Carroll Gardens is a neighborhood in the northwestern portion of the New York City borough of Brooklyn. Taking up around 40 city blocks, it is bounded by Degraw and Warren Streets and Smith Streets, Ninth Street or the Gowanus Expressway, Interstate 278, the Gowanus and Brooklyn–Queens Expressways; the neighborhoods that surround it are Cobble Hill to the northwest, Boerum Hill to the northeast, Gowanus to the east, Red Hook to the south and southwest, the Columbia Street Waterfront District to the west. Considered to be part of the area once known as South Brooklyn, the neighborhood started to have its own identity in the 1960s; the new name came from Charles Carroll, the only Roman Catholic signer of the Declaration of Independence, whose name was attached to Carroll Street and Carroll Park. The name reflects the large front gardens of brownstones in the Carroll Gardens Historic District and elsewhere in the neighborhood. Despite having an Irish surname, in recent times it has been known as an Italian American neighborhood.
The traditionally Italian-American area has been called "Little France" or "Little Paris" due to many French people who have taken up residence there over the past few years. A Catholic mass in French is said every Sunday at the St. Agnes Church in Carroll Gardens; this initiative of the diocese of Brooklyn occurred after the neighboring diocese, that of Manhattan, incurred the wrath of French worshipers in New York by deciding to close the French national parish of St. Vincent de Paul Church. Carroll Gardens is part of Brooklyn Community District 6, its primary ZIP Code is 11231, it is patrolled by the 76th Precinct of the New York City Police Department. And is served by the New York City Fire Department's Engine Company 204 and Engine Company 216/Ladder Company 108. Politically, Carroll Gardens is represented by the New York City Council's 39th District. Carroll Gardens was settled in the 19th century by immigrants from Ireland, followed in the middle of the century by Norwegian immigrants, who founded two churches, the Norwegian Seaman's Church, now apartments, the Norwegian Methodist Episcopal Church.
The development of the South Brooklyn area, including Carroll Gardens, was aided by the foundation in 1846 by philanthropists Henry Pierrepont and Jacob E. Leroy of the Hamilton Avenue Ferry, its purpose was to improve transportation to the newly created Green-Wood Cemetery, but horse car service, trolley lines, connecting to the ferry ran through Carroll Gardens, enabling businessmen who lived there to commute more to work in Manhattan. In the late 1840s, Carroll Park, Brooklyn's third-oldest, a block-long area of playgrounds and sitting areas between Court, Smith and President Streets was built. A private garden, it was purchased by the city in 1853, was named after Charles Carroll in honor of his Maryland regiment, which had helped to defend the area during the Battle of Long Island in the American Revolutionary War. In 1846, surveyor Richard Butt planned gardens in front of the brownstone houses in the oldest section of the neighborhood when he developed it; the homes are set farther back from the street than is common in Brooklyn, the large gardens became an iconic depiction of the neighborhood.
The same year, a law was passed requiring that all buildings between Henry Street and Smith Street have 33 feet 5.25 inches between the building and the street for "courtyards". The large gardens can be seen from First to Fourth Place between Henry and Smith Streets, as well as on President and Second Streets between Smith and Hoyt Streets. Further development of the Carroll Gardens was aided by the draining in the late 1860s of the swampland which surrounded Gowanus Creek through the deepening and dredging of the Creek to create the Gowanus Canal; this provoked a building boom throughout the area. It was during this period, from the late 1860s to the early 1880s, that the area, now the Carroll Gardens Historic District began to be developed. Italian immigrants began coming to the neighborhood in the late 19th century – dock workers and workers in the Brooklyn Navy Yard – continuing through the 1950s, which led to much of the Irish population of the area leaving beginning in the 1920s; the rise of the Italian population provoked questions about the role of the Mafia in the neighborhood.
