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Cape Dutch

Cape Dutch commonly known as Cape Afrikaners, were a historic socioeconomic class of Afrikaners who lived in the Western Cape during the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries. The terms have been evoked to describe an affluent, apolitical section of the Cape Colony's Afrikaner population which did not participate in the Great Trek or the subsequent founding of the Boer republics. Today, the Cape Dutch are credited with helping shape and a promote a unique Afrikaner cultural identity through their formation of civic associations such as the Afrikaner Bond, promotion of the Afrikaans language. At the onset of British rule in the Cape Colony, the preexisting population of European origin settled during the Dutch era was universally classified by the new colonial government as "Hollanders" or "Dutch". In 1805, a relative majority still represented old Dutch families brought to the Cape during the late seventeenth and early eighteenth centuries. To the British authorities they represented a rather homogeneous bloc which could be distinguished by their common use of the Dutch language and shared adherence to the Dutch Reformed Church.

Among the colonists themselves there had developed a notion of a Boer people. In response, British immigrants and officials adopted the informal moniker "Cape Dutch" to distinguish between the better educated, wealthier Dutch speakers concentrated in the Western Cape and the self-styled "Boers", whom they considered ignorant and uncouth. "Cape Dutch" may thus be regarded as an English description rather than any sense of self-concept. When first introduced, the term was not used by Dutch-speaking whites in the Western Cape to describe themselves, the idea of a unique Cape Dutch identity did not find widespread expression until the 1870s; the term's explicit connotation to the Netherlands, the indiscriminate manner in which it was applied by English speakers sparked a revival of interest among colonists of German or French origin in their ancestral roots. Following the establishment of the Dutch East India Company's initial settlement at the Cape of Good Hope in 1652, it became home to a large population of "vrijlieden" known as "vrijburgers".

The earliest vrijburgers were Company employees who applied for grants of land and permission to retire in South Africa as independent farmers. Most were married Dutch citizens who committed to spend at least twenty years on the African continent. In exchange they received plots of thirteen and a half morgen apiece, a twelve-year exemption from property taxes, loans of seeds and agricultural implements. Reflecting the multi-national character of the Company's workforce and overseas settlements, smaller numbers of German and French Huguenot immigrants were allowed to settle in South Africa, by 1691 over a quarter of the Cape's European population was not ethnically Dutch. There was a degree of cultural assimilation due to intermarriage, the universal adoption of the Dutch language. Cleavages were likelier to occur along socioeconomic rather than ethnic lines. Differences between the Boers and the Cape Dutch increased as a result of the end of Dutch rule and the Great Trek; the Netherlands formally ceded its South African colony to Great Britain around 1815.

While most of the Cape Dutch community accepted British rule and embraced the status of British subjects, the Boers remained fiercely independent and felt alienated by the new colonial administration. This culminated in the Great Trek, a mass migration of between 12,000 and 15,000 Boers deep into South Africa's interior to escape British rule. Four-fifths of the Cape Colony's Dutch-speaking white population at the time did not participate in the trek; the Dutch Reformed Church, to which most of the Cape Dutch and Boers belonged, explicitly refused to endorse the Great Trek as well. Many Cape Dutch regarded the subsequent founding of the Boer republics with suspicion, as they perceived the cause of Boer republican nationalism to be retrogressive; the Cape Dutch went on to develop their own nationalist movement in the late nineteenth century, which promoted cooperation and political alliances with the British. This policy began to dissolve after 1895, when local political leaders sought to distance themselves from Britain's imperial agenda and what they perceived as unwanted interference by English capitalists such as Cecil Rhodes in the legal and constitutional traditions of the colony.

Popular affectation for British imperial traditions and patriotism among the Cape Dutch was replaced by a more exclusive commitment to a greater Afrikaner nationalism. For his part Rhodes regarded the growth of pan-Afrikaner nationalism as an imminent threat, since a political union between the Boers and Cape Dutch would threaten British primacy in South Africa, he helped perpetuate preexisting rivalries between the two groups to circumvent this possibility. The outbreak of hostilities between the British government and the Boer republics during the Second Boer War split Cape Dutch society. Boer victories intensified patriotic pan-Afrikaner sentiments among the Cape Dutch. While many fought on the side of the British, an unknown number defected to the Boer republics; as the Cape Dutch controlled over

