Indigenous music of Australia
Australian Aboriginal and Torres Straight Islander music includes the music of Aboriginal Australians and social and ceremonial observances of these people, down through the millennia of their individual and collective histories to the present day, has existed for 40,000 years. The traditional forms include many aspects of performance and musical instrumentation which are unique to particular regions or Indigenous Australian groups; the culture of the Torres Strait Islanders is related to that of adjacent parts of New Guinea and so their music is related. Music is a vital part of Indigenous Australians' cultural maintenance. In addition to these Indigenous traditions and musical heritage since the 18th-century European colonisation of Australia began Indigenous Australian musicians and performers have adopted and interpreted many of the imported Western musical styles informed by and in combination with traditional instruments and sensibilities. Non-Indigenous artists and performers have adapted and sampled Indigenous Australian styles and instruments in their works.
Contemporary musical styles such as rock and roll, country and reggae have all featured a variety of notable Indigenous Australian performers. A didgeridoo is a type of musical instrument that, according to western musicological classification, falls into the category of aerophone, it is one of the oldest instruments to date. It consists without finger holes, through which the player blows, it is sometimes fitted with a mouthpiece of beeswax. Didgeridoos are traditionally made of eucalyptus, but contemporary materials such as PVC piping are used. In traditional situations it is played only by men as an accompaniment to ceremonial or recreational singing, or, much more as a solo instrument. Skilled players use the technique of circular breathing to achieve a continuous sound, employ techniques for inducing multiple harmonic resonances. Although traditionally the instrument was not widespread around the country - it was only used by Aboriginal groups in the most northerly areas - today it is considered the national instrument of the Australian Aborigines and is world-renowned as a unique and iconic instrument.
Famous players include Djalu Gurruwiwi, Mark Atkins, William Barton, David Hudson, Joe Geia and Shane Underwood as well as white virtuoso Charlie McMahon. A clapstick is a type of musical instrument that, according to western musicological classification, falls into the category of percussion. Unlike drumsticks, which are used to strike a drum, clapsticks are intended for striking one stick on another, people as well, they are of oval shape with paintings of snakes, lizards and more. Used as a hand-held free reed instrument. An example is the "Coo-ee" call seen in the opening credits of hit television series Skippy Instrument like the drone of a whistling Top, except the whole instrument is spun around on a length of rope. Used to herd prey from the bush and in ceremonial ritual. Bunggul is a style of music that originated around the Mann River in central Arnhem Land, Northern Territory; this style is known for its intense lyrics stories of epic journeys, which continue or repeat, after the music has stopped.
A particular clan in Aboriginal culture may share songs, known variously as emeba, manikay or different terms in other Aboriginal languages. These songs are about clan or family history and are updated to take into account popular films and music and social relationships. Songlines — called Yiri in the Warlpiri language, other terms — relate to the Dreamtime, using oral lore and storytelling manifested as an intricate series of song cycles that identify landmarks and tracking mechanisms for navigation; these songs describe how the features of the land were created and named during the Dreamtime. By singing the songs in the appropriate order, Indigenous Australians could navigate vast distances travelling through the deserts of Australia's interior, they relate the holder or the keeper of the song or Dreamtime story with an inherent obligation and reciprocity with the land. Kun-borrk originated around the Adelaide and Rose Rivers, distinguished by a didgeridoo introduction followed by percussion and vocals.
These include words, in contrast to many other syllabic styles of Aboriginal singing. Wangga originated near the South Alligator River. An high note starts the song, accompanied by rhythmic percussion, followed by a sudden shift to a low tone. Wangga is performed by one or two singers with clapsticks and one didgeridoo player; the occasion is a circumcision ceremony or a ceremony to purify a dead person's belongings with smoke. Early visitors and settlers published a number of transcriptions of traditional Aboriginal music. A number of Indigenous Australians have achieved mainstream prominence, such as Jimmy Little, Yothu Yindi, Troy Cassar-Daley, NoKTuRNL and the Warumpi Band. Indigenous music has gained broad exposure through the world music movement and in particular the WOMADelaide festivals. Geoffrey Gurrumul Yunupingu of Yothu Yindi, attained international success singing contemporary music in English and in the language of the Yolngu. Successful Torres Strait Islander musicians include Seaman Dan.
