1930 Japanese general election
General elections were held in Japan on 20 February 1930. The Rikken Minseitō, led by Prime Minister Osachi Hamaguchi, won an overall majority in the House of Representatives. Voter turnout was 83.34%
Hamaguchi Osachi was a Japanese politician, cabinet minister and Prime Minister of Japan from 2 July 1929 to 14 April 1931. Nicknamed the "Lion Prime Minister" due to his dignified demeanor and mane-like hair, Hamaguchi served as leading member of the liberal Rikken Minseitō during the "Taishō Democracy" of interwar Japan. Hamaguchi was born in Tosa Province, he was the third son of Minaguchi Tanehira, an official in the local forestry department, took the Hamaguchi name on his marriage to Hamaguchi Natsuko in 1889. Hamaguchi graduated from the Law College of Tokyo Imperial University in 1895 and began his career as a bureaucrat in the Ministry of Finance. In 1907, he rose to the position of Director of the Monopoly Bureau, he became Vice Communications Minister in 1912 and Vice Finance Minister in 1914. Hamaguchi joined the Rikken Dōshikai political party led by Katō Takaaki in 1915, which became the Kenseikai in 1916. Hamaguchi was elected to the lower house in the Japanese Diet in 1915 from the Kōchi Second District, was to hold onto this seat until his death in 1931.
In June 1924, Hamaguchi served as Finance Minister under the first Katō administration, holding the same portfolio under the 1st Wakatsuki administration from January to June 1926. As Finance Minister, he pursued fiscal retrenchment, proposed reducing government spending by 17 percent and laying off tens of thousands of government workers. Hamaguchi was subsequently Home Minister in the Wakatsuki cabinet from June 1926 to April 1927. In a continuation of his efforts while as Finance Minister, Hamaguchi promoted a moral campaign through sponsorship of movies which emphasized thrift and reduced public consumption, with the goal of helping reduce Japan's trade deficit. In 1927, Hamaguchi became the chairman of the new Rikken Minseitō political party formed by the merger of the Kenseikai and the Seiyūhontō. After the collapse of the administration of Tanaka Giichi in June 1929, Hamaguchi was selected to become Prime Minister of Japan and formed a cabinet based on Minseitō party members, which supported domestic economic reforms over overseas military adventurism.
With a strong sense of his own rectitude and a tough, stubborn temperament, Hamaguchi inspired trust, promising that he was "ready to die if necessary" for the good of the country during his inaugural speech and promising an administration free of corruption. Hamaguchi's primary concern was the Japanese economy, in an ever-increasing recession since the end of World War I, had been weakened by the devastation caused by the 1923 Great Kantō earthquake. Hamaguchi promoted retrenchment and the rationalization of industry; the 1929 Great Depression, starting soon after he took office, put further pressure on the economy. Initial public confidence and strong support from Emperor Hirohito and his entourage, including the genrō Saionji Kinmochi allowed Hamaguchi to implement fiscal austerity measures, which included ratification of the London Naval Treaty of 1930, which curtailed military spending. However, his measures to help stimulate exports, such as maintaining the Japanese yen on the gold standard, proved disastrous.
The failure of Hamaguchi's economic policies played into the hands of right-wing elements enraged by the government's conciliatory foreign policies and Japan’s increasing unemployment problems. The opposition Rikken Seiyūkai joined forces with the vocal anti-Treaty faction within the Imperial Japanese Navy to accuse Hamaguchi of infringing of the military's "right of supreme command" as guaranteed under the Meiji Constitution. Hamaguchi's initial popularity waned, he fell victim to an assassination attempt on 14 November 1930 when he was shot inside Tokyo Station by Tomeo Sagoya, a member of the Aikokusha ultranationalist secret society; the head of the Aikoku-sha was Seiyūkai politician Ogawa Heikichi. The wounds kept Hamaguchi hospitalized for several months. Hamaguchi was reelected to a second term as Prime Minister of Japan in March 1931. However, with his health continuing to deteriorate, he was unable to attend the 59th Session of the Imperial Diet, which opened with Foreign Minister Kijūrō Shidehara as acting Prime Minister.
