Bureau of American Ethnology
The Bureau of American Ethnology was established in 1879 by an act of Congress for the purpose of transferring archives and materials relating to the Indians of North America from the Interior Department to the Smithsonian Institution. But from the start, the bureau's visionary founding director, John Wesley Powell, promoted a broader mission: "to organize anthropologic research in America." Under Powell, the bureau organized research-intensive multi-year projects. It prepared exhibits for expositions and collected anthropological artifacts for the Smithsonian United States National Museum. In addition, the BAE was the official repository of documents concerning American Indians collected by the various US geological surveys the Geographical and Geological Survey of the Rocky Mountain Region and the Geological Survey of the Territories, it developed a manuscript repository and illustrations section that included photographic work and the collection of photographs. In 1897, the Bureau of Ethnology's name changed to the Bureau of American Ethnology to emphasize the geographic limit of its interests, although its staff conducted research in US possessions such as Hawaii and the Philippines.
In 1965, the BAE merged with the Smithsonian's Department of Anthropology to form the Smithsonian Office of Anthropology within the United States National Museum. In 1968, the SOA archives became the National Anthropological Archives; the BAE's staff included some of America's earliest field anthropologists, including Frank Hamilton Cushing, James Owen Dorsey, Jesse Walter Fewkes, Alice Cunningham Fletcher, John N. B. Hewitt, Francis LaFlesche and Victor Mindeleff, James Mooney, William Henry Holmes, Edward Palmer, James Stevenson, Matilda Coxe Stevenson. In the 20th century, the BAE's staff included such anthropologists as Neil Judd, John Peabody Harrington, Matthew Stirling, William C. Sturtevant; the BAE supported the work of many non-Smithsonian researchers, most notably Franz Boas, Frances Densmore, Garrick Mallery, Washington Matthews, Paul Radin, Cyrus Thomas and T. T. Waterman; the BAE had three subunits: the Mounds Survey. At the time the BAE was founded, there was intense controversy over the identity of the Mound Builders, the term for the prehistoric people who had built complex, monumental earthwork mounds.
Archaeologists, both amateur and professional, were divided between believing the mounds were built by passing groups of people who settled in various places elsewhere, or believing they could have been built by Native Americans. Cyrus Thomas, the Bureau's appointed head of the Division of Mound Exploration published his conclusions on the origins of the mounds in the Bureau's Annual Report of 1894, it is considered to be the last word in the controversy over the Mound builders' identities. After Thomas' publication, scholars accepted that varying cultures of prehistoric indigenous peoples, Native Americans, were the Mound builders. History of indigenous peoples of North America Native American history Moon eyed people National Anthropological Archives Fagan, Brian M. Ancient North America. Thames & Hudson. New York, 2005 Hinsley, Curtis M. 1994. The Smithsonian and the American Indian: making a moral anthropology in Victorian America. Washington: Smithsonian Institution Press. Hodge, Frederick Webb, Corinne L. Gilb.