Contemporary Indigenous music continues the earlier traditions and represents a fusion with contemporary mainstream styles of music, such as rock and coun
Ching are finger cymbals played in Cambodian and Thai theater and dance ensembles. Joined by a cord that runs through the center, ching are bowl-shaped, about 5 centimeters in diameter, made of bronze alloy—iron and gold, they are struck together in a cyclical pattern to keep time and regulate the melody, they function as the "timekeeper" of the ensemble. The rhythm consists of alternating the accented closed stroke with an unaccented open "ching" stroke; the name "ching" is onomatopoeic for this open sound. The Cambodian ensemble—which has traditionally accompanied court dance, masked plays, shadow plays and ceremonies—is composed of vocalists and instruments: gong chimes, reed instruments, xylophones and ching. A Thai ensemble consists of stringed fiddles, zither, gong circles and ching. Melody in both Thai and Khmer musics is regulated by cyclic patterns realized on the drums and ching. Evidence of the ching has been found in Angkor, the great temple-city of Khmer civilization, where classical art flourished between the ninth to the fifth centuries.
Scenes carved in the walls of the temple depict celestial dancers with their musical instruments, including small cymbals. Music of Cambodia Music of Thailand Sound sample and ching
A percussion instrument is a musical instrument, sounded by being struck or scraped by a beater. The percussion family is believed to include the oldest musical instruments, following the human voice; the percussion section of an orchestra most contains instruments such as timpani, snare drum, bass drum, cymbals and tambourine. However, the section can contain non-percussive instruments, such as whistles and sirens, or a blown conch shell. Percussive techniques can be applied to the human body, as in body percussion. On the other hand, keyboard instruments, such as the celesta, are not part of the percussion section, but keyboard percussion instruments such as the glockenspiel and xylophone are included. Percussion instruments are most divided into two classes: Pitched percussion instruments, which produce notes with an identifiable pitch, unpitched percussion instruments, which produce notes or sounds without an identifiable pitch. Percussion instruments may play not only rhythm, but melody and harmony.
Percussion is referred to as "the backbone" or "the heartbeat" of a musical ensemble working in close collaboration with bass instruments, when present. In jazz and other popular music ensembles, the pianist, bassist and sometimes the guitarist are referred to as the rhythm section. Most classical pieces written for full orchestra since the time of Haydn and Mozart are orchestrated to place emphasis on the strings and brass; however at least one pair of timpani is included, though they play continuously. Rather, they serve to provide additional accents. In the 18th and 19th centuries, other percussion instruments have been used, again sparingly; the use of percussion instruments became more frequent in the 20th century classical music. In every style of music, percussion plays a pivotal role. In military marching bands and pipes and drums, it is the beat of the bass drum that keeps the soldiers in step and at a regular speed, it is the snare that provides that crisp, decisive air to the tune of a regiment.
In classic jazz, one immediately thinks of the distinctive rhythm of the hi-hats or the ride cymbal when the word "swing" is spoken. In more recent popular music culture, it is impossible to name three or four rock, hip-hop, funk or soul charts or songs that do not have some sort of percussive beat keeping the tune in time; because of the diversity of percussive instruments, it is not uncommon to find large musical ensembles composed of percussion. Rhythm and harmony are all represented in these ensembles. Music for pitched percussion instruments can be notated on a staff with the same treble and bass clefs used by many non-percussive instruments. Music for percussive instruments without a definite pitch can be notated with a specialist rhythm or percussion-clef. Percussion instruments are classified by various criteria sometimes depending on their construction, ethnic origin, function within musical theory and orchestration, or their relative prevalence in common knowledge; the word "percussion" derives from Latin the terms: "percussio", "percussus".
As a noun in contemporary English, Wiktionary describes it as "the collision of two bodies to produce a sound." The term has application in medicine and weaponry, as in percussion cap. However, all known uses of percussion appear to share a similar lineage beginning with the original Latin: "percussus". In a musical context the percussion instruments may have been coined to describe a family of musical instruments including drums, metal plates, or blocks that musicians beat or struck to produce sound. Hornbostel–Sachs has no high-level section for percussion. Most percussion instruments are classified as membranophones; however the term percussion is instead used at lower-levels of the Hornbostel–Sachs hierarchy, including to identify instruments struck with either a non-sonorous object or against a non-sonorous object. This is opposed to concussion, which refers to instruments with two or more complementary sonorous parts that strike against each other and other meanings. For example: 111.1 Concussion idiophones or clappers, played in pairs and beaten against each other, such as zills and clapsticks.