One theory has it that Carroll Gardens, which lies between a territory traditionally controlled by the Gambino crime family and one controlled by the Colombo family, is considered to be neutral territory, has been, for the most part, left alone. Carroll Gardens had long been considered to be part of either the larger area referred to as South Brooklyn, or the neighborhood known as Red Hook; that neighborhood had an informal division in the 1930s and 1940s along Hamilton Avenue, with kids from south of the avenue of Italian descent, calling themselves "Hookers" or "Hookies" after Red Hook, kids north of the street Irish, in what would now be Carroll Gardens called "Creekers" or "Creekies" after the now-drained Gowanus Creek. Violence between the two groups was common; the division between the neighborhoods became stronger beginning in the late 1940s when Robert Moses built the Brooklyn-Queens Expressway and the Gowanus Expressway, which started the process of the Carroll Gardens area taking on a separate and distinct character of its own.
In the 1960s, young middle-class profession
Categories for the Working Mathematician is a textbook in category theory written by American mathematician Saunders Mac Lane, who cofounded the subject together with Samuel Eilenberg. It was first published in 1971, is based on his lectures on the subject given at the University of Chicago, the Australian National University, Bowdoin College, Tulane University, it is regarded as the premier introduction to the subject. The book has twelve chapters, which are: Chapter I. Categories and Natural Transformations. Chapter II. Constructions on Categories. Chapter III. Universals and Limits. Chapter IV. Adjoints. Chapter V. Limits. Chapter VI. Monads and Algebras. Chapter VII. Monoids. Chapter VIII. Abelian Categories. Chapter IX. Special Limits. Chapter X. Kan Extensions. Chapter XI. Symmetry and Braiding in Monoidal Categories Chapter XII. Structures in Categories. Chapters XI and XII were added in the 1998 second edition, the first in view of its importance in string theory and quantum field theory, the second to address higher-dimensional categories that have come into prominence.
Although it is the classic reference for category theory, some of the terminology is not standard. In particular, Mac Lane attempted to settle an ambiguity in usage for the terms epimorphism and monomorphism by introducing the terms epic and monic, but the distinction is not in common use. Mac Lane, Saunders. Categories for the Working Mathematician. Graduate Texts in Mathematics. 5. Springer. ISBN 0-387-98403-8. Zbl 0906.18001
Deadline is a British fly-on-the-wall documentary series following the journalists at Yorkshire Television's local news service, Calendar. It was broadcast as a series of six episodes on Channel 4 from 20 March to 1 May 1995 as part of its Whose News? season. Yorkshire Television agreed to allow access to Channel 4's fly-on-the-wall documentary series following ITN's refusal to take part in the project. Most of the Calendar team took part in the documentary rather than be accused of hypocrisy; the documentary crew spent three months following the newsgatherers at Yorkshire TV. Some material was removed from the broadcast version. Journalist Alan Hardwick was captured making some, what The Guardian's media editor labels "fairly abusive", remarks about criminals. Ackroyd reports that some people refused to sign release forms, and'no filming' areas were established. Yorkshire TV were unhappy at the documentary's press release, which began: "Coming up in just a moment, the biggest petunia in the world – and the man whose grown it.
But first, the Bradford murder." Channel 4 thought that the sentence reflected Calendar's diverse content, but Yorkshire were concerned that it made them look silly. The press was requested not to use the offending words; the first episode focussed upon the media coverage of the disappearance of schoolgirl Lindsay Rimer in November 1994, whose body was recovered shortly after the episode was broadcast. This first episode covered more trivial stories, such as the launch of a new cheese, a live interview with Coronation Street actress Lynne Perrie, promoting her autobiography. Tom Sutcliffe, in The Independent, expressed concern over the length of the series, suggesting that it might become "too much of a good thing" and the focus upon a regional news service rather than "the great national juggernauts". Much of Sutcliffe's criticisms were about the journalistic practices and integrity of the Calendar team. Deadline on IMDb
A prisoner is a person, deprived of liberty against his or her will. This can be by confinement, captivity, or by forcible restraint; the term applies to serving a prison sentence in a prison. This term does not apply to defendants. "Prisoner" is a legal term for a person, imprisoned. In section 1 of the Prison Security Act 1992, the word "prisoner" means any person for the time being in a prison as a result of any requirement imposed by a court or otherwise that he be detained in legal custody."Prisoner" was a legal term for a person prosecuted for felony. It was not applicable to a person prosecuted for misdemeanour; the abolition of the distinction between felony and misdemeanour by section 1 of the Criminal Law Act 1967 has rendered this distinction obsolete. Glanville Williams described as "invidious" the practice of using the term "prisoner" in reference to a person who had not been convicted; the earliest evidence of the existence of the prisoner dates back to 8,000 BC from prehistoric graves in Lower Egypt.
