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Chicano

Chicano, or Chicana, is a chosen identity for Mexican Americans in the United States. Chicano or Xicano are sometimes used interchangeably with Mexican-American, both names exist as chosen identities within the Mexican-American community in the United States. Although Chicano had negative connotations as a term of denigration prior to the Chicano Movement, it was reclaimed in the 1960s and 1970s by Mexican Americans to express self-determination and solidarity in a shared cultural and communal identity while rejecting assimilation. Chicano identity hit a low point in the 1980s and 1990s, as assimilation and economic mobility became a goal of many middle-class Mexican Americans who instead adopted the terms Hispanic and Latino. By the end of the 1990s a shift in Chicano identity, initiated by Xicana feminists and others, supporting the adoption of Xicana/o identity, occurred among some members of the community. There has been a resurgence of Chicana/o/x and Xicana/o/x identity in the 2010s, centered on ethnic pride, Indigenous consciousness, cultural expression, defense of immigrants, the rights of women and queer Latinx people.

The town of Chicana was shown on the Gutiérrez 1562 New World map near the mouth of the Colorado River, is pre-Columbian in origin. A gunboat, the Chicana, was sold in 1857 to Jose Maria Carvajal to ship arms on the Rio Grande; the King and Kenedy firm submitted a voucher to the Joint Claims Commission of the United States in 1870 to cover the costs of this gunboat's conversion from a passenger steamer. No explanation for the boat's name is known; the Chicano poet and writer Tino Villanueva traced the first documented use of the term as an ethnonym to 1911, as referenced in a then-unpublished essay by University of Texas anthropologist José Limón. Linguists Edward R. Simmen and Richard F. Bauerle report the use of the term in an essay by Mexican-American writer, Mario Suárez, published in the Arizona Quarterly in 1947. There is ample literary evidence to substantiate that Chicano is a long-standing endonym, as a large body of Chicano literature pre-dates the 1950s; the etymology of the term Chicano is not definitive and has been debated by historians and activists.

Although there has been controversy over the origins of Chicano, community conscience remains strong among those who claim the identity. Chicano is believed by some scholars to be a Spanish language derivative of an older Nahuatl word Mexitli. Mexitli formed part of the expression Huitzilopochtlil Mexitli—a reference to the historic migration of the Mexica people from their homeland of Aztlán to the Oaxaca Valley. Mexitli is the linguistic progenitor or root of the word "Mexica," referring to the Mexica people, its singular form "Mexihcatl"; the "x" in Mexihcatl represents an /ʃ/ or "sh" sound in both Nahuatl and early modern Spanish, while the glottal stop in the middle of the Nahuatl word disappeared. The word Chicano therefore more directly derives from the loss of the initial syllable of Mexicano. According to Villanueva, "given that the velar is a palatal phoneme with the spelling," in accordance with the Indigenous phonological system of the Mexicas, it would become "Meshicano" or "Mechicano."

Some Chicanos further replace the ch with the letter x, forming Xicano, as a means of reclaiming and reverting to the Nahuatl use of the letter "x." The first two syllables of Xicano are therefore in Nahuatl. In Mexico's Indigenous regions and Westernized natives are referred to as mexicanos, referring to the modern nation, rather than the pueblo identification of the speaker, be it Mayan, Mixtec, Huasteco, or any of hundreds of other indigenous groups. Thus, a newly emigrated Nahuatl speaker in an urban center might referred to his cultural relatives in this country, different from himself, as mexicanos, shortened to Chicanos. Chicano identity was reclaimed in the 1960s and 1970s by Mexican Americans as a means of asserting their own ethnic and cultural identity while rejecting and resisting assimilation into whiteness, systematic racism and stereotypes and the American nation-state. Chicano identity was founded on the need to create alliances with other oppressed ethnic and third world peoples while protesting U.

