A broch is an Iron Age drystone hollow-walled structure found in Scotland. Brochs belong to the classification "complex Atlantic roundhouse" devised by Scottish archaeologists in the 1980s, their origin is a matter of some controversy. The word broch is derived from Lowland Scots ` brough'. In the mid-19th century Scottish antiquaries called brochs'burgs', after Old Norse borg, with the same meaning. Place names in Scandinavian Scotland such as Burgawater and Burgan show that Old Norse borg is the older word used for these structures in the north. Brochs are referred to as duns in the west. Antiquarians began to use the spelling broch in the 1870s. A precise definition for the word has proved elusive. Brochs are the most spectacular of a complex class of roundhouse buildings found throughout Atlantic Scotland; the Shetland Amenity Trust lists about 120 sites in Shetland as candidate brochs, while the Royal Commission on the Ancient and Historical Monuments of Scotland identifies a total of 571 candidate broch sites throughout the country.
Researcher Euan MacKie has proposed a much smaller total for Scotland of 104. The origin of brochs is a subject of continuing research. Sixty years ago most archaeologists believed that brochs regarded as the'castles' of Iron Age chieftains, were built by immigrants, pushed northward after being displaced first by the intrusions of Belgic tribes into what is now southeast England at the end of the second century BC and by the Roman invasion of southern Britain beginning in AD 43, yet there is now little doubt that the hollow-walled broch tower was purely an invention in what is now Scotland. The first of the modern review articles on the subject did not, as is believed, propose that brochs were built by immigrants, but rather that a hybrid culture formed from the blending of a small number of immigrants with the native population of the Hebrides produced them in the first century BC, basing them on earlier, promontory forts; this view contrasted, for example, with that of Sir W. Lindsay Scott, who argued, following V. Gordon Childe, for a wholesale migration into Atlantic Scotland of people from southwest England.
MacKie's theory has fallen from favour too because starting in the 1970s there was a general move in archaeology away from'diffusionist' explanations towards those pointing to indigenous development. Meanwhile, the increasing number – albeit still pitifully few – of radiocarbon dates for the primary use of brochs still suggests that most of the towers were built in the 1st centuries BC and AD. A few may be earlier, notably the one proposed for Old Scatness Broch in Shetland, where a sheep bone dating to 390–200 BC has been reported; the other broch claimed to be older than the 1st century BC is Crosskirk in Caithness, but a recent review of the evidence suggests that it cannot plausibly be assigned a date earlier than the 1st centuries BC/AD. The distribution of brochs is centred on northern Scotland. Caithness and the Northern Isles have the densest concentrations, but there are a great many examples in the west of Scotland and the Hebrides. Although concentrated in the northern Highlands and the Islands, a few examples occur in the Borders, on the west coast of Dumfries and Galloway, near Stirling.
In a c.1560 sketch there appears to be a broch by the river next to Annan Castle in Dumfries and Galloway. This small group of southern brochs has never been satisfactorily explained; the original interpretation of brochs, favoured by nineteenth century antiquarians, was that they were defensive structures, places of refuge for the community and their livestock. They were sometimes regarded as the work of Picts. From the 1930s to the 1960s, archaeologists such as V. Gordon Childe and John Hamilton regarded them as castles where local landowners held sway over a subject population; the castle theory fell from favour among Scottish archaeologists in the 1980s, due to a lack of supporting archaeological evidence. These archaeologists suggested defensibility was never a major concern in the siting of a broch, argued that they may have been the "stately homes" of their time, objects of prestige and visible demonstrations of superiority for important families. Once again, there is a lack of archaeological proof for this reconstruction, the sheer number of brochs, sometimes in places with a lack of good land, makes it problematic.
Brochs' close groupings and profusion in many areas may indeed suggest that they had a defensive or offensive function. Some of them were sited beside precipitous cliffs and were protected by large ramparts, artificial or natural: a good example is at Burland near Gulberwick in Shetland, on a clifftop and cut off from the mainland by huge ditches, they are at key strategic points. In Shetland they sometimes cluster on each side of narrow stretches of water: the Broch of Mousa, for instance, is directly opposite another at Burraland in Sandwick. In Orkney there are more than a dozen on the facing shores of Eynhallow Sound, many at the exits and entrances of the great harbour of Scapa Flow. In Sutherland quite a few are placed at the mouths of deep valleys. Writing in 1956 John Stewart suggested that brochs were forts put up by a military society to scan and protect the countryside and seas; some archaeologists consider broch sites individually, doubting that there was a single common purpose for which every broch was constructed.
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J. Edward Pawlick was a Massachusetts lawyer and anti-gay activist. In 1972 Pawlick started Massachusetts Lawyers Weekly which he sold to his daughter, Susan P. Hall, in the 1990s, she developed the paper into a chain of 14 papers, including Lawyers Weekly USA, which has national distribution. The papers were sold to Dolan Media in 2004 for an undisclosed sum, estimated to be over $10 million. In 1998 Pawlick launched the conservative Massachusetts News, first as a website and also as a hardcopy newspaper, he used the newspaper to express his right-wing philosophy. For several years, it was distributed free of charge monthly to a targeted audience in Massachusetts and surrounding areas, it gained popularity amongst conservatives for its exposés on state corruption, the perceived inequities of the state probate court, as well as anti-abortion and anti-gay causes. At the same time, Pawlick was producing and distributing pamphlets promoting his philosophy, with particular emphasis on his opposition to gay and lesbian rights.
In Ancient India, Maharshi is a Sanskrit word, written as "महर्षि" in Devanagari, meaning a member of the high class of ancient Indian scientists, popularly known in India as "Rishis", or "seers" those who do research to understand and know Nature and its governing laws. There were many Maharshi in ancient India who shaped the ancient Indian ways of life and made a deep and profound impact on the civilization of the Indian sub-continent. Maharshi may refer to "seers" or "sages" in India; the term became popular in English literature "sometime before 1890" and was first used in 1758. Alternate meanings describe Maharshi as a collective name that refers to the seven rishis or saptarishis cited in the scriptures of Rig Veda and the Puranas, or any of the several mythological seers that are referenced in Vedic writings and associated with the seven stars of the constellation Ursa Major; the only ones who can adopt the title are those who achieve the highest state of awareness in the path of evolution and understand the working of parabramha.
The Maharshis are capable of making others as saints and impart the knowledge of the working of the divine. Ramana Maharshi was an "Indian sage" with a philosophy about the path to self-knowledge and the integration of personality espoused in books by author Paul Brunton and Ramana's own writings such as the Collected Works and Forty Verses on Reality; the title was used by Valmiki and Dayananda Sarasvati. Maha Maharaj Rishi Roy