Josh D Lee

Josh D. Lee is shareholder at Lee|Coats, PLC in Vinita, Oklahoma, he has a national practice. He focuses his practice on two specific areas of criminal defense: 1) DUI/DWI and other alcohol-related charges, 2) drug charges, he is most known as an advocate of open government and has sued governments in the State of Oklahoma to enforce Oklahoma's Open Records law. He was raised in Vinita, Oklahoma, he is the only child of Dolores Lee. He worked as a 911 police officer for the Vinita Police Department after high school, he earned his Associate of Arts in Criminal Justice from Northeastern Oklahoma A&M in Miami, Oklahoma. He went on to graduate from Rogers State University in Claremore, with a Bachelor of Science in Business Information Technology – Software and Multimedia Design, he received his J. D. degree with honors in 2007 from University of Tulsa College of Law. In 2016, he earned a Master of Science in Pharmacy from the University of Florida, he started his legal career as a licensed legal intern for the Tulsa County District Attorney's Office.

He was assigned to work the Major Crimes Team. In 2007, he joined Clinton M. Ward and his practice in Vinita and formed Ward & Lee, PLC. A couple years Cassandra Coats joined the firm and it was renamed Ward Lee & Coats, PLC. In 2019, Josh Lee and Cassandra Coats went out on their own, building a new building in downtown Vinita, opened the firm Lee|Coats Law, PLC. Lee is known for his published appellate advocacy in open government cases, including: Ward & Lee, PLC v City of Claremore, 2014 OK CIV APP 1 - established public's right to access police and sheriff dash cam recordings under the Oklahoma Open Records Act. Lee brought a lawsuit against Washington and Nowata County District Judge Curtis DeLapp, alleging widespread abuses of power; the Oklahoma Supreme Court filed a removal petition against Judge DeLapp accusing him of "gross neglect" and "oppression in office." The disgraced Judge resigned from the bench and withdrew his bid for reelection. In the DUI and criminal law context, he has been the attorney of record for the following cases: Exonerations of Malcolm Scott and De'Marchoe Carpenter.

On May 19, 2016 a Tulsa County District Judge found Scott and Carpenter "actually innocent" of a 1994 drive-by shooting that landed them a prison sentence of Life + 170 years. Scott and Carpenter became the 31st and 32nd individuals to be exonerated in Oklahoma since 1989; the 21 years and 8 months that they spent in prison as wrongfully convicted men was the longest served of any of the 30 previous exonerees in Oklahoma. Lee, along with Oklahoma Innocence Project Legal Director Christina Green, represented Scott in this matter, his closing argument from the January 29, 2016 hearing drew high praise from journalists and local court watchers. He successfully represented both Scott and Carpenter when District Attorney Steve Kunzweiler appealed the exonerations. Andrews v. State, 2014 OK CIV APP 19. In this case, the appellate courts determined that paramedics are not approved to withdraw blood for Oklahoma Implied Consent Cases State v. Mayes. In this case, the charges were thrown out at preliminary hearing against a 74-year-old woman who lived in a home where marijuana and about $277,000 in cash were seized.

Freedom of Information Oklahoma, Inc - Board of Director Chemistry and the Law Division of the American Chemical Society - Executive Committee Member/Forensic Science Co-Chairman In 2018, Josh was recognized by the Oklahoma Bar Association by receiving the Fern Holland Courageous Lawyer Award. He was featured in Oklahoma Magazine's 40 Under 40 for 2018 recognizing the "best the state has to offer in all fields of business." In 2014, Freedom of Information Oklahoma, Inc. named the law firm of Ward, Lee, & Coats, PLC, Josh Lee, Steve Fabian, as honorable mention for the groups Ben Blackstock Award. The award is to recognize private citizens and organizations who shows a commitment to freedom of information and government transparency, he has been recognized by state and national defense related organizations for his contributions to the citizens and the defense bar: Oklahoma Criminal Defense Lawyers Association President's Award - 2018 Oklahoma Criminal Defense Lawyers Association President's Award - 2013 National College for DUI Defense Dean's Award - 2013 Texas Criminal Defense Lawyers Association Public Proclamation - 2012He is a noted forensic science commentator of articles, including: Chemistry World articles Colorado Springs Independent article Chemical & Engineering News IP article C&EN Book Review He is a sought-out national speaker who speaks at state bar conferences, national legal meetings, scientific meetings.