111.2 Percussion idiophones, includes many percussion instruments played with the hand or by a percussion mallet, such as the hang and the xylophone, but not drums and only some cymbals. 21 Struck drums, includes most types of drum, such as the timpani, snare drum, tom-tom. (Included in most drum sets or 412.12 Percussion reeds, a class of wind instrument unrelated to percussion in the more common sense There are many instruments that have some claim to being percussion, but are classified otherwise: Keyboard instruments such as the celesta and piano. Stringed instruments played with beaters such as the hammered dulcimer. Unpitched whistles and similar instruments, such as the pea whistle and Acme siren. Percussion instruments are sometimes classified as "pitched" or "unpitched". While valid, this classification is seen as inadequate. Rather, it may be more informative to describe percussion instruments in regards to one or more of the following four paradigms: Many texts, including Teaching Percussion by Gary Cook of the University of Arizona, begin by studying the physica
The Yolngu or Yolŋu are an aggregation of indigenous Australian people inhabiting north-eastern Arnhem Land in the Northern Territory of Australia. Yolngu means "person" in the Yolŋu languages; the terms Murngin and Wulamba were used by some anthropologists for the Yolngu. All Yolngu clans are affiliated with either the Yirritja moiety; the ethnonym Murrgin gained currency after its extensive use in a book by the American anthropologist W. Lloyd Warner, whose study of the Yolngu, A Black Civilization: a Social Study of an Australian Tribe assumed the status of an ethnographical classic, considered by R. Lauriston Sharp the "first adequately rounded out descriptive picture of an Australian aboriginal community." Norman Tindale was dismissive of the term, regarding it, like the term Kurnai, as "artificial", having been arbitrarily applied to a large number of peoples of northeastern Australia. The proper transliteration of the word was, in any case, Muraŋin, meaning "shovel-nosed spear folk", an expression appropriate to western peripheral tribes, such as the Rembarrnga of the general area Warner described.
For Tindale, following recent linguistic studies, the eastern Arnhem Land tribes constituting the Yolgnu lacked the standard tribal structures evidenced elsewhere in abvoriginal Australia, in comprising several distinct socio-linguistic realities in an otherwise integral cultural continuum. He classified these as the Yan-nhaŋu, Djinba, Djaŋu, Rembarrnga, Ritharngu and the Dhuwala. Warner had deployed the term'Murngin' to denote a group of peoples who shared, in his analysis, a distinctive form of kinship organization, his description of their marriage rules, subsection system and kinship terminology. Other researchers in the field contested his early findings. T. Theodor Webb argued that Warner's Murngin referred to one moiety, could only denote a Yiritcha mala, dismissed Warner's terminology as misleading. A. P. Elkin, comparing the work of Warner and Webb, endorsed the latter's analysis as more congruent with the known facts. Yolngu comprise several distinct groups, differentiated by the languages and dialects they speak, but sharing overall similarities in the ritual life and hunter-gathering economic and cultural lifestyles in the territory of eastern Arnhem land.
Ethnographers studying the Yolngu applied the ostensibly universal, but retrospectively nineteenth century, concepts of tribe and phratry to classify and sort out into separate identities the units forming the Yolngu ethnocultural mosaic. After the work of Ian Keen in particular, such taxonomic terminology is seen as problematical, inadequate because of its eurocentric assumptions. Specialists are undecided, for example, whether the languages spoken by the Yolngu amount to five or eight, one survey arrived at eleven distinct "dialect" groups. Yolŋu speak a dozen languages classified under the general heading of Yolngu Matha. English can be anywhere from a third to a tenth language for Yolŋu. Yolŋu groups are connected by a complex kinship system; this system governs fundamental aspects of Yolŋu life, including responsibilities for ceremony and marriage rules. People are introduced to children in terms of their relation to the child, introducing the child to kinship from the beginning. Yolŋu societies are described in terms of a division of two exogamous patrimoieties: Dhuwa and Yirritja.