1956. Frederick Webb Hodge, ethnologist. Berkeley, Calif: University of California. Judd, Neil Merton; the Bureau of American Ethnology. Norman: University of Oklahoma Press, 1967. Thomas, Cyrus. Report on the mound explorations of the Bureau of Ethnology. Pp. 3–730. Twelfth annual report of the Bureau of Ethnology to the Secretary of the Smithsonian Institution, 1890–91, by J. W. Powell, Director. XLVIII+742 pp. 42 pls. 344 figs. 1894. List of Publications of the Bureau of American Ethnology National Anthropological Archives, Smithsonian Institution Department of Anthropology, National Museum of Natural History, Smithsonian Institution A History of the Department of Anthropology, National Museum of Natural History, Smithsonian Institution, 1897–1997 Digitized copies of the BAE Annual Reports at Gallica Digitized copies of BAE Bulletins No. 1 – 24 Digitized copies of BAE Bulletins No. 25 – 200 Register to the Records of the Bureau of American Ethnology, National Anthropological Archives, Smithsonian Institution
The Emeryville Shellmound, in Emeryville, California, is a sacred burial site of the Ohlone people, a once-massive archaeological shell midden deposit. It was one of a complex of five or six mounds along the mouth of the perennial Temescal Creek, on the east shore of San Francisco Bay between Oakland and Berkeley, it was the largest of the over 425 shellmounds. The site of the Shellmound is now a California Historical Landmark. From 800B. C. Groups of Native Americans called the Costanoans lived at this spot by the Bay; the Bay Area region was divided into several dialect-speaking groups, the most advanced society among them called the Chochenyans who resided in the Alameda county region. Emeryville was believed to have been their capital. Reported as over 60 feet high and some 350 feet in diameter, the shellmound constituted a small hill, was physically linked to several adjacent mounds by extensive lower-lying midden deposits, its peak provided sweeping views of the Bay and the Golden Gate. Archaeologists believe that Native Americans constructed the Shellmound, made up of shellfish and animal remains, the remnants of millions of meals consumed at the site by the prehistoric residents.
The shells they threw aside from their catches of shellfish covered some hundreds of thousands of square feet, marked by several cones. Evidence indicates that the site was a large village, occupied from at least 2800 years ago to 400 years ago, it was used by Native Americans as a resting-place for their dead. The site was recognized as an archaeological deposit from the time of the first recorded settlement of the East Bay, was subjected to one of the earliest archaeological excavations in the United States; when the University of California excavated this site in 1902, again in the 1920s, they found that the mound consisted of clam and oyster shells, with a plentiful mixture of cockleshells. A large amusement park operated on the site from the 1870s through 1924; the park contained a racetrack, two dance halls, bars, a carousel, bowling alley, a world class shooting range where national competitions were held. In the early 1900s, the racetrack was the site of public demonstrations of lighter-than-air and heavier-than-air flying machines.
One of the dance pavilions was located atop the shellmound, providing a fantastic view of the bay for party-goers. At the time, Shellmound Park was quite an attraction, was a popular destination for many people from all over the San Francisco Bay Area. With the passage of prohibition in the 1920s, the number of visitors fell off and the park fell into decline and was sold; the site of the shellmound contained a large industrial plant site from 1924 through 1999, demolished by the City of Emeryville Redevelopment Agency in 1999. During the course of demolition, workers at the site rediscovered remnants of the Emeryville Shellmound, a prehistoric Ohlone Indian habitation site, long thought destroyed by the building of the industrial plant in 1924. Despite protest, construction continued, the artifacts and remains were covered over once again. Photos of the leveling of the Emeryville Shellmound in 1924 suggest this destruction. However, the small size of construction equipment in the 1920s and the different construction techniques used at that time meant that there was far less destruction of the native ground surface than modern construction methods inflict.
In fact, the disturbance of underlying soils was far less extensive and complete than might have been expected. In 1999, during the removal of the industrial plant, archaeologists were called to the site and it was determined portions of the Emeryville Shellmound still were intact there; the site is occupied by the Bay Street Shopping Center along with a small park in memorial to the shellmound. Beginning in the mid-to-late 19th century, fill material was deposited over and in the vicinity of the Emeryville Shellmound; the purpose of this deposition was to facilitate industrial development of this locale. By the early-to-middle 20th century substantial heavy industry was in place principally in the form of the Judson Steel company manufacturing facility and P. I. E. Trucking terminals; these developed uses were atop a layer of fill material measuring three to eight feet in depth above the native soil and bay mud. Some of the wastes included waste paints, numerous heavy metals and certain petroleum hydrocarbons.
