
The Nazis aimed to unite all Germans living in German territory, as well as gain additional lands for German expansion under the doctrine of Lebensraum and exclude those who they deemed either community aliens or "inferior" races. The term "National Socialism" arose out of attempts to create a nationalist redefinition of "socialism", as an alternative to both Marxist international socialism and free market capitalism. Nazism rejected the Marxist concepts of class conflict and universal equality, opposed cosmopolitan internationalism, sought to convince all parts of the new German society to subordinate their personal interests to the "common good", accepting political interests as the main priority of economic organization; the Nazi Party's precursor, the Pan-German nationalist and antisemitic German Workers' Party, was founded on 5 January 1919. By the early 1920s the party was renamed the National Socialist German Workers' Party – to attract workers away from left-wing parties such as the Social Democrats and the Communists – and Adolf Hitler assumed control of the organization.
The National Socialist Program or "25 Points" was adopted in 1920 and called for a united Greater Germany that would deny citizenship to Jews or those of Jewish descent, while supporting land reform and the nationalization of some industries. In Mein Kampf, Hitler outlined the anti-Semitism and anti-Communism at the heart of his political philosophy, as well as his disdain for representative democracy and his belief in Germany's right to territorial expansion; the Nazi Party won the greatest share of the popular vote in the two Reichstag general elections of 1932, making them the largest party in the legislature by far, but still short of an outright majority. Because none of the parties were willing or able to put together a coalition government, in 1933 Hitler was appointed Chancellor of Germany by President Paul Von Hindenburg, through the support and connivance of traditional conservative nationalists who believed that they could control him and his party. Through the use of emergency presidential decrees by Hindenburg, a change in the Weimar Constitution which allowed the Cabinet to rule by direct decree, bypassing both Hindenburg and the Reichstag, the Nazis had soon established a one-party state.
The Sturmabteilung and the Schutzstaffel functioned as the paramilitary organizations of the Nazi Party. Using the SS for the task, Hitler purged the party's more and economically radical factions in the mid-1934 Night of the Long Knives, including the leadership of the SA. After the death of President Hindenburg, political power was concentrated in Hitler's hands and he became Germany's head of state as well as the head of the government, with the title of Führer, meaning "leader". From that point, Hitler was the dictator of Nazi Germany, known as the "Third Reich", under which Jews, political opponents and other "undesirable" elements were marginalized, imprisoned or murdered. Many millions of people were exterminated in a genocide which became known as the Holocaust during World War II, including around two-thirds of the Jewish population of Europe. Following Germany's defeat in World War II and the discovery of the full extent of the Holocaust, Nazi ideology became universally disgraced.
It is regarded as immoral and evil, with only a few fringe racist groups referred to as neo-Nazis, describing themselves as followers of National Socialism. The full name of the party was Nationalsozialistische Deutsche Arbeiterpartei for which they used the acronym NSDAP; the term "Nazi" was in use before the rise of the NSDAP as a colloquial and derogatory word for a backwards farmer or peasant, characterizing an awkward and clumsy person. In this sense, the word Nazi was a hypocorism of the German male name Ignatz – Ignatz being a common name at the time in Bavaria, the area from which the NSDAP emerged. In the 1920s, political opponents of the NSDAP in the German labour movement seized on this and – using the earlier abbreviated term "Sozi" for Sozialist as an example – shortened NSDAP's name, Nationalsozialistische, to the dismissive "Nazi", in order to associate them with the derogatory use of the term mentioned above; the first use of the term "Nazi" by the National Socialists occurred in 1926 in a publication by Joseph Goebbels called Der Nazi-Sozi.
In Goebbels' pamphlet, the word "Nazi" only appears when linked with the word "Sozi" as an abbreviation of