This evidence suggests. Among the most extreme adverse effects suffered by prisoners, appear to be caused by solitary confinement for long durations; when held in "Special Housing Units", prisoners are subject to sensory deprivation and lack of social contact that can have a severe negative impact on their mental health. Long durations may lead to depression and changes to brain physiology. In the absence of a social context, needed to validate perceptions of their environment, prisoners become malleable, abnormally sensitive, exhibit increased vulnerability to the influence of those controlling their environment. Social connection and the support provided from social interaction are prerequisite to long-term social adjustment as a prisoner. Prisoners exhibit the paradoxical effect of social withdrawal after long periods of solitary confinement. A shift takes place to a fear of it, they may grow lethargic and apathetic, no longer be able to control their own conduct when released from solitary confinement.
They can come to depend upon the prison structure to limit their conduct. Long-term stays in solitary confinement can cause prisoners to develop clinical depression, long-term impulse control disorder; those with pre-existing mental illnesses are at a higher risk for developing psychiatric symptoms. Some common behaviours are self-mutilation, suicidal tendencies, psychosis. A psychopathological condition identified as "SHU syndrome" has been observed among such prisoners. Symptoms are characterized as problems with concentration and memory, distortions of perception, hallucinations. Most convicts suffering from SHU syndrome exhibit extreme generalized anxiety and panic disorder, with some suffering amnesia; the psychological syndrome known as Stockholm syndrome describes a paradoxical phenomenon where, over time, hostages develop positive feelings towards their captors. The founding of ethnographic prison sociology as a discipline, from which most of the meaningful knowledge of prison life and culture stems, is credited to the publication of two key texts: Donald Clemmer's The Prison Community, first published in 1940 and republished in 1958.
Clemmer's text, based on his study of 2,400 convicts over three years at the Menard Branch of the Illinois State Penitentiary where he worked as a clinical sociologist, propagated the notion of the existence of a distinct inmate culture and society with values and norms antithetical to both the prison authority and the wider society. In this world, for Clemmer, these values, formalized as the "inmate code", provided behavioural precepts that unified prisoners and fostered antagonism to prison officers and the prison institution as a whole; the process whereby inmates acquired this set of values and behavioural guidelines as they adapted to prison life he termed "prisonization", which he defined as the "taking on, in greater or lesser degree, the folkways, mores and general culture of the penitentiary'. However, while Clemmer argued that all prisoners experienced some degree of prisonization this was not a uniform process and factors such as the extent to which a prisoner involved himself in primary group relations in the prison and the degree to which he identified with the external society all had a considerable impact.
Prisonization as the inculcation of a convict culture was defined by identification with primary groups in prison, the use of prison slang and argot, the adoption of specified rituals and a hostility to prison authority in contrast to inmate solidarity and was asserted by Clemmer to create individuals who were acculturated into a criminal and deviant way of life that stymied all attempts to reform their behaviour. Opposed to these theories, several European sociologists have shown that inmates were fragmented and the links they have with society are stronger than those forged in prison through the action of work on time perception The convict code was theorized as a set of tacit behavioural norms which exercised a pervasive impact on the conduct of prisoners. Competency in following the routines demanded by the code determined the inmate's identity as a convict; as a set of values and behavioural guidelines, the convict code referred to the behaviour of inmates in antagonising staff members and to the mutual solidarity between inmates as well as the tendency to the non-disclosure to prison authorities of prisoner activities and to resistance to rehabilitation programmes.
Thus, it was seen as providing an expression and form of communal resistance and al
General elections were held in Bolivia on 7 May 1989. As no candidate for the presidency received over 50% of the vote, the National Congress was required to elect a President on 6 August. Although the Revolutionary Nationalist Movement had received the most votes, its candidate for President Gonzalo Sánchez de Lozada was defeated by Jaime Paz Zamora of the Revolutionary Left Movement in the Congressional vote, despite the MIR only finishing third in the public vote. In the initial months of 1989, the Revolutionary Nationalist Movement tried in vain to postpone the election date, arguing that the deadline for electoral registration restricted citizen participation. In December 1988, the party's delegation in Congress had managed to amend the electoral law of 1986. Arguing that the new registration requirements, which limited registration to citizens who possessed cédulas de identidad, constituted a violation of universal suffrage, the MNR pushed through legislation that added birth certificates and military service cards as valid registration documents.