Each of these is represented by people of a number of different groups, each of which have their own lands, languages and philosophies. A Yirritja person must always marry a Dhuwa person. Children take their father's moiety, meaning that if a man or woman is Dhuwa, their mother will be Yirritja. Kinship relations are mapped onto the lands owned by the Yolŋu through their hereditary estates – so everything is either Yirritja or Dhuwa – every fish, river, etc. belongs to one or the other moiety. For example, Yirritja yiḏaki are higher-pitched than Dhuwa yiḏaki. A few items are wakinŋu; the term yothu-yindi means child-big, describes the special relationship between a person and their mother's moiety. Because of yothu-yindi, Yirritja have duty towards Dhuwa. For example, a Gumatj man may craft the varieties of yiḏaki associated with his own clan group and the varieties associated with his mother's clan group; the word for "selfish" or "self-centred" in the Yolŋu languages is gurrutumiriw "kin lacking" or "acting as if one has no kin".
The moiety-based kinship of the Yolngu does not map in a straightforward way to the notion of the nuclear family, which makes accurate standardised reporting of households and relationships difficult, for example in the census. Polygamy is a normal part of Yolngu life: one man was known to have 29 wives, a record exceed only by polygamous arrangements among the Tiwi; as with nearly all Aboriginal groups, avoidance relationships exist in Yolngu culture between certain relations. The two main avoidance relationships are: son-in-law – mother-in-law brother – sisterBrother–sister avoidance called mirriri begins after initiation. In avoidance relationships, people do not speak directly or look at one another, try to avoid being in too close proximity with each other. People respected; the word for "law" in Yolgnu is rom. The complete system of Yolngu customary law is known as the Maḏayin. Maḏayin embodies the rights of the owners of the law, or citizens who have the rights and responsibilities fo
The bullroarer, rhombus, or turndun, is an ancient ritual musical instrument and a device used for communicating over great distances. It dates to the Paleolithic period, being found in Ukraine dating from 18,000 BC. Anthropologist Michael Boyd, a bullroarer expert, documents a number found in Europe, the Indian sub-continent, the Americas, Australia. In ancient Greece it was a sacred instrument used in the Dionysian Mysteries and is still used in rituals worldwide. Along with the didgeridoo, it was a prominent musical technology among the Australian Aborigines, used in ceremonies across the continent. A bullroarer consists of a weighted airfoil attached to a long cord; the wood slat is trimmed down to a sharp edge around the edges, serrations along the length of the wooden slat may or may not be used, depending on the cultural traditions of the region in question. The cord is given a slight initial twist, the roarer is swung in a large circle in a horizontal plane, or in a smaller circle in a vertical plane.
The aerodynamics of the roarer will keep it spinning about its axis after the initial twist has unwound. The cord winds first in one direction and the other, alternating, it makes a characteristic roaring vibrato sound with notable sound modulations occurring from the rotation of the roarer along its longitudinal axis, the choice of whether a shorter or longer length of cord is used to spin the bullroarer. By modifying the expansiveness of its circuit and the speed given it, by changing the plane in which the bullroarer is whirled from horizontal to vertical or vice versa, the modulation of the sound produced can be controlled, making the coding of information possible. Audio/visual demonstration Sound modulation by changing orbital plane; the low-frequency component of the sound travels long distances audible over many miles on a quiet night. Various cultures have used bullroarers as musical and religious instruments and long-range communication devices for at least 19,000 years. For example, due to their eerie sound, some people used bullroarers in the southern United States in the late 1800s and early 1900s to play pranks on superstitious people.
Because of its pitch modulation, the bullroarer has been incorrectly used as an example of something exhibiting the Doppler effect. Such an explanation could be correct for an observer, but not for the user. For an observer other than the user, the bullroarer's blade alternately approaches, recedes from, him or her, leading to the instrument's pitch rising and falling respectively; such an explanation cannot be correct if the observer is the user, because for him or her, the blade remains nearly equidistant. Any pitch modulation, heard identically by a user and a different observer must be a property of the instrument, rather than from the Doppler effect; the greatest pitch variation are caused by the spinning blade's loosening the cord. When the twist in one direction gets tight enough, the blade spin will slow and it will reverse its spin and unwind and will continue that direction of spin until the cord twist tightens again. At that time, the blade will reverse its spin direction again. During the reversals the blade's rotational speed about its long axis falls.
