A paramount chief is the English language designation for the highest-level political leader in a regional or local polity or country administered politically with a chief-based system. More recently, Paramount Chief is a title created by British administrators during the 19th and 20th-century Colonial era and used in India, Africa. They used it as a substitute for the king to maintain that only the British monarch held that title. Since the title chief was already used in terms of district and town administrators, the addition of paramount was made so as to distinguish between the ruling monarch and the local aristocracy. Kenya, Title since 1904 of the former laibon of all the Maasai in Kenya Sudan, In South Sudan, the Paramount Chief works with the government-appointed Payam Director, both of whom report to a county Commissioner. The title changed to king at 4 October 1966 independence date from Britain, in Namibia over the Awa-Khoi or Red Nation of the Nama people, a Chiefdom established before 1700.
The SiSwati name for the office is Ngwenyama, a term for lion. Title Inkosi Enkhulu of the amaMpondomise title Inkosi Enkhulu of the abaThembu, Khan is first seen as a title in the Xianbei confederation for their chief between 283–289 and was used as a state title by the Rouran confederation. It was subsequently adopted by the Göktürks before Turkic peoples and the Mongols brought it to the rest of Asia, in the middle of the sixth century it was known as Kagan – King of the Turks to the Persians. It now has many equivalent meanings such as commander, the most famous khan was the Great Khan of Mongols, Genghis Khan. Another famous Manchu khan was Nurhachi#Name and titles, Ariki Nui of Ngati Tuwharetoa, a Māori tribe in the central North Island – a hereditary chieftainship which still has great influence. In the 1850s the Māori King Movement resulted in the election of a Waikato chief as Māori King, NB, This title was not recognised by the Rotuma Island Council as the titles Gagaja and Sau have never been used together.
The closest thing to a paramount chief is the position of Fakpure, Monarchy of Fiji – the Great Council of Chiefs until de-established in March 2012, recognised Elizabeth II as Tui Viti or Paramount Chief. Chef supérieur Great King Hegemon High King Monarchy Paramount Ruler or Paramount King Sachem WorldStatesmen see each present country
Georges Balandier was a French sociologist and ethnologist noted for his research in Sub-Saharan Africa. He was a professor at the Sorbonne, and is a member of the Center for African Studies and he held for many years the Editorship of Cahiers Internationaux de Sociologie and edited the series Sociologie dAujourdhui at Presses Universitaires de France. He died on 5 October 2016 at the age of 95,2005 Civilisation et Puissance, Paris, LAube 2005 Le Grand dérangement, Paris, PUF,119 p. Trad. arabe. Changement d’époque, L’Aube / Poche essai,2004,46 p.2004 Sens et puissance, les dynamiques sociales, PUF,1971,334 p. Trad. anglaise, italienne, japonaise. 1997 Conjugaisons, Fayard,411 p.1996 Une anthropologie des moments critiques, Paris, EHESS, pour en finir avec le XXème siècle, Paris, Éd. Fayard,1994,236 p. Trad. italienne, brésilienne,1992 Sociologie actuelle de l’Afrique Noire. Dynamique des changements sociaux en Afrique centrale, Paris, PUF,1955, XII-511 p. Trad. anglaise, américaine, italienne,1992 Afrique ambiguë, Plon,293 p.
Trad. anglaise, américaine, japonaise, espagnole, portugaise. 1992 La vie quotidienne au royaume du Kongo du XVIe au XVIIIe siècle, Hachette,286 p. Trad. anglaise, américaine, polonaise. 1988 Le désordre, Éloge du mouvement, Fayard,252 p. Trad. espagnole, portugaise, brésilienne. 1977 Histoire dAutres, Stock,319 p.1974 Anthropo-logiques, Paris, PUF, cet ouvrage montre bien les constructions sociales des inégalités à partir des différences de sexe, dâge et dactivité sociale ou de groupe familial. 1972 Georges Gurvitch, sa vie, son œuvre, Pairs, PUF,120 p. Trad. anglaise
Technology, Tradition, and the State in Africa
It was first published in 1971 by Oxford University Press for the International African Institute. In particular he criticises the idea that African political systems were ever feudal, in the first chapter, entitled Feudalism in Africa. He proceeds to discuss the definitions of feudalism, and the way in which it has been used by both noted sociologists such as Max Weber and Karl Marx and by historians like Marc Bloch. Goody goes into detail regarding how the term has been used to refer to various African states. Moving on to look at the approach to feudalism, Goody challenges the view championed by orthodox Marxists such as I. I. Instead, Goody argues, in much of Africa, land was plentiful and of economic importance. Goody goes on to look at the nature of land in Africa and he argues that the nature of land in Africa meant that the concept of serfdom, a prominent part of Medieval European society, never developed there. He rounds up the chapter with a discussion of the role that horses, Goody criticised those Africanists, such as S. F.