By the 1980s redevelopment planning for the Emeryville Shellmound vicinity was underway, consisting of planning by private interests and the city of Emeryville. In 1989 Earth Metrics prepared a remedial action plan to assess and remediate soil and groundwater contamination in the vicinity of the Emeryville Shellmound; these studies found elevated concentrations of lead and certain other heavy metals as well as petroleum hydrocarbons such as benzene and toluene. Most of the contamination was found in the upper fill layers and did not penetrate into the shellmound itself. Substantial amounts of contaminant removal, including many people buried there centuries ago, was conducted prior to area redevelopment. In addition, archeologists found a large number of burials in the piling headings during construction. Many believe that hundreds of burials remain beneath the project, built. Opposition to the redevelopment of the moundsite was widespread. It
The Yokuts are an ethnic group of Native Americans native to central California. Before European contact, the Yokuts consisted of up to 60 tribes speaking several related languages; some of their descendants prefer to refer to themselves by their respective tribal names and reject the name Yokuts with the claim that it is an exonym invented by English speaking settlers and historians. Conventional sub-groupings include the Foothill Yokuts, Northern Valley Yokuts, Southern Valley Yokuts. Yokuts tribes populated the San Joaquin Valley, from the Sacramento-San Joaquin River Delta south to Bakersfield and the adjacent foothills of the Sierra Nevada mountain range, which lies to the east. In the northern half of the Yokuts region, there were some tribes inhabiting the foothills of the Coast Range, which lies to the west. There is evidence of Yokuts inhabiting the Carrizo Plain and creating rock art in the Painted Rock area. Estimates for the pre-contact populations of most native groups in California have varied substantially.
Alfred L. Kroeber in 1925 put the 1770 population of the Yokut at 18,000. Several subsequent investigators suggested that the total should be higher. Robert F. Heizer and Albert B. Elsasser 1980 suggested that the Yokut had numbered about 70,000, they had one of the highest regional population densities in pre-contact North America. The numbers of Foothill Yokut were reduced by around 93% between 1850 and 1900. A few Valley Yokut remain, the most prominent tribe among them being the Tachi. Kroeber estimated the population of the Yokut in 1910 as 600. Today there are about 2000 enrolled Yokut in the federally recognized tribe and 600 more Yokut belonging to unrecognized tribes. According to San Diego State University, the Yokutsan languages are members of the Penutian language family. Casson Choinumni Chukchansi Lakisamni Tachi tribe Wukchumni Chowchilla Santa Rosa Rancheria Picayune Rancheria of Chukchansi Indians Table Mountain Rancheria Tejon Indian Tribe of California Tule River Indian Tribe of the Tule River Reservation Tuolumne RancheriaThe contemporary Wukchumni and Choinumni communities do not yet have federal recognition.
Yokuts are known to have engaged in trading with other California tribes of Native Americans including coastal peoples such as the Chumash of the Central California coast, with whom they are thought to have traded plant and animal products. On 5 April 2015, it was reported that members of the Chukchansi tribe near Yosemite have been disenrolling other members from the tribe for decades, so that the tribe's casino profits go to fewer people. In the autumn of 2014, several disenrolled Chukchansi tribe members arrived at the Chukchansi Gold Resort & Casino armed with guns, violence ensued; as a result, a federal judge ordered. Estanislao Every tribe has a Head Chief, a Village Chief. -Researched by Mary Ann Brensel Yokuts traditional narratives Thomas Jefferson Mayfield Kroeber, A. L. 1910. On the Evidences of Occupation of Certain Regions by the Miwok Tribes, University of California Press, Vol. 6 No. 3 p. 370 Kroeber, A. L. 1925. Handbook of the Indians of California. Bureau of American Ethnology Bulletin No. 78.