This variation in its own rapid rate of spin is. This instrument has been used by numerous early and traditional cultures in both the northern and southern hemispheres but in the popular consciousness it is best known for its use by Australian Aborigines. Henry Cowell composed a composition for two violins, two celli, two bullroarers. A bullroarer featured in the Kate Bush Before The Dawn concerts in London 2014. Bullroarers have been used in initiation ceremonies and in burials to ward off evil spirits, bad tidings, women and children. Bullroarers are considered secret men's business by all or all Aboriginal tribal groups, hence forbidden for women, non-initiated men, or outsiders to hear. Fison and Howitt documented this in "Kamilaroi and Kurnai". Anyone caught breaching the imposed secrecy was to be punished by death, they are used in men's initiation ceremonies, the sound they produce is considered in some indigenous cultures to represent the sound of the Rainbow Serpent. In the cultures of southeastern Australia, the sound of the bullroarer is the voice of Daramulan, a successful bullroarer can only be made if it has been cut from a tree containing his spirit.
In 1987, Midnight Oil included a recording of a bullroarer on their album Diesel and Dust inadvertently causing offense to the Aboriginal people of Central Australia from whom the recording was taken. As a point of clarification on the preceding paragraph, the book "Midnight Oil" by Michael Lawrence cites an interview that Rob Hirst did with Modern Drummer where Hirst states "...it's a sacred instrument...only initiated men are supposed to hear those sounds. So we didn't use a real bullroarer. Instead we used an imitation bullroarer, it is a ruler with a piece of rope wrapped around it." The bullroarer can be used as a tool in Aboriginal art. Bullroarers have sometimes been referred to as "wife-callers" by Australian Aborigines. A bullroarer is used by Paul Hogan in the 1988 film Crocodile Dundee II. John Antill included one in the orchestration of his ballet Cor
Arnhem Land is one of the five regions of the Northern Territory of Australia. It is located in the north-eastern corner of the territory and is around 500 km from the territory capital Darwin; the region has an area of 97,000 km2, which covers the area of Kakadu National Park, a population of 16,230. In 1623, Dutch East India Company captain William van Colster sailed into the Gulf of Carpentaria and Cape Arnhem is named after his ship, the Arnhem, which itself was named after the city of Arnhem in the Netherlands; the area covers about 97,000 km2 and has an estimated population of 16,000, of whom 12,000 are Yolngu, the traditional owners. The region's service hub is Nhulunbuy, 600 km east of Darwin, set up in the early 1970s as a mining town. Other major population centres are Yirrkala, Gunbalanya and Maningrida. A substantial proportion of the population, Aboriginal, lives on small outstations; this outstation movement started in the early 1980s. Many Aboriginal groups moved to very small settlements on their traditional lands to escape the problems on the larger townships.
These population groups have little Western influence culturally speaking, Arnhem Land is arguably one of the last areas in Australia that could be seen as a separate country. Many of the region's leaders have called and continue to call for a treaty that would allow the Yolngu to operate under their own traditional laws. In 2013–14, the entire region contributed around $1.3 billion or 7% to the Northern Territory's gross state product through bauxite mining. Arnhem Land has been occupied by indigenous people for tens of thousands of years and is the location of the oldest-known stone axe, which scholars believe to be 35,500 years old; the Gove Peninsula was involved in the defence of Australia during World War II. At least since the 18th century Muslim traders from Makassar of Sulawesi visited Arnhem Land each year to trade and process sea cucumbers or trepang; this marine animal is prized in Chinese cuisine, for folk medicine, as an aphrodisiac. This Macassan contact with Australia is the first recorded example of interaction between the inhabitants of the Australian continent and their Asian neighbours.
This contact had a major effect on local indigenous Australians. The Makassans exchanged goods such as cloth, knives and alcohol for the right to trepang coastal waters and employ local labour. Makassar pidgin became a lingua franca along the north coast among several indigenous Australian groups who were brought into greater contact with each other by the seafaring Makassan culture; these traders from the southwest corner of Sulawesi introduced the word balanda for white people, long before western explorers set foot on the coasts of northern Australia. In Arnhem Land, the word is still used today to refer to white Australians; the Dutch started settling in Sulawesi Island in the early 17th century. Archeological remains of Makassar contact, including trepang processing plants from the 18th and 19th centuries, are still found at Australian locations such as Port Essington and Groote Eylandt; the Makassans planted tamarind trees. After processing, the sea slugs were traded by the Makassans to Southern China.