Nationalist Democratic Action refused to go along with its ally and charged the MNR with conducting fraudulent registrations. By mid-February this issue had triggered the rupture of the pacto; the end of the pacto revealed an old reality about Bolivian politics. To achieve power, broad electoral alliances must be established. On the contrary, electoral alliances have exacerbated the tensions built into a complex system. Thus, once in power, whoever controls the executive must search for mechanisms or coalitions such as the pacto to be able to govern; this search was the single most important challenge facing Bolivian politicians into the 1980s. As expected, every political party was forced to scramble for new allies; the ADN joined forces with the now minuscule Christian Democrats by naming Ossio Sanjinés as Banzer's running mate in an effort to attract other political elements. Banzer led every major poll, the ADN called for Congress to respect the first majority to emerge from the May 7 election.
The situation was more complex in the MNR where, after a bitter internal struggle, Gonzalo Sánchez de Lozada, a pragmatic former Minister of Planning and Coordination and prominent entrepreneur, captured the party's nomination. The MNR's strategy was to develop Sánchez de Lozada's image as a veteran movimientista to capture populist support. At the same time, party strategists intended to attract support from outside the party by building on the candidate's entrepreneurial background; the task of converting the candidate into an old party member succeeded: old-line populist politicians dominated the first slots on the party's legislative lists. The naming of former President Walter Guevara Arze as the vice presidential candidate was perceived as further evidence of the party's success in influencing the candidate. Following a similar electoral logic, the MIR sought to broaden its base of support by establishing ties with several parties, including Carlos Serrate Reich's 9 April Revolutionary Vanguard, the Revolutionary Front of the Left, a number of dissidents from the MNRI.
Paz Zamora, the MIR's candidate, led in some polls, most analysts agreed that he would pose a significant threat to the MNR and ADN. The left attempted a comeback following the disastrous experience of the UDP years. Headed by Antonio Aranibar's Free Bolivia Movement, the left grouped into a broad front labelled the United Left; the IU brought together splinter factions of the MIR, the Socialist Party-1, the Communist Party, it counted on the support of organized labor the COB. Given the historical divisions within the Bolivian left, the IU was not perceived to be a serious contender. If it could maintain unity beyond the 1989 elections, observers believed that its impact might be greater than anticipated; the main newcomer to national electoral politics, although no stranger to La Paz politics, was Carlos Palenque. Popularly known as el compadre, Palenque was a former folksinger turned radio and television owner and talk show host, his "popular" style of broadcasting had always enjoyed widespread appeal in the working-class and marginal neighborhoods surrounding La Paz.
For at least a decade, Palenque had been regarded as a possible candidate for mayor of La Paz. Palenque's move into national politics was prompted by the closing down of his television station for airing accusations made by an infamous drug trafficker, Roberto Suárez Goméz, against the Bolivian government. To promote his candidacy, Palenque founded Conscience of the Fatherland, which grouped together a bizarre strain of disaffected leftists and nationalists who had defected from several other parties. Ten parties and fronts contested the election, held as scheduled on May 7, 1989; the results, a virtual three-way tie among the MNR, ADN, MIR, were not surprising. As expected, Congress once again was given the task of electing the next president from the top three contenders, but the slight majority obtained by the MNR's candidate, Sánchez de Lozada, was surprising to observers, as was the unexpected victory by Palenque in La Paz Department. His showing was significant in a number of ways. First, it demonstrated that none of the major political parties had been able to attract lower middle-class and proletarian urban groups, who had flocked to el compadre.