Washington, D. C. Pritzker, Barry M. 2000. A Native American Encyclopedia: History and Peoples. Oxford University Press, Oxford. ISBN 978-0-19-513877-1. Heizer, R. F. and A. B. Elsasser 1980; the Natural World of the California Indians, University of California Press, Berkeley. ISBN 0-520-03895-9. Tachi Yokut Tribal website Info About Yokuts, by the Minnesota State University Culture and History, by Native Languages of the Americas Baumhoff, Martin A. 1963."Ecological Determinants of Aboriginal California Populations". University of California Publications in American Archaeology and Ethnology 49:155–236. Cook, Sherburne F. 1955. "The Aboriginal Population of the San Joaquin Valley, California". Anthropological Records 16:31–80. University of California, Berkeley. Cummins, Marjorie W.. The Tache-Yokuts, Indians of the San Joaquin Valley. Pioneer Publishing Company. ISBN 0-914330-24-1. Heizer, Robert F. and Albert B. Elsasser. 1980. The Natural World of the California Indians. University of California Press, Berkeley.
Powell, John Wesley 1891. Indian Linguistic Families Of America, North Of Mexico, Government Printing Office, pages 90–91. Wallace, William J. 1978. "Southern Valley Yokuts". In California, edited by Robert F. Heizer, pp. 448–469. Handbook of North American Indians, William C. Sturtevant, general editor, vol. 8. Smithsonian Institution, Washington, D. C. Webb, Frederick 1910.'Tachi' and'Tammukan', in Handbook of American Indians North of Mexico, Government Printing Office
The Diablo Range is a mountain range in the California Coast Ranges subdivision of the Pacific Coast Ranges. It is located in the eastern San Francisco Bay area south to the Salinas Valley area of northern California, the United States; the Diablo Range extends from the Carquinez Strait in the north to Orchard Peak in the south, near the point where State Route 46 crosses over the Coast Ranges at Cholame, as described by the USGS. It is bordered on the northeast by the San Joaquin River, on the southeast by the San Joaquin Valley, on the southwest by the Salinas River, on the northwest by the Santa Clara Valley; the USGS designation is somewhat ambiguous north of the Santa Clara Valley, but on their maps, the range is shown as the ridgeline which runs between its namesake Mount Diablo southeastward past Mount Hamilton. Geologically, the range corresponds to the California Coast Ranges east of the Calaveras Fault in this northern section. For much of the length of the Diablo Range, it is paralleled by other sections of the California Coast Ranges to the west, the Santa Cruz Mountains across the southern San Francisco Bay and Santa Clara Valley, the Santa Lucia Range across the Salinas Valley.
The range passes through Contra Costa, San Joaquin, Santa Clara, Merced, San Benito, Fresno and Kings Counties, ends in the northwesternmost extremity of Kern County. Though the average elevation is about 3,000 feet, a summit at over 2,300 feet is considered high because the range is rolling grasslands and plateaus, punctuated by sudden peaks; the plateaus are at about 2,000–3,000 feet. The hills rising out of valleys rise to about 1,000 feet at most, the hills rolling around inland plateaus go from 1,500–2,500 feet. Foothills, such as the which are found near the Santa Clara Valley, Livermore Valley and San Joaquin Valley, are lowest, from 400–1,000 feet. Canyons are 300–400 feet deep and valleys are deeper but gentler; the peaks have high topographic prominence because they are surrounded by hills, valleys, or lower plateaus. Streams draining the eastern slopes of the Diablo Range include Ingram Creek. Stream draining the western slopes include Coyote Creek; the Diablo Range's following peaks and ridges are between 2,517–5,241 feet and are distinct landmarks.