The organizations that he has spoken to include: The American Chemical Society The American Academy of Forensic Sciences The National Association of Criminal Defense Lawyers The DUI Defense Lawyers Association The National College for DUI Defense The National Judges Association The Oklahoma Municipal Judges Association The Oklahoma Criminal Defense Lawyers Association The Oklahoma Bar Association The Tulsa County Bar Association The South Carolina Bar Association The Idaho Association of Criminal Defense Lawyers The Texas Criminal Defense Lawyers Association The San Antonio Criminal Defense Lawyers Association The Tennessee Association of Criminal Defense Lawyers The Scientific Law Forums The California Public Defenders Association The New York State Bar Association The Colorado Criminal Defense Bar The North Carolina Advocates for Justice The Ohio Criminal Defense Lawyers Association The Utah Criminal Defense Lawyers Association The Florida Association of Criminal Defense Lawyers The University of Tulsa Co


Barbaise is a commune in the Ardennes department in the Grand Est region of northern France. Barbaise is located at an altitude of 209 metres some 16 km south-west of Charleville-Mézières and 30 km north-east of Rethel. Access to the commune is by the D3 road from Jandun in the east which passes through the centre of the commune and continues north-east to Warnécourt. Access to the village is by the D203 which branches off the D3 in the commune and goes south to the village; the commune is farmland with forests in the north-east and north of the commune. The Ruisseau de Barbileuse rises in the village and flows south to join the Vence south-west of Raillicourt. List of Successive Mayors; the evolution of the number of inhabitants is known from the population censuses conducted in the commune since 1793. From the 21st century, a census of communes with fewer than 10,000 inhabitants is held every five years, unlike larger communes that have a sample survey every year; the Church of Barbaise contains three items that are registered as historical objects: A Celebrant's Chair A Statue: Christ on the Cross A Group Sculpture: Saint Anne instructing the Virgin Communes of the Ardennes department Barbaise on the old National Geographic Institute website Barbaise on Lion1906 Barbaise on Géoportail, National Geographic Institute website Barbaize on the 1750 Cassini Map Barbaise on the INSEE website INSEE

Bangali (caste)

The Bangali may refer to a caste found in northern India. They are distinct from the Bengali ethnic group of West Bangladesh; the Bangali are one of the many nomadic groupings found in India, have customs similar to other nomadic communities such as the Kanjar. The Bangali are semi-nomadic tribal grouping, they are said to have separated from the Sansi parent group. The majority of the Bangali are now settled, occupying their settlements of reed huts at the edge of established villages, they are found in the Doab region, with two clusters, one in Muzaffarnagar District in the villages of Bhokaredhi and Kithora and the other in Bijnor District, in the villages of Raoli and Seemla Fatehpur. The Bangali speak their own dialect. In Haryana, traditions point to the fact that they belonged to the Deha community, who took begging and snake charming, as such were ostracised from the parent community; the Bangali speak Haryanvi, live in multi-caste villages. In Punjab, the Bangali are known as Sapela, Sipado or Jogi, are traditionally associated with snake charming.

Like many other nomadic peripatetic castes, the Bangali claim a Rajput origin. According to their traditions, they were soldiers in the army of Maharana Pratap, who fled into the jungle, once his forces were defeated by the Mughals. In this new environment, the community took to trapping. Denzil Ibbetson considered the Bangali to be a sub-group of the Kanjar community. In Punjab, they are found in the districts of Jalandhar and Gurdaspur, they speak Punjabi; the Bangali are endogamous community, but have no system of gotras. They are divided into the Hindu and Muslim groupings, with no intermarriage between the two groupings; the Hindu Bangali trace their ancestry to a Shivai Ram Rajput, said to have immigrated from Bengal, while the Muslim Bangali claim to be Lodhi Pathans, who are said to have come from Bengal. Most Hindu Bangalis were followers of Sakhi Sarwar, however most are now orthodox Hindu; the Muslim branch are Sunni Muslims. In Haryana, the Bangali are Hindu, have a village deity called Khera.

They are further divided into called gotras. Their main clans are the Gandhila, Bhambi, Marar and Kalandar. Most Bangali are still employed as snake charmers, with a small minority who are now daily wage labourers; the Bangali are a landless community, are involved in the rearing of donkeys, ox, fox and goats, as well as collecting roots and other minor forest products. A great number are now employed as agricultural labourers; each of their settlement contains an informal caste council, known as a biradari panchayat. The panchayat acts as instrument of social control, dealing with issues such as divorce and adultery; the Bangali of Punjab are Hindu, worship Guru Gorakh Nath and Guga Pir. Although marriages take place within the community there is intermarriage with the Gandhila and Dhea castes, they practice clan and camp exogamy, although there is no system of hypergamy, as all their clans are of equal status. Their main clans are the Mehra, Kira and Potry; the Bangali live in small groups of ten to thirteen families and move in search of food from place to place.