Maquet, who have used such a term to describe societies which they are studying, who make at least as adequate an analysis without introducing the concept at all. According to Goody, This second approach seems preferable as a procedure
A cargo cult is a millenarian movement first described in Melanesia which encompasses a range of practices and occurs in the wake of contact with more technologically advanced societies. Cargo cults often develop during a combination of crises, under conditions of social stress, such a movement may form under the leadership of a charismatic figure. This leader may have a vision of the future, often linked to an ancestral efficacy thought to be recoverable by a return to traditional morality. This leader may characterize the present state as a dismantling of the old order, meaning that social hierarchy. Contact with colonizing groups brought about a transformation in the way indigenous peoples of Melanesia have thought about other societies. However, many of these practitioners actually focus on the importance of sustaining and creating new social relationships, since the late twentieth century, alternative theories have arisen. The indigenous societies of Melanesia were typically characterized by a big man system in which individuals gained prestige through gift exchanges.
The more wealth a man could distribute, the people in his debt. Those who were unable to reciprocate were identified as rubbish men, through colonialism, with foreigners with a seemingly unending supply of goods for exchange, indigenous Melanesians experienced value dominance. That is, they were dominated by others in terms of their own value system and these goods are intended for the local indigenous people, but the foreigners have unfairly gained control of these objects through malice or mistake. Thus, a feature of cargo cults is the belief that spiritual agents will, at some future time, give much valuable cargo. Symbols associated with Christianity and modern Western society tend to be incorporated into their rituals, the term cargo cult was first used in print in 1945 by Norris Mervyn Bird, repeating a derogatory description used by planters and businessmen in the Australian protectorate of Papua. The term was adopted by anthropologists, and applied retroactively to movements in a much earlier era.
Discussions of cargo cults usually begin with a series of movements that occurred in the nineteenth century. The earliest recorded cargo cult was the Tuka Movement that began in Fiji in 1885 at the height of British colonial plantation era. Tuka was a leader who witnessed a loss of efficacy in his social group, a loss of land. The movement began with a return to a golden age of ancestral potency. Minor alterations to priestly practices were undertaken to update them and attempt to recover some kind of ancestral efficacy, colonial authorities saw Tuka as a rebel, and he was exiled, although he kept returning
The concept was originally proposed by Claude Lévi-Strauss who called them sociétés à maison. The concept has been applied to understand the organization of societies from Mesoamerica, the House society is a hybrid, transitional form between kin-based and class-based social orders, and is not one of Lévi-Strauss elementary structures of kinship. Lévi-Strauss introduced the concept as an alternative to corporate kinship group among the cognatic kinship groups of the Pacific region, the socially significant groupings within these societies have variable membership because kinship is reckoned bilaterally and come together for only short periods. Property and residence are not the basis for the groups existence, there are three elements to this definition, The House is a corporate body holding an estate made up of both material and immaterial goods. As a moral person, it is an alternate metaphor replacing blood in defining the identity of the group. As a symbol of the group, the House persists over generations, only the core group will inhabit the House as a residence.
The other House members will come together on special ritual occasions. Other House members have multiple overlapping ties to other Houses as well, successful claims of membership may bring special benefits, such as the right to utilize House resources with the consent of the core members. Most of the examples of ‘sociétés à maison’ cited by Lévi-Strauss and this has led some to ask if feudalism was an essential feature of House societies, and answering in the negative. Schrauwers, in contrast, has argued that House societies are organized around a system of social ranks. Schrauwers gives, as an example, societies organized around slavery where a noble groups property are its slaves. These two forms of engagement may be connected through agonistic exchange institutions such as the Potlatch. Houses are tied together through oftentimes contradictory forms of kinship, whether descent or alliance, given that Houses are not lineages, leadership is rarely ascribed by genealogical seniority alone. Leadership of a House is gained through status competition, a number of traditional Southeast Asian kingdoms, such as those in Bali, or the kingdom of Luwu in Sulawesi, were dominated by noble Houses that competed with each other for control of the state.