Mount Diablo, San Benito Mountain, Mount Hamilton Ridge, Mount Stakes. The Diablo Range is paralleled for much of its distance by U. S. Route 101 by I-5 to the east. Major routes of travel through the range include: North of the range BNSF Railway/Amtrak San Joaquin Willow Pass State Route 4 Antioch–SFO/Millbrae BART Altamont Pass Union Pacific Railroad/Altamont Corridor Express I-580 Sunol Valley State Route 84 I-680 Pacheco Pass State Route 152 Future California High-Speed Rail State Route 198 Cottonwood Pass Polonio Pass A sparsely used gravel road is the highest road in the range, with its highest point being on San Benito Mountain at over 5,000 feet; the Diablo Range is unpopulated outside of the San Francisco Bay Area. Major nearby communities include Antioch, Walnut Creek, San Ramon, Livermore, Milpitas, San Jose, Morgan Hill, Gilroy. and the Central Valley city of Tracy. South of Pacheco Pass, the only major nearby communities are Los Banos, Hollister; the small town of Coalinga may be notable for its location on State Route 198, one of the few routes through the mountains.
Most of the range consists of private ranchland. However, the range does contain several areas of parkland, including Mount Diablo State Park, Alum Rock Park, Grant Ranch Park, Henry W. Coe State Park, Laguna Mountain Recreation Area, the BLM's Clear Creek Management Area. In addition, some private land is held in conservation easements by the California Rangeland Trust. Since the range lies around 10 to 50 miles inland from the ocean, other coastal ranges like the Santa Lucia Range and the Santa Cruz Mountains block incoming moisture, the range gets little precipitation. In addition, the average elevation of 3,000 feet is not high enough to catch most of the incoming moisture at higher altitudes. Winters are mild with moderate rainfall, but summers are dry and hot. Areas above 2,500 feet get light to moderate snow in the winter at the highest point, the 5,241 ft San Benito Mountain in the remote southeastern section of the range. However, though sites at the lower end get annual snowfall, it is light and melts too fast to be noticed.
Once or twice a decade there is deep and long lasting snowfall. Mercury contamination near the southern end of the range is an ongoing problem, due to the New Idria quicksilver mines, which stopped production in the 1970s. Heavy mercury contamination has been documented in the San Carlos and Silver Creeks, which flow into Panoche Creek, thence into the San Joaquin River; this has resulted in mercury contamination all the way downstream to the San Francisco Bay. Silver and San Carlos creeks provide a wetland environment in an otherwise arid region and are important for the ecology of the region; as of 2011, New Idria has been scheduled for cleanup. The Diablo Range is part of the California interior chaparral and woodlands ecoregion, it is covered by chaparral and California oak woodland communities, with stands of closed-cone pine forests appearing above 4,000 feet. The native bunch grass savanna has be
John Peabody Harrington
John Peabody Harrington was an American linguist and ethnologist and a specialist in the indigenous peoples of California. Harrington is noted for the massive volume of his documentary output, most of which has remained unpublished: the shelf space in the National Anthropological Archives dedicated to his work spans nearly 700 feet. Born in Waltham, Harrington moved to California as a child. From 1902 to 1905, Harrington studied classical languages at Stanford University. While attending specialized classes at the University of California, Berkeley, he met anthropologist Alfred L. Kroeber. Harrington became intensely interested in ethnography. Rather than completing his doctorate at the Universities of Leipzig and Berlin, Harrington became a high-school language teacher. For three years, he devoted his spare time to an intense examination of the few surviving Chumash people, his exhaustive work came to the attention of the Smithsonian Museum's Bureau of American Ethnology. Harrington became a permanent field ethnologist for the bureau in 1915.
He was to hold this position for 40 years and compiling several massive caches of raw data on native peoples, including the Chumash, Rumsen, Kiowa, Yokuts, Salinan and Mojave, among many others. Harrington extended his work into traditional culture mythology and geography, his field collections include information on thousands of photographs. The massive collections were disorganized in the extreme, contained not only linguistic manuscripts and recordings, but objects and realia of every stripe, he gathered more than 1 million pages of phonetic notations on languages spoken by tribes from Alaska to South America. When the technology became available, he supplemented his written record with audio recordings - many digitized - first using wax cylinders aluminum discs, he is credited with gathering some of the first recordings of native languages and songs, perfecting the phonetics of several different languages. Harrington's attention to detail, both linguistic and cultural, is well-illustrated in "Tobacco among the Karuk Indians of California," one of his few formally published works.