S. imperialism. The notion of Aztlán, a mythical homeland, claimed to be located in the southwestern United States, was critical in mobilizing many Mexican Americans to take social and political action. Chicano identity was organized around seven objectives: unity, education, self-defense and political liberation, in an effort to bridge regional and class divisions among Mexican Americans. Chicanos espoused the belief in a unifying mestizo identity and centered their platform in the masculine body. In the 1970s, Chicano identity became further defined under a reverence for machismo while maintaining the values of their original platform, exemplified via the language employed in court cases such as Montez v. Superior Court, 1970, which defined the Chicano community as unified under "a commonality of ideals and costumbres with respect to masculinity, family roles, child discipline, religious values." Oscar Zeta Acosta defined machismo as the source of Chicano identity, claiming that this "instinctual and mystical source of manhood and pride... alone justifies all behavior."

Armando Rendón wrote in Chicano Manifesto that machismo was "in fact an underlying drive of the gathering identification of Mexican Americans... the essence of machismo, of being macho, is as much a symbolic principle for the Chicano revolt as it is a guid

Norm McRae

Norman McRae was an American professional baseball player, a right-handed pitcher who appeared in 22 Major League games for the 1969–1970 Detroit Tigers. Born in Elizabeth, New Jersey, he weighed 195 pounds. McRae signed with the Tigers in 1966 as an undrafted free agent, he moved through the Tiger farm system and after his fourth minor league campaign he was given a three-game, late-season trial in 1969. The following year, he had mid- and late-season auditions with Detroit as a relief pitcher, working in 19 games. Although he failed to record a decision or a save, McRae had some success, allowing 26 hits in 31⅓ innings pitched and fashioning a 2.87 earned run average — although he issued more bases on balls than he had strikeouts. He was included in a controversial off-season trade. On October 9, 1970, the 23-year-old McRae was sent to the Washington Senators with former Cy Young Award winning pitcher Denny McLain, outfielder Elliott Maddox and third baseman Don Wert for pitchers Joe Coleman and Jim Hannan, shortstop Ed Brinkman and third baseman Aurelio Rodríguez.

The trade was a boon for the Tigers, a catastrophe for the Senators. McLain, just two years removed from winning 31 games for the world champion 1968 Tigers, had been suspended for much of the 1970 season by Commissioner of Baseball Bowie Kuhn on gambling allegations and had won only three of eight decisions, his career was all but over at the age of 26. Washington owner Bob Short, his own general manager and made the trade, would spend much of the season petitioning the American League to move the franchise to Dallas-Fort Worth. Meanwhile, Coleman would twice win 20 games for the Tigers and pitch for them through 1976, while Brinkman and Rodríguez would anchor the left side of the Tiger infield for several seasons, including 1972 when Detroit won the American League East Division title. McRae, for his part, made no contribution to the Senators and never appeared in an official game for them, he left the game after the 1972 season. In his 22 MLB games, all with the Tigers, he allowed 28 hits and 12 earned runs in 34⅓ innings pitched, with 26 bases on balls and 19 strikeouts.

Bob Short Career statistics and player information from Baseball-Reference

Boggs Field

Boggs Field is a owned, public use airport located one nautical mile north of the central business district of Spencer, in Roane County, West Virginia, United States. Although most U. S. airports use the same three-letter location identifier for the FAA and IATA, this airport is assigned USW by the FAA but has no designation from the IATA. Boggs Field covers an area of 177 acres at an elevation of 928 feet above mean sea level, it has one runway designated 10/28 with an asphalt surface measuring 4,549 by 75 feet. For the 12-month period ending December 31, 2009, the airport had 3,100 aircraft operations, an average of 258 per month: 97% general aviation and 3% military. At that time there were 10 aircraft based at this airport: 80% single-engine, 10% multi-engine, 10% helicopter. FAA Terminal Procedures for USW, effective February 27, 2020 Resources for this airport: FAA airport information for USW AirNav airport information for USW FlightAware airport information and live flight tracker SkyVector aeronautical chart for USW