The Seiyūkai attacked the government on the grounds that the Prime Minister was not physically present, that Shidehara was not a member of the Minseitō. When Shidehara further created an uproar with a comment concerning Emperor Hirohito's support of the London Naval Treaty, the Seiyūkai refused to participate in budget deliberations until Hamaguchi could attend. Despite his failing health, Hamaguchi was forced to attend the Diet, but resigned a month to be replaced by Wakatsuki Reijirō, he died on 26 August of the same year, his grave is at the Aoyama Cemetery in Tokyo. In 1931 Hamaguchi's cabinet sponsored a bill on women's suffrage, it would have granted women over the age of 25 the right to vote in local elections and stand for office given their husbands' approval. The bill passed the lower house, but it was defeated in the House of Peers in March 1931 by a vote of 184 to 62. Grand Cordon of the Order of the Sacred Treasure Grand Cordon of the Order of the Rising Sun Grand Cordon of the Order of the Rising Sun with Paulownia Flowers Bix
Elections in Japan
The Japanese political process has three types of elections: general elections to the House of Representatives held every four years, elections to the House of Councillors held every three years to choose one-half of its members, local elections held every four years for offices in prefectures and villages. Elections are supervised by election committees at each administrative level under the general direction of the Central Election Administration Committee, an attached organization to the Ministry of Internal Affairs and Communications; the minimum voting age in Japan's non-compulsory electoral system was reduced from twenty to eighteen years in June 2016. Voters must satisfy a three-month residency requirement before being allowed to cast a ballot. For those seeking office, there are two sets of age requirements: twenty-five years of age for admission to the House of Representatives and most local offices, thirty years of age for admission to the House of Councillors and the prefectural governorship.
Each deposit for candidacy is 3 million yen for single-seat constituency and 6 million yen for proportional representation. The National Diet has two chambers; the House of Representatives has 475 members, elected for a four-year term, 295 members in single-seat constituencies and 180 members by proportional representation in 11 block districts. In this system, each voter votes twice, once for a candidate in the local constituency, once for a party, each of which has a list of candidates for each block district; the local constituencies are decided by plurality, the block seats are handed out to party lists proportionally to their share of the vote. The parties assign the block list spots to single-seat candidates, so that unsuccessful single-seat candidates have a chance to be elected in the proportional block. Parties may place dual district and block candidates on the same list rank. General elections of members of the House of Representatives are held before the end of a four-year term as the chamber may be dissolved by the cabinet.
Most prime ministers use that option. The only exception in post-war history was the "Lockheed election" of 1976 in which the Liberal Democratic Party lost its seat majority for the first time; the House of Councillors has 242 members, elected for a six-year term, 146 members in 47 single- and multi-seat constituencies by single non-transferable vote and 96 by proportional representation on the national level. The proportional election to the House of Councillors allows the voters to cast a preference vote for a single candidate on a party list; the preference votes determine the ranking of candidates on party lists. Half of the House of Councillors comes up for election every three years in regular/ordinary elections of members of the House of Councillors; the electoral cycles of the two chambers of the Diet are not synchronized. When the current constitution took effect in 1947, the first House of Councillors election was held several days apart from the 23rd House of Representatives election.
Only in 1980 and 1986, general and regular election coincided on the same day because the House of Representatives was dissolved in time for the election to be scheduled together with the House of Councillors election in early summer. Vacant district seats in both Houses are filled in by-elections. Nowadays, these are scheduled in April and October as necessary. Vacant proportional seats in both Houses and district seats in the House of Councillors that fall vacant within three months of a regular election are filled by kuriage-tōsen: the highest ranking candidate on a proportional list or in the electoral district, not elected and is not disqualified takes the seat. Disqualifications may, for example, happen if a candidate for the House of Councillors runs for the House of Representatives or vice versa, or after a violation of campaign laws. For many years, Japan was a one party dominant state until 1993 with the Liberal Democratic Party as the ruling party, it won a majority of the popular vote in House of Representatives general elections until the 1960s.
It lost the majority of seats in 1976 and 1979, but continued to rule without coalition partners with the support of independent Representatives. After the 1983 election when it again lost the majority, it entered a coalition for the first time – with the New Liberal Club. In 1986, the coalition ended as the LDP won a large majority of seats and came close to a majority of votes; the party suffered its first clear electoral defeat in the 1989 House of Councillors regular election when it lost the upper house majority and had to face for the first time a divided Diet where passing legislation depends on cooperation with the opposition. The LDP was out of government for the first time in 1993 after Ichirō Ozawa and his faction had left the party and the opposition parties united in an anti-LDP coalition, but soon returned to the majority in 1994 by entering a coalition with its traditional main opponent, the Socialist Party; the 2009 House of Representatives elections handed the first non-LDP victory to the Democratic Party of Japan.