A more complete listing of the languages he documented includes: Harrington was married to Carobeth Laird from 1916-1923. They had Awona Harrington. Indigenous languages of California Traditional narratives Native American history of California Native Americans in California Survey of California and Other Indian Languages J. P. Harrington Database Project Victor Golla, California Indian Languages Bibliography John Peabody Harrington: the clue to lost Native American languages: Mike Anton LA Times Staff Writer Keepers of Indigenous Ways: J. P. Harrington Biography "Reconstituting the Chumash: A Review Essay," Peter Nabokov, American Indian Quarterly, Vol. 13, No. 4, Special Issue: The California Indians. Pp. 535-543. A Harrington Chronology John P. Harrington Papers 1907-1959 Los Angeles Times article and video about Harrington's research amongst the Chumash
A hunter-gatherer is a human living in a society in which most or all food is obtained by foraging. Hunter-gatherer societies stand in contrast to agricultural societies, which rely on domesticated species. Hunting and gathering was humanity's first and most successful adaptation, occupying at least 90 percent of human history. Following the invention of agriculture, hunter-gatherers who did not change have been displaced or conquered by farming or pastoralist groups in most parts of the world. In West Eurasia, agriculture lead to widespread genetic changes when older hunter-gatherer populations were replaced by Middle Eastern farmers during the Neolithic who in turn were overrun by Indo-Europeans during the Bronze Age. Only a few contemporary societies are classified as hunter-gatherers, many supplement their foraging activity with horticulture or pastoralism. During the 1970s, Lewis Binford suggested that early humans were obtaining food via scavenging, not hunting. Early humans in the Lower Paleolithic lived in forests and woodlands, which allowed them to collect seafood, eggs and fruits besides scavenging.
Rather than killing large animals for meat, according to this view, they used carcasses of such animals that had either been killed by predators or that had died of natural causes. Archaeological and genetic data suggest that the source populations of Paleolithic hunter-gatherers survived in sparsely wooded areas and dispersed through areas of high primary productivity while avoiding dense forest cover. According to the endurance running hypothesis, long-distance running as in persistence hunting, a method still practiced by some hunter-gatherer groups in modern times, was the driving evolutionary force leading to the evolution of certain human characteristics; this hypothesis does not contradict the scavenging hypothesis: both subsistence strategies could have been in use – sequentially, alternating or simultaneously. Hunting and gathering was the subsistence strategy employed by human societies beginning some 1.8 million years ago, by Homo erectus, from its appearance some 0.2 million years ago by Homo sapiens.
Prehistoric hunter-gatherers lived in groups that consisted of several families resulting in a size of a few dozen people. It remained the only mode of subsistence until the end of the Mesolithic period some 10,000 years ago, after this was replaced only with the spread of the Neolithic Revolution. Starting at the transition between the Middle to Upper Paleolithic period, some 80,000 to 70,000 years ago, some hunter-gatherers bands began to specialize, concentrating on hunting a smaller selection of game and gathering a smaller selection of food; this specialization of work involved creating specialized tools such as fishing nets and bone harpoons. The transition into the subsequent Neolithic period is chiefly defined by the unprecedented development of nascent agricultural practices. Agriculture originated as early as 12,000 years ago in the Middle East, independently originated in many other areas including Southeast Asia, parts of Africa and the Andes. Forest gardening was being used as a food production system in various parts of the world over this period.