These states have alternately been described as mandala states, although they may be referred to as House Societies, not all societies with Houses have those Houses uniformly distributed among all ranks and classes. The House in Bali, as well as in the kingdom of Luwu in Sulawesi, is a kinship group. Schrauwers has argued that class and House formation are linked, in this case and rank are synonymous. Because they are property, slaves are prevented from forming their own Houses, commoners in those societies are of a different rank, but lack property, and therefore cannot form their own houses either
E. E. Evans-Pritchard
Sir Edward Evan Evans-Pritchard, known as E. E. Evans-Pritchard, was an English anthropologist who was instrumental in the development of social anthropology. He was Professor of Social Anthropology at the University of Oxford from 1946 to 1970. Evans-Pritchard was educated at Winchester College and studied history at Exeter College, where he was influenced by R. R. Marett, there he came under the influence of Bronisław Malinowski and especially Charles Gabriel Seligman, the founding ethnographer of the Sudan. His first fieldwork began in 1926 with the Azande, a people of the upper Nile, Evans-Pritchard continued to lecture at the LSE and conduct research in Azande and Bongo land until 1930, when he began a new research project among the Nuer. This work coincided with his appointment to the University of Cairo in 1932, after his return to Oxford, he continued his research on Nuer. It was during this period that he first met Meyer Fortes, Evans-Pritchard began developing Radcliffe-Browns program of structural-functionalism.
As a result, his trilogy of works on the Nuer, evans-Pritchards empirical work in this vein became well-known through philosophy of science and rationality debates of the 1960s and 1970s involving Thomas Kuhn and especially Paul Feyerabend. During the Second World War Evans-Pritchard served in Ethiopia, Sudan, in Sudan he raised irregular troops among the Anuak to harass the Italians and engaged in guerrilla warfare. In 1942 he was posted to the British Military Administration of Cyrenaica in North Africa, in documenting local resistance to Italian conquest, he became one of a few English-language authors to write about the tariqa. After a brief stint in Cambridge, Evans-Pritchard became professor of anthropology at the University of Oxford. He remained at All Souls College for the rest of his career, one of his students was Talal Asad, who now teaches at the City University of New York. Evans-Pritchards work was more theoretical, drawing upon his experiences as anthropologist to philosophize on the nature of anthropology, in 1950 he famously disavowed the commonly held view that anthropology was a natural science, arguing instead that it should be grouped amongst the humanities, especially history.
In 1965, he published the influential work Theories of Primitive Religion. Edward Evan Evans-Pritchard was born in Crowborough, East Sussex, England and he converted to Roman Catholicism in 1944. Known to his friends and family as EP, Evans-Pritchard had five children with his wife Ioma and his youngest son, Ambrose Evans-Pritchard, is an investigative reporter for the London Daily Telegraph and author of The Secret Life of Bill Clinton. His younger daughter, Deirdre Evans-Pritchard, PhD, is an expert on folklore and she is a recipient of the Fulbright Fellowship. His eldest daughter, Shineen Evans-Pritchard, is a businesswoman and he had two other children, Nicky Evans-Pritchard, who works in computers, and John Evans-Pritchard, an economics teacher and author of several books. Evans-Pritchard died in Oxford on 11 September 1973, in 1972, a Festschrift was prepared for him, entitled Essays in Sudan ethnography, presented to Sir Edward Evans-Pritchard
A tribal chief is the leader of a tribal society or chiefdom. In the case of tribal societies existing within larger colonial and post-colonial states. The most common types are the chairman of a council and/or a broader popular assembly in parliamentary cultures, the war chief, the hereditary chief and this term has largely fallen out of use and such personages are now often called kings. Historically, tribal societies represent a stage between the band society of the Paleolithic stage and civilization with centralized, super-regional government based in cities. Stratified tribal societies led by tribal kings thus flourished from the Neolithic stage into the Iron Age, albeit in competition with civilisations, after the collapse of the Western Roman Empire, tribal kingdoms were again established over much of Europe in the wake of the Migration period. By the High Middle Ages, these had coalesced into super-regional monarchies. Tribal societies remained prevalent in much of the New World, excepting Paleolithic or Mesolithic band societies in Oceania, europeans forced centralized governments onto these societies during colonialism, but in some instances they have retained or regained partial self-government.
Tribal chiefs are known as Sheikhs, though this term is sometimes applied as an honorific title to spiritual leaders of Sufism. In Botswana, the chiefs of the various tribes are constitutionally empowered to serve as advisers to the government as members of the Ntlo ya Dikgosi. In addition to this, they serve as the ex officio chairs of the tribal kgotlas, meetings of all of the members of the tribes. The band is the unit of governance among the First Nations in Canada. As well, there may be hereditary or charismatic chiefs. There were 614 bands in Canada in 2012, there is a national organization, the Assembly of First Nations, which elects a national chief to act as spokesperson of all First Nations bands in Canada. The offices and traditional realms of the chiefs of Ghana are constitutionally protected by the constitution of the country. The chiefs serve as custodian of all lands and the culture of the traditional area. The Solomon Islands have a Local Court Act which empowers chiefs to deal with crimes in their communities, apo Rodolfo Aguilar serves as the chieftain of the Tagbanwa tribes people living in Banuang Daan and Cabugao settlements in Coron Island, Philippines.