Their settlements consist of huts. Each Bangali camp consists of people who related; the Government of India has begun a policy of settling the Bangali, a settlement has been at Dugri. Most Bangali are still involved snake charming, with a small number now employed as agricultural labourers; the community is marginalised both and economically, as such has been granted Scheduled Caste status. The 2011 Census of India for Uttar Pradesh showed the Bangali population as 38,035

Frederick H. and Elizabeth Stafford House

The Frederick H. and Elizabeth Stafford House was constructed as a private house, located at 4489 Main Street in Port Hope, Michigan. It was listed on the National Register of Historic Places in 1987. Fredrick H. Stafford was born in 1848 in Boston, he graduated from the Massachusetts Institute of Technology in 1872 with a degree in civil engineering, moved to Michigan to work surveying a new railroad line between Detroit and Toledo. In 1874, he moved to Port Hope and went to work as an office manager for W. R. Stafford, a distant cousin. In 1886, Fredrick Stafford married W. R. Stafford's daughter. W. R. Stafford constructed this house as a wedding present for the newly married couple. W. R. Stafford died in 1916, Fredrick H. Stafford took over W. R.'s businesses, serving as proprietor of the Stafford Store and president of the Citizens Bank of Stafford, Smith & Co. He constructed an addition at the rear of the house in about 1919. Fredrick Stafford lived in this house until his own death in 1931.

Afterward, Fredrick Stafford's son, William R. Stafford II lived here; this house is a large, two-story, frame structure with a gable-roof main section and gable-roof wings on either side. The gables are steeply pitched and trimmed by plain bargeboards with brackets at the lower ends and open timberwork gable ornaments; the main body of the house is clad with clapboard, while the gables, the second stories of the side extensions, the bay window and pent roof of the recessed front porch are shingled. The entrance is through a small front porch, recessed into a corner of the first floor; the porch has lathe-turned columns with brackets. The windows are double-hung, sash units, some of which have pedimented caps


The Aphidiinae are a subfamily of tiny parasitoid wasps that use aphids as their hosts. Several species have been used in biological control programs of various aphids. Aphidiines are koinobiont endoparasitoids of immature aphids. While the larva of the 2–3 mm long Praon leaves the hollowed shell of the aphid from below to pupate in a volcano-like cocoon, most other Aphidiinae pupate inside the dead aphid and break out afterwards; these wasps are found worldwide, but are found in the northern hemisphere. Several species have been introduced to countries outside of their natural range, both accidentally and purposefully for biocontrol. Although they have been treated as a separate family, the Aphidiidae, the Aphidiinae are a lineage within the Braconidae, it is not yet clear to which braconid subfamilies they are most related. The Aphidiinae are subdivided into several tribes, the Ephedrini, Trioxini and Aphidiini, with the latter subdivided into three subtribes. Most species reside in the Aphidiini.

The Praini's loss of internal pupation is to be secondary. Ephedrini Ephedrus ToxaresPraini Praon Dyscritulus Harkeria AreopraonTrioxini Trioxys Binodoxys Monoctonus Monoctonia Lipolexis Parabioxys BioxysAclitini AclitusAphidiini Aphidius Diaeretiella Diaeretus Diaeretellus Lysaphidus Lysiphlebia Paralipsis Pauesia Protaphidius Pseudopauesia Adialytus Lysiphlebus Xenostigmus Aphidius nigripes Belshaw, R. & Quicke, D. L. J.: A Molecular Phylogeny of the Aphidiinae. Molecular Phylogenetics and Evolution 7: 281-293. Abstract Shi, Min & Chen, Xue-Xin: Molecular phylogeny of the Aphidiinae based on DNA sequences of 16S rRNA, 18S rDNA and ATPase 6 genes. Eur. J. Entomol. 102: 133-138. PDF Žikić, V. Ilić, M. Stanković, S. Petrović, A. Petrović-Obradović, O. Kavallieratos, N. G. Starý, P. and Tomanović, Ž.: Aphidiinae of Serbia and Montenegro – tritrophic interactions. Acta Entomologica Serbica 17: 83-105. Information and Pictures of Aphidiinae Cedar Creek: Picture of a Praon sp. brown citrus aphid parasitoid, Lipolexis scutellaris on the UF / IFAS Featured Creatures Web site