According to a survey by Yomiuri Shimbun in April 2010 half of Japanese voters do not support any political parties due to political inefficiency. Between 1885 and 1947 in the Empire of Japan, the prime minister was not elected, but responsible to, cho
In politics, centrism—the centre or the center —is a political outlook or specific position that involves acceptance or support of a balance of a degree of social equality and a degree of social hierarchy, while opposing political changes which would result in a significant shift of society to either the left or the right. Centre-left and centre-right politics both involve a general association with centrism combined with leaning somewhat to their respective sides of the spectrum. Various political ideologies, such as Christian democracy, can be classified as centrist. There have been centrists in both sides of politics, who serve alongside the various factions within the Liberal and Labor parties. In addition, there are a number of smaller groups that have formed in response to the bipartisan system who uphold centrist ideals. South Australian Senator Nick Xenophon had launched his own centrist political party called the Nick Xenophon Team in 2014, renamed Centre Alliance in 2018; the traditional centrist party of Flanders was the People's Union which embraced social liberalism and aimed to represent Dutch-speaking Belgians who felt culturally suppressed by Francophones.
The New Flemish Alliance is the largest and since 2009 the only extant successor of that party. It is, however composed of the right wing of the former People's Union, has adopted a more liberal conservative ideology in recent years. Among French speaking Belgians the Humanist Democratic Centre is a centre-right or centre party as it is less conservative than its Flemish counterpart, Christian Democratic & Flemish. Another party in the centre of the political spectrum is the liberal Reformist Movement. Brazilian politics have lots of centrist political parties and one of the greatest examples is the Brazilian Democratic Movement, the largest political party in Brazil; the Brazilian Social Democracy Party is another example of centrist party in Brazilian politics, though it was supported by right-wing political parties from 2002, 2006, 2010 and 2014 elections. Throughout modern history Canadian governments at the federal level have governed from a moderate, centrist political position. Canada has been dominated by the Liberal Party of Canada who have traditionally positioned themselves as being more moderate and centrist than the center-right Conservative Party of Canada and the more left-wing New Democratic Party, putting them somewhere between the center and center-left.
In the late 1970s, Prime Minister Pierre Elliott Trudeau claimed that his Liberal Party of Canada adhered to the "radical center". Far-right and far-left politics have never been a prominent force in Canadian society. Croatian People's Party - Liberal Democrats and People's Party - Reformists may be considered as centrist parties. Agrarian Croatian Peasant Party during last years became moderate and centrist, having been centre-right in the past; the Czech Republic has a number of prominent centrist parties, including the syncretic populist movement ANO 2011, the civil libertarian Czech Pirate Party, the long-standing Christian and Democratic Union – Czechoslovak People's Party and the localist party Mayors and Independents. France has a tradition of parties that call themselves "centriste", though the actual parties vary over time: when a new political issue emerges and a new political party breaks into the mainstream, the old centre-left party may be de facto pushed rightwards, but unable to consider itself a party of the right, it will embrace being the new centre: this process occurred with the Orléanism, Moderate Républicanism, Radical Republicanism and Radical-Socialism.
The most notable centrist party is La République en marche!, founded by Emmanuel Macron. Another party is the Democratic Movement of François Bayrou, founded in 2007. However, the centrist parties oppose the left-wing parties such as Socialists and Left Front, it support the centre-right Gaullist parties and have joined several coalitions governed by Presidents Jacques Chirac and Nicolas Sarkozy. Zentrismus is a term only known to experts, as it is confused with Zentralismus, so the usual term in German for the political centre/centrism is politische Mitte; the German party with the most purely centrist nature among German parties to have had current or historical parliamentary representations was most the social-liberal German Democratic Party of the Weimar Republic. There existed during the Weimar Republic a Zentrum, a party of German Catholics founded in 1870, it was called Centre Party not for being a proper centrist party, but because it united left-wing and right-wing Catholics, because it was the first German party to be a Volkspartei and because his elected representatives sat between the liberals and the conservatives.