His position is recognized by the Filipino government, the pre-colonial states that existed in what is today Uganda were summarily abolished following independence from Great Britain. However, following constitutional reforms in 1993, a number of them were restored as politically neutral constituencies of the state by the government of Yoweri Museveni, generally, a tribe or nation is considered to be part of an ethnic group, usually sharing cultural values
Mandala (political model)
Maṇḍala is a Sanskrit word that means circle. The mandala is a model for describing the patterns of political power distributed among Mueang or Kedatuan in early Southeast Asian history. It is employed to denote traditional Southeast Asian political formations, such as federation of kingdoms or vassalized polity under a center of domination and it was adopted by 20th century European historians from ancient Indian political discourse as a means of avoiding the term state in the conventional sense. In some ways similar to the system of Europe, states were linked in suzerain–tributary relationships. Any particular area, could be subject to several powers, other metaphors such as S. J. Tambiahs original idea of a galactic polity describe political patterns similar to the mandala. The historian Victor Lieberman prefers the solar polity metaphor, referencing the gravitational pull the sun exerts over the planets, China occupies a special place in that the others often in turn paid tribute to China, although in practice the obligations imposed on the lesser kingdoms were minimal.
The most notable tributary states were post-Angkor Cambodia, Lan Xang, ancient Tondo was a kingdom which was located in the Manila Bay area, specifically north of the Pasig River, on Luzon island. Medieval Cambodia in particular was described by the Vietnamese emperor Gia Long as an independent country that is slave of two, the system was eventually ended by the arrival of the Europeans in the mid-19th century. Culturally, they introduced Western geographical practices, which assumed that area was subject to one sovereign. Practically, the colonisation of French Indochina, Dutch East Indies, British Malaya, the tributary states were divided between the colonies and Siam, which exercised much more centralised power, but over a smaller area than thitherto. The obligations on each side of the relationship varied according to the strength of the relationship, in general, the tributary was obliged to pay bunga mas, a regular tribute of various valuable goods and slaves, and miniature trees of gold and silver.
The overlord ruler reciprocated with presents often of value than those supplied by the tributary. However, the had to provide men and supplies when called on. For further information, see Kinship - Recognition of fluidity in kinship meanings, the tributary ruler was subordinate to the overlord ruler, rather than to the overlord state in the abstract. A strong ruler could attract new tributaries, and would have strong relationships over his existing tributaries, a weaker ruler would find it harder to attract and maintain these relationships. This was put forward as one cause of the rise of Sukhothai under Ramkhamhaeng, for example. The tributary ruler could repudiate the relationship and seek either a different overlord or complete independence, the overlord was owed allegiance by the tributary ruler, or at most by the tributarys main town, but not by all the people of a particular area. The tributary owner in turn had power either over tributary states further down the scale, or directly over his people, no ruler had authority over unpopulated areas
Political economy in anthropology
Political Economy introduced questions of history and colonialism to ahistorical anthropological theories of social structure and culture. Political Economy was introduced in American anthropology primarily through the support of Julian Steward, steward’s research interests centered on “subsistence” — the dynamic interaction of man, technology, social structure, and the organization of work. This emphasis on subsistence and production - as opposed to exchange - is what distinguishes the Political Economy approach, stewards most theoretically productive years were from 1946-1953, while teaching at Columbia University. At this time, Columbia saw an influx of World War II veterans who were attending school thanks to the GI Bill and influenced other scholars such as Elman Service, Marvin Harris and June Nash. Many of these participated in the Puerto Rico Project, a large-scale group research study that focused on modernization in Puerto Rico. Three main areas of interest rapidly developed, the first of these areas was concerned with the pre-capitalist societies that were subject to evolutionary tribal stereotypes.
Sahlins work on hunter-gatherers as the affluent society did much to dissipate that image. The second area was concerned with the vast majority of the population at the time. The third area was on colonialism and the creation of the capitalist world-system, more recently, these political economists have more directly addressed issues of industrial capitalism around the world. Cultural materialism is a research orientation introduced by Marvin Harris in 1968, as a theoretical paradigm, indeed, it is said to be the most enduring achievement of that work. Harris subsequently developed a defense of the paradigm in his 1979 book Cultural Materialism, to Harris, cultural materialism is based on the simple premise that human social life is a response to the practical problems of earthly existence. Harris approach was influenced by but distinct from Marx, Harris method was to demonstrate how particular cultural practices served a materialistic function. Structural Marxism was an approach to Marxist philosophy based on structuralism, primarily associated with the work of the French philosopher Louis Althusser and it was influential in France during the 1960s and 1970s, and came to influence philosophers, political theorists and anthropologists outside France during the 1970s.