Forest gardens originated in prehistoric times along jungle-clad river banks and in the wet foothills of monsoon regions. In the gradual process of families improving their immediate environment, useful tree and vine species were identified and improved, whilst undesirable species were eliminated. Superior introduced species were selected and incorporated into the gardens. Many groups continued their hunter-gatherer ways of life, although their numbers have continually declined as a result of pressure from growing agricultural and pastoral communities. Many of them reside in arid regions or tropical forests. Areas that were available to hunter-gatherers were—and continue to be—encroached upon by the settlements of agriculturalists. In the resulting competition for land use, hunter-gatherer societies either adopted these practices or moved to other areas. In addition, Jared Diamond has blamed a decline in the availability of wild foods animal resources. In North and South America, for example, most large mammal species had gone extinct by the end of the Pleistocene—according to Diamond, because of overexploitation by humans, one of several explanations offered for the Quaternary extinction event there.
As the number and size of agricultural societies increased, they expanded into lands traditionally used by hunter-gatherers. This process of agriculture-driven expansion led to the development of the first forms of government in agricultural centers, such as the Fertile Crescent, Ancient India, Ancient China, Sub-Saharan Africa and Norte Chico; as a result of the now near-universal human reliance upon agriculture, the few contemporary hunter-gatherer cultures live in areas unsuitable for agricultural use. Archaeologists can use evidence such as stone tool use to track hunter-gatherer activities, including mobility. Most hunter-gatherers are semi-nomadic and live in temporary settlements. Mobile communities construct shelters using impermanent building materials, or they may use natural rock shelters, where they are available; some hunter-gatherer cultures, such as the indigenous peoples of the Pacific Northwest Coast and the Yakuts, lived in rich environments that allowed them to be sedentary or semi-sedentary.
Hunter-gatherers tend to have an egalitarian social ethos, although settled hunter-gatherers are an exception to this rule. Nearly
The Rumsen are one of eight groups of the Ohlone, an indigenous people of California. They shared a common language, spoken from the Pajaro River to Point Sur, on the lower courses of the Pajaro, as well as on the Salinas and Carmel Rivers, the region of the present-day cities of Salinas and Carmel; the Rumsen tribe held the lower Carmel River Valley and neighboring Monterey Peninsula at the time of Spanish colonization. Their population of 400-500 people was distributed among at least five villages within their territory. An early twentieth-century mapping of a specific village called Rumsen on the Carmel River, several miles inland from the Mission in Carmel, may or may not be accurate. Mission registers indicate that "Tucutnut", about three miles upstream from the mouth of the Carmel River, was the largest village of the Rumsen local tribe; the Rumsen were the first Costanoan people to be seen and documented by the Spanish explorers of Northern California, as noted by Sebastian Vizcaíno when he reached Monterey in 1602.
Since this first Spanish contact, Manila galleons may have ventured up the California coastline and stopped in Monterey Bay between 1602 and 1796. During the era of Spanish missions in California, the Rumsen people's lives changed when the Spaniards came from the south to build the Mission San Carlos Borroméo de Carmelo and the Monterey Presidio in their territory. Many were baptized between 1771 and 1808. Once baptized, the Rumsen people were required to live in the mission village and its surrounding ranches, They were taught as Catholic neophytes known as Mission Indians, until the missions were secularized by the Mexican Government in 1834; some Mission San Carlos Indian people were formally deeded plots at secularization, only to lose those plots during the Rancho Period. At least since the mission era, the people of the Esselen Nation claim close association with the Rumsen Ohlone, through Mission integration and intermarriage. Dialects of the Rumsen language were spoken by four independent local tribes, including the Rumsen themselves, the Ensen of the Salinas vicinity, the Calendaruc of the central shoreline of Monterey Bay, the Sargentaruc of the Big Sur Coast.
The territory of the language group was bordered by Monterey Bay and the Pacific Ocean to the west, the Awaswas Ohlone to the north, the Mutsun Ohlone to the east, the Chalon Ohlone on the south east, the Esselen to the south. Ohlone tribes and villages in the Monterey Bay Area Ohlone: History Costanoan Rumsen Chino Tribe Ohlone Costanoan Esselen Nation tribal website "Rumsen / Southern Ohlone sound recordings". Collections Search Center, Smithsonian Institution. Retrieved 2012-07-20