However, it was distinctly right-wing conservative in that it was not neutral on religious issues, being markedly against more liberal and modernist positions. The main successor of Zentrum after the return of democracy to West Germany in 1945, the Christian Democratic Union, has throughout its history alternated between describing itself as right-wing or centrist and sitting on the right-wing; the representatives of the Social Democ
Uyoku dantai are Japanese ultranationalist far-right groups. In 1996 and 2013, the National Police Agency estimated that there are over 1,000 right-wing groups in Japan with about 100,000 members in total. Uyoku dantai are well known for their visible propaganda vehicles, known as gaisensha – converted vans and buses fitted with loudspeakers and prominently marked with the name of the group and propaganda slogans; the vehicles are black, khaki or olive drab, are decorated with the Imperial Seal, the flag of Japan and the Japanese military flag. They are used to stage protests outside organizations such as the Chinese, Korean or Russian embassies, Chongryon facilities and media organizations, where propaganda is broadcast through their loudspeakers, they can sometimes be seen driving around cities or parked in busy shopping areas, broadcasting propaganda, military music or Kimigayo, the national anthem. The Great Japan Patriots, supportive of the US-Japan-South Korea alliance against China and North Korea and against communism as a whole, would always have the US national flag flying side by side with the Japanese flag in the vehicles and US military marches played alongside their Japanese counterparts.
Political beliefs differ between the groups but the three philosophies they are said to hold in common are the advocation of kokutai-Goji, hostility towards communism and Marxism and hostility against the Japan Teachers Union. Traditionally, they viewed the Soviet Union and North Korea with hostility over issues such as communism, the Senkaku Islands and the Kurile Islands. Most, but not all, seek to justify Japan's role in the Second World War to varying degrees, deny the war crimes committed by the military during the pre-1945 Shōwa period and are critical of what they see as "self-hate" bias in post-war historical education. Thus, they do not recognize the legality of the International Military Tribunal for the Far East or other allied tribunals, it is difficult to arrest uyoku dantai members because freedom of ideology is protected by the Constitution of Japan. This is one of the reasons. Below is a list of some groups considered uyoku dantai. Aikokusha – Set up in 1928 by Ainosuke Iwata..
Activities included organization of anti-communist student movements in various universities and indoctrination of youths in rural villages. On November 14, 1930, Tomeo Sagoya, a member of the society shot Prime Minister Hamaguchi Osachi at Tokyo Station in an assassination attempt. Genyōsha – originated from a secret society of former samurai, with an aim to restore feudal rule, Genyosha was an ultranationalist secret society, they engaged in terrorist activities such as the attempted assassination of Ōkuma Shigenobu in 1889. It formed an extensive espionage and organized crime network throughout East Asia and agitated for Japan's military aggression. Forced to disband after the war. Kokuryūkai – an influential paramilitary group set up in 1901 to support the effort to drive Russia out of East Asia, they ran anti-Russian espionage networks in Korea, China and Russia. Expanded its activities worldwide in the subsequent decades and became a small but significant ultranationalist force in mainstream politics.
Forced to disband in 1946. Daitōjuku - a cultural academy set up in 1939. Runs courses related to traditional arts such as waka and karate. Conducted several campaigns, such as the restoration of the National Foundation Day's original status of kigensetsu and of the legal designation of Japanese era names as Japan's official calendar. Great Japan Patriotic Party – Set up in 1951 by, centred around, Satoshi Akao, a former anti-war member of the pre-war National Diet, well-known at the time for his daily speeches at Sukiyabashi crossing in Ginza, Tokyo; the party advocated state ownership of industries with the Emperor as the head decision maker. They emphasized the need for solidarity with the United States and South Korea in the fight against communism, their propaganda vans were decorated with the Stars and Stripes alongside the Japanese flag, Akao once stated that Liancourt Rocks should be blown up as it represents an obstacle to friendship with South Korea. A former party member, Otoya Yamaguchi, was responsible for the 1960 assassination of Inejiro Asanuma, the head of the Japanese Socialist Party, at a televised rally.