In 2014, an 18th-century Chinese coin was found in the remote area of Wessel Islands off the coast on a beach on Elcho Island during a historical expedition. The coin was found near known Macassan trepanger fishing sites where several other Dutch coins have been discovered nearby, but never a Chinese coin; the coin was made in Beijing around 1735. The area is from Port Roper on the Gulf of Carpentaria around the coast to the East Alligator River, where it adjoins Kakadu National Park; the major centres are Jabiru on the Kakadu National Park border, Maningrida at the Liverpool River mouth, Nhulunbuy in the far north-east, on the Gove Peninsula. Gove is the site of large-scale bauxite mining with an associated alumina refinery, its administrative centre is the town of Nhulunbuy, the fourth-largest population centre in the Northern Territory. The climate of Arnhem Land is tropical monsoon with a dry season; the temperature has little seasonal variation. Declared an Aboriginal Reserve in 1931, it remains one of the largest Aboriginal Reserves in Australia and is best known for its isolation, the art of its people, the strong continuing traditions of its indigenous inhabitants.
Northeast Arnhem Land is home to the indigenous Yolngu people, one of the largest indigenous groups in Australia, who have succeeded in maintaining a vigorous traditional indigenous culture. The Malays and Makassans are believed to have had contact with the coastal Aboriginal groups and traded with them prior to European settlement of Australia; the 2006 film Ten Canoes captures life in Arnhem Land through a story tapping into the Aboriginal mythic past. The film and the documentary about the making of the film, The Balanda and the Bark Canoes, give a remarkable testimony to the indigenous struggle to keep their culture alive – or rather revive it in the wake of considerable relative modernisation and influence of white cultural imposition; the Aboriginal community of Yirrkala, just outside Nhulunbuy, is internationally known for bark paintings, promoting the rights of Indige
The Mendoza, Monkey Stick, Murrumbidgee River Rattler, Lagerphone or Zob Stick is a traditional English percussion instrument, used in folk music. The origins of the name are not known but it is believed to stem from an association with Roma and Italian buskers who were popular in London in the Victorian era. Alternatively, the name "Monkey Stick" could come from modern practice, in homage to the trained monkeys used by buskers to solicit money from passersby; some musicians have taken to fixing a small stuffed toy monkey to the tops of their instruments. The instrument is constructed from a stout pole with metal "jingles" fastened at intervals along the shaft; these are beer-bottle tops with a 1 inch washer in between the tops and the shaft to enhance the quality of the sound. The end of the shaft is believed to have been covered with a rag to give some protection to the floor. A boot that might be attached to the base of the pole is a recent'Zob Stick' addition; when played on a wooden floor, the sound produced is a combination of a bass tambourine.
It can be played with an additional small notched or serrated stick held in the other hand, allowing it to not only be shaken or hammered onto the ground, but "bowed" to produce a combined clicking and rattling sound. In Australia, this instrument constructed with beer-bottle tops is known as a Lagerphone, a variation of the traditional aboriginal instrument using shells; the same name and construction is found in New Zealand. In Newfoundland, it is referred to as an "Ugly stick". In the Dutch province Friesland this type of instrument is known as a'kuttepiel'. In the American upper-Midwestern states of Minnesota and Wisconsin, the related stumpf fiddle or pogocello originated in Czech communities and adds small cymbals, a drum. A similar instrument, the batih, is found in Ukraine. The'Zob Stick' variation of this instrument was constructed and named in 1968 by percussionist and songwriter Keef Trouble of the band Brett Marvin and the Thunderbolts and Terry Dactyl and the Dinosaurs, it is now, with the term ‘Lagerphone’, the most used name for this instrument.
The Brett Marvin invented term'Zob' was taken from an old risqué UK naval term that has the same meaning in French. The Keef Trouble'Zob Stick' is distinguished by the first introduction of a sprung-boot attached to the bottom of the pole and a metal sleeve round its centre, this being hit with a serrated wooden stick. Bands such as Groanbox, Zapoppin' and Dr. Busker have incorporated the Monkey stick into their recordings and live shows; the town of Brooweena in Queensland, Australia claims to hold the unofficial record when 134 people played the lagerphone in 2009. Turkish crescent Bush band Ugly stick Groanbox Brett Marvin and the Thunderbolts The Lagerphone Pages by Keith Sayers