Second, Condepa's showing reflected the growth of racial and ethnic tension in Boli
Theophilus Brabourne was an English Puritan clergyman and theological writer on the Christian Sabbath question. Brabourne was a native of Norwich; the date of his birth is fixed by his own statement in 1654:'I am 64 yeares of age'. His father was a Puritan hosier, he was educated at the Norwich Grammar School till he was fifteen years of age, intended him for the church. When the youth should have gone to the University of Cambridge, the silencing of many Puritan ministers for non-compliance with the ceremonies of the Church of England induced the father to take his son into his own business. Brabourne was sent as a factor for selling stockings wholesale, he remained in London till his marriage. Brabourne lived for two or three years at Norwich with his father, resuming his intention of entering the ministry, he studied privately, he proceeded M. A. in 1621, in the same year was ordained by Thomas Dove. This was the beginning of his troubles over a period of three years, he was in the Gatehouse Prison at Westminster for nine weeks, was publicly examined before the high commission.
The king's advocate pleaded against him, Bishop White spoke for about an hour on his errors. Sir Henry Marten moved to sue the king to issue a writ de hæretico comburendo, but William Laud interposed. Brabourne was censured, sent to Newgate Prison, where he remained eighteen months; when he had been a year in prison, Brabourne was again examined before Laud, who told him that if he had stopped with what he said of the Lord's day, namely that it is not a sabbath of divine institution, but a holy day of the church,'we should not have troubled you.' Brabourne's book was one of the reasons which moved Charles I to reissue on 18 October 1633 the Book of Sports. Returning to Norwich in 1635, Brabourne resumed his ministry. In 1654 he writes in his reply to John Collinges of St. Saviour's of St. Stephen's, Norwich,'I have left the pulpit to you for many years past, I think I may promise you never to come in it again.' Collinges was a bitter antagonist of his non-presbyterian neighbours. After the Restoration, Brabourne put out pamphlets rejoicing in liberty of conscience, defending the royal supremacy in ecclesiastical matters.
In these pamphlets he spells his name Brabourn. The last of them was issued 18 March 1661. Nothing is known of Brabourne later. In 1628 appeared Brabourne's Discourse upon the Sabbath Day, in which he impugns the received doctrine of the sabbatical character of the Lord's day, maintains that Saturday is still the sabbath. Robert Cox regarded him as "the founder in England of the sect at first known as Sabbatarians, but now calling themselves seventh-day baptists". In the Dictionary of National Biography, Alexander Gordon contradicted Cox, stating that Brabourne was no baptist, founded no sect, true to the original Puritan standpoint, wrote vehemently against all separatists from the national church, in favour of the supremacy of the civil power in matters ecclesiastical. Brabourne's attention had been drawn to the Sabbath question by a work published at Oxford in 1621 by Thomas Broad, a Gloucestershire clergyman, Three Questions concerning the obligations of the Fourth Commandment. Broad rested the authority of the Lord's day on the custom of the early church and the constitution of the church of England.
Brabourne left it to every man's conscience whether he will keep the sabbath or the Lord's day, but decided that those who prefer the former are on the safe side. He took stronger Sabbatarian ground in his Defence... of the Sabbath Day, 1632, a work which he had the boldness to dedicate to Charles I. Before to this publication he held discussions on the subject with several puritan ministers in his neighbourhood, claimed to have always come off victorious. Brabourne made his submission to the high commission court; the document is called a recantation, but when safe from the clutches of the court, Brabourne explained that all he had retracted was the word "necessarily". He had affirmed "that Saturday ought to be our sabbath"; this stirred Collings to attack him in c. 1654. A second part of Brabourne's tract provoked A New Lesson for the Indoctus Doctor, &c. 1654, to which Brabourne wrote a Second Vindication in reply. Collings stated, he had been bolt-poake, hosier and was now "a nonsensical scribbler", forced to publish his books at his own expense.
While this dispute with Collings was going on, Brabourne brought out an Answer to the Sabbatum Redivivum, &c. of Daniel Cawdrey, rector of Great Billing, Northamptonshire. Cawdrey was dissatisfied with White's treatment of the question in answer to Brabourne. Five years was he wrote on his favourite theme against Ives and Warren. Brabourne published: A Discourse upon the Sabbath Day … Printed the 23th of Decemb. Anno dom. 1628. Brabourne maintained that the duration of the sabbath is "that space of time and light from