Issuikai – Formed in 1972 as part of what was known as the "new right-wing" movement which rejected the pro-American rhetoric of the traditional right wing. It sees the Japanese government as an American puppet state and demands "complete independence". Advocates the setting up of a new United Nations on the basis that the current UN structure is a relic of the Second World War. Fiercely critical of the Bush Administration over issues such as the Iraq War and the Kyoto Protocol. Nihon Seinensha – one of the largest organizations with 2000 members. Set up by the Sumiyoshi-ikka syndicate in 1961. Since 1978, members have constructed two lighthouses and a Shinto shrine on the Senkaku Islands, a collection of uninhabited islets c
In economics, the money supply is the total value of monetary assets available in an economy at a specific time. There are several ways to define "money", but standard measures include currency in circulation and demand deposits. Money supply data are recorded and published by the government or the central bank of the country. Public and private sector analysts have long monitored changes in the money supply because of the belief that it affects the price level, the exchange rate and the business cycle; that relation between money and prices is associated with the quantity theory of money. There is strong empirical evidence of a direct relation between money-supply growth and long-term price inflation, at least for rapid increases in the amount of money in the economy. For example, a country such as Zimbabwe which saw rapid increases in its money supply saw rapid increases in prices; this is one reason for the reliance on monetary policy as a means of controlling inflation. The nature of this causal chain is the subject of contention.
Some heterodox economists argue that the money supply is endogenous and that the sources of inflation must be found in the distributional structure of the economy. In addition, those economists seeing the central bank's control over the money supply as feeble say that there are two weak links between the growth of the money supply and the inflation rate. First, in the aftermath of a recession, when many resources are underutilized, an increase in the money supply can cause a sustained increase in real production instead of inflation. Second, if the velocity of money changes, an increase in the money supply could have either no effect, an exaggerated effect, or an unpredictable effect on the growth of nominal GDP. See European Central Bank for other approaches and a more global perspective. Money is used as a medium of exchange, a unit of account, as a ready store of value, its different functions are associated with different empirical measures of the money supply. There is no single "correct" measure of the money supply.
Instead, there are several measures, classified along a spectrum or continuum between narrow and broad monetary aggregates. Narrow measures include only the most liquid assets, the ones most used to spend. Broader measures add less liquid types of assets; this continuum corresponds to the way that different types of money are more or less controlled by monetary policy. Narrow measures include those more directly affected and controlled by monetary policy, whereas broader measures are less related to monetary-policy actions, it is a matter of perennial debate as to whether narrower or broader versions of the money supply have a more predictable link to nominal GDP. The different types of money are classified as "M"s; the "M"s range from M0 to M3 but which "M"s are focused on in policy formulation depends on the country's central bank. The typical layout for each of the "M"s is as follows: M0: In some countries, such as the United Kingdom, M0 includes bank reserves, so M0 is referred to as the monetary base, or narrow money.
MB: is referred to total currency. This is the base from which other forms of money are created and is traditionally the most liquid measure of the money supply. M1: Bank reserves are not included in M1. M2: Represents M1 and "close substitutes" for M1. M2 is a broader classification of money than M1. M2 is a key economic indicator used to forecast inflation. M3: M2 plus large and long-term deposits. Since 2006, M3 is no longer published by the US central bank. However, there are still estimates produced by various private institutions. MZM: Money with zero maturity, it measures the supply of financial assets redeemable at par on demand. Velocity of MZM is a accurate predictor of inflation; the ratio of a pair of these measures, most M2 / M0, is called an money multiplier. The different forms of money in government money supply statistics arise from the practice of fractional-reserve banking. Whenever a bank gives out a loan in a fractional-reserve banking system, a new sum of money is created; this new type of money is.
In short, there are two types of money in a fractional-reserve banking system: central bank money commercial bank money In the money supply statistics, central bank money is MB while the commercial bank money is divided up into the M1-M3 components. The types of commercial bank money that tend to be valued at lower amounts are classified in the narrow category of M1 while the types of commercial bank money that tend to exist in larger amounts are categorized in M2 and M3, with M3 having the largest. In the United States, a bank's reserves consist of U. S. currency held by the bank plus the bank's balances in Federal Reserve accounts. For this purpose, paper currency on hand and balances in Federal Reserve accounts are interchangeable. Reserves may come from any source, including the federal funds market, deposits by the public, borrowing from the Fed itself. A reserve requirement is a ratio a bank must maintain between deposit reserves. Reserve
Liberalism is a political and moral philosophy based on liberty and equal rights. Liberals espouse a wide array of views depending on their understanding of these principles, but they support limited government, individual rights, democracy, gender equality, racial equality, freedom of speech, freedom of the press and freedom of religion. Liberalism became a distinct movement in the Age of Enlightenment, when it became popular among Western philosophers and economists. Liberalism sought to replace the norms of hereditary privilege, state religion, absolute monarchy, the divine right of kings and traditional conservatism with representative democracy and the rule of law. Liberals ended mercantilist policies, royal monopolies and other barriers to trade, instead promoting free markets. Philosopher John Locke is credited with founding liberalism as a distinct tradition, arguing that each man has a natural right to life and property, adding that governments must not violate these rights based on the social contract.