French structuralist Marxism melded Marxist political economy with Levi-Strausss structural methodology, eliminating the human subject, dialectical reason, a mode of production consisting of producers, non-producers and means of production, combined in a variety of ways, formed the deep structure of a social formation. A social formation combined several modes of production, only one of which was dominant or determinant, primary anthropological theorists of this school included Maurice Godelier, Claude Meillassoux, Emmanuel Terray and Pierre-Philippe Rey. Structural Marxism arose in opposition to the humanistic Marxism that dominated many western universities during the 1970s, in contrast to Humanistic Marxism, Althusser stressed that Marxism was a science that examined objective structures. Critical influences on Structural Marxism, primarily from the British Marxist historical tradition, Eric Hobsbawm and Raymond Williams. They criticized the functionalist emphasis in Structural Marxism, that individuals in favour of the structural elements of their model
An ethnic group or ethnicity is a category of people who identify with each other based on similarities, such as common ancestral, social, cultural or national experiences. Unlike other social groups, ethnicity is often an inherited status based on the society in which one lives, in some cases, it can be adopted if a person moves into another society. Ethnic groups, derived from the historical founder population, often continue to speak related languages. By way of language shift, acculturation and religious conversion, it is possible for individuals or groups to leave one ethnic group. Ethnicity is often used synonymously with terms such as nation or people. In English, it can have the connotation of something exotic, generally related to cultures of more recent immigrants, the largest ethnic groups in modern times comprise hundreds of millions of individuals, while the smallest are limited to a few dozen individuals. Conversely, formerly separate ethnicities can merge to form a pan-ethnicity, whether through division or amalgamation, the formation of a separate ethnic identity is referred to as ethnogenesis.
The term ethnic is derived from the Greek word ἔθνος ethnos, the inherited English language term for this concept is folk, used alongside the latinate people since the late Middle English period. In Early Modern English and until the mid-19th century, ethnic was used to mean heathen or pagan, as the Septuagint used ta ethne to translate the Hebrew goyim the nations, non-Hebrews, non-Jews. The Greek term in antiquity could refer to any large group, a host of men. In the 19th century, the term came to be used in the sense of peculiar to a race, people or nation, the abstract ethnicity had been used for paganism in the 18th century, but now came to express the meaning of an ethnic character. The term ethnic group was first recorded in 1935 and entered the Oxford English Dictionary in 1972, depending on the context that is used, the term nationality may either be used synonymously with ethnicity, or synonymously with citizenship. The process that results in the emergence of an ethnicity is called ethnogenesis, the Greeks at this time did not describe foreign nations but had developed a concept of their own ethnicity, which they grouped under the name of Hellenes.
Herodotus gave an account of what defined Greek ethnic identity in his day, enumerating shared descent. Whether ethnicity qualifies as a universal is to some extent dependent on the exact definition used. Many social scientists, such as anthropologists Fredrik Barth and Eric Wolf and they regard ethnicity as a product of specific kinds of inter-group interactions, rather than an essential quality inherent to human groups. According to Thomas Hylland Eriksen, the study of ethnicity was dominated by two distinct debates until recently, one is between primordialism and instrumentalism. In the primordialist view, the participant perceives ethnic ties collectively, as a given, even coercive
Network Analysis and Ethnographic Problems
It is considered an important publication in anthropology and the political science of Central Asia. The analysis of these data provides for an account of social dynamics relevant to many parts of the Middle East, the basis for the book is the complete genealogical network for a nomad community, its history, and its migrants and migrations. These form a relational web not just for description but for analysis of social dynamics, the book shows how these adjust dynamically to changing social conditions. This is a level of integration hitherto never achieved in anthropology and it builds on a methodology for analysis of structural changes that was developed by the lead author. The book expands the theory of practice to show how changes in the structure of a societys kinship network affect the development of social cohesion over time. InterSciWiki, Network Analysis and Ethnographic Problems, a synopsis of the book. The Navigability of Strong Ties, Small Worlds, Tie Strength and Network Topology, in Networks and Complexity Special Issue, Complexity 8, douglas R.
White and Michael Houseman. Turkish Aydinli Nomads Study Photos color figures from Network Analysis and Ethnographic Problems Book Contents