While the British liberal tradition has emphasised expanding democracy, French liberalism has emphasised rejecting authoritarianism and is linked to nation-building. Leaders in the Glorious Revolution of 1688, the American Revolution of 1776 and the French Revolution of 1789 used liberal philosophy to justify the armed overthrow of royal tyranny. Liberalism started to spread especially after the French Revolution; the 19th century saw liberal governments established in nations across Europe and South America, whereas it was well-established alongside republicanism in the United States. In Victorian Britain, it was used to critique the political establishment, appealing to science and reason on behalf of the people. During 19th and early 20th century, liberalism in the Ottoman Empire and Middle East influenced periods of reform such as the Tanzimat and Al-Nahda as well as the rise of secularism, constitutionalism and nationalism; these changes, along with other factors, helped to create a sense of crisis within Islam, which continues to this day, leading to Islamic revivalism.
Before 1920, the main ideological opponent of classical liberalism was conservatism, but liberalism faced major ideological challenges from new opponents: fascism and communism. However, during the 20th century liberal ideas spread further—especially in Western Europe—as liberal democracies found themselves on the winning side in both world wars. In Europe and North America, the establishment of social liberalism became a key component in the expansion of the welfare state. Today, liberal parties continue to wield influence throughout the world. However, liberalism still has challenges to overcome in Asia; the fundamental elements of contemporary society have liberal roots. The early waves of liberalism popularised economic individualism while expanding constitutional government and parliamentary authority. Liberals sought and established a constitutional order that prized important individual freedoms, such as freedom of speech and freedom of association. Waves of modern liberal thought and struggle were influenced by the need to expand civil rights.
Liberals have advocated gender and racial equality in their drive to promote civil rights and a global civil rights movement in the 20th century achieved several objectives towards both goals. Continental European liberalism is divided between moderates and progressives, with the moderates tending to elitism and the progressives supporting the universalisation of fundamental institutions, such as universal suffrage, universal education and the expansion of property rights. Over time, the moderates displaced the progressives as the main guardians of continental European liberalism. Words such as liberal, liberty and libertine all trace their history to the Latin liber, which means "free". One of the first recorded instances of the word liberal occurs in 1375, when it was used to describe the liberal arts in the context of an education desirable for a free-born man; the word's early connection with the classical education of a medieval university soon gave way to a proliferation of different denotations and connotations.
Liberal could refer to "free in bestowing" as early as 1387, "made without stint" in 1433, "freely permitted" in 1530 and "free from restraint"—often as a pejorative remark—in the 16th and the 17th centuries. In 16th century England, liberal could have positive or negative attributes in referring to someone's generosity or indiscretion. In Much Ado About Nothing, William Shakespeare wrote of "a liberal villaine" who "hath confest his vile encounters". With the rise of the Enlightenment, the word acquired decisively more positive undertones, being defined as "free from narrow prejudice" in 1781 and "free from bigotry" in 1823. In 1815, the first use of the word "liberalism" appeared in English. In Spain, the liberales, the first group to use the liberal label in a political context, fought for decades for the implementation of the 1812 Constitution. From 1820 to 1823 during the Trienio Liberal, King Ferdinand VII was compelled by the liberales to swear to uphold the Constitution. By the middle of the 19th century, liberal was used as a politicised term for parties and movements worldwide.
Over time, the meaning of the word liberalism began to diverge in different parts of the world. According to the Encyclopædia Britannica: "In the United States, liberalism is associated with the welfare-state policies of the New Deal programme of the Democratic administration of Pres. Franklin D. Roosevelt, where