Crown of Aragon
The Crown of Aragon was a composite monarchy nowadays referred to as a confederation of individual polities or kingdoms ruled by one king, with a personal and dynastic union of the Kingdom of Aragon and the County of Barcelona. At the height of its power in the 14th and 15th centuries, the Crown of Aragon was a thalassocracy controlling a large portion of present-day eastern Spain, parts of what is now southern France, a Mediterranean "empire" which included the Balearic Islands, Corsica, Malta, Southern Italy and parts of Greece; the component realms of the Crown were not united politically except at the level of the king, who ruled over each autonomous polity according to its own laws, raising funds under each tax structure, dealing separately with each Corts or Cortes. Put in contemporary terms, it has sometimes been considered that the different lands of the Crown of Aragon functioned more as a confederation than as a single kingdom. In this sense, the larger Crown of Aragon must not be confused with one of its constituent parts, the Kingdom of Aragon, from which it takes its name.
In 1469, a new dynastic familial union of the Crown of Aragon with the Crown of Castile by the Catholic Monarchs, joining what contemporaries referred to as "the Spains" led to what would become the Kingdom of Spain under King Philip II. The Crown existed until it was abolished by the Nueva Planta decrees issued by King Philip V in 1716 as a consequence of the defeat of Archduke Charles in the War of the Spanish Succession. Formally, the political center of the Crown of Aragon was Zaragoza, where kings were crowned at La Seo Cathedral. The'de facto' capital and leading cultural and economic centre of the Crown of Aragon was Barcelona, followed by Valencia. Palma was an additional important city and seaport; the Crown of Aragon included the Kingdom of Aragon, the Principality of Catalonia, the Kingdom of Valencia, the Kingdom of Majorca, the Kingdom of Sicily, the Kingdom of Naples and Kingdom of Sardinia. For brief periods the Crown of Aragon controlled Montpellier, Provence and the twin Duchy of Athens and Neopatras in Latin Greece.
The countries that are today known as Spain and Portugal spent the Middle Ages after 722 in an intermittent struggle called the Reconquista. This struggle pitted the northern Christian kingdoms against the Islamic taifa petty kingdoms of the South and against each other. In the Late Middle Ages, the expansion of the Aragonese Crown southwards met with the Castilian advance eastward in the region of Murcia. Afterward, the Aragonese Crown focused on the Mediterranean, acting as far as Greece and Barbary, whereas Portugal, which completed its Reconquista in 1249, would focus on the Atlantic Ocean. Mercenaries from the territories in the Crown, known as almogàvers participated in the creation of this Mediterranean "empire", found employment in countries all across southern Europe; the Crown of Aragon has been considered an empire which ruled in the Mediterranean for hundreds of years, with the power to set rules over the entire sea. It was indeed, at its height, one of the major powers in Europe.
However, its different territories were only connected through the person of the monarch, an aspect of empire seen as early as Achaemenid Persia. A modern historian, Juan de Contreras y Lopez de Ayala, Marqués de Lozoya described the Crown of Aragon as being more like a confederacy than a centralised kingdom, let alone an empire. Nor did official documents refer to it as an empire; the Crown of Aragon originated in 1137, when the Kingdom of Aragon and the County of Barcelona merged by dynastic union upon the marriage of Petronilla of Aragon and Raymond Berenguer IV of Barcelona. This union respected the existing parliaments of both territories; the combined state was known as Regno, Dominio et Corona Aragonum et Catalonie, as Corona Regum Aragoniae, Corona Aragonum or Aragon. This was due to the reduction of Catalan influence, the renunciation of the family rights of the counts of Barcelona in Occitania, the extinction of the House of Barcelona in 1410; the monarchs denominated themselves de Aragon, Aragon became prominent as an Iberian kingdom linked to the House of Jiménez which ruled over Navarre, Castile and Galicia and Aragon.
Petronilla's father King Ramiro, "The Monk", raised in the Saint Pons de Thomières Monastery, Viscounty of Béziers as a Benedictine monk was the youngest of three brothers. His brothers Peter I and Alfonso I El Batallador had bravely fought against Castile for hegemony in the Iberian peninsula. After the death of Alfonso I, the Aragonese nobility that campaigned close him feared being overwhelmed by the influence of Castile, and so, Ramiro was forced to proclaim himself King of Aragon. He married Agnes, sister of the Duke of Aquitaine and betrothed his only daughter to Raymond Berengar IV of Barcelona, member of o
Llíria is a medium-sized town off the CV35 motorway to the north of Valencia, Spain. Known as Edeta in ancient Iberian times, it is the musical capital of the region. Llíria is the capital of the area known as Camp de Túria in the province of Valencia, it is 25 km north-west of the city of Valencia. It sits at an altitude of 164m; the population in 2006 totalled 21,500. The traditional economy is based on agriculture, but industries such as textiles, construction materials and furniture are becoming important; the city is at the end of the Metrovalencia train system. Construction of a new general hospital in Llíria began in 2007 and finished in 2015. Due to the severe financial crisis, the building of the hospital took much longer than expected; the local Fiestas are Romería of San Vicente Ferrer, Saint Michael. Under Llíria lie the ruins of what was one of the most important Iberian cities in Spain; the city was known as Edeta and it was the administrative centre of Edetania, an extensive territory between the rivers Júcar / Xúquer and Palancia River / Riu Palància.
Edeta was built on a hilltop known as Sant Miquel. The city was moved downhill to its current location by Quintus Sertorius after Roman troops destroyed the town in 76 BC. Under the Romans, Llíria was as important as Sagunt; the town is rich in Roman finds, including a large Roman leisure centre with a temple, shops and hot baths. Recent archaeological excavations have uncovered one of Spain’s largest-ever caches of buried coins. Popularly known as the Treasure of Carrer Duc de Llíria, it totals some 6,000 silver denarii minted in the first and third centuries. Another archaeological find was a mosaic of The Twelve Labours of Hercules, excavated from a Domus Romana at Can Porcar or Casa de Porcar in Llíria, it is displayed at the National Archaeological Museum of Spain. Additionally, Llíria's own archaeological museum contains imagery from its original location including details of each of the labors along with other Roman artifacts from the town; the first church in Llíria was built in 1238 by King James I of Aragon, after his victory over the Moors and the conquest of the Valencian region.
The Church of the Blood was built on the site of a mosque and is a typical example of Valencian Gothic architecture with Roman and Valencian influences. Some remains of the original mosque can still be seen. In 1919 the church was gazetted as a National Monument and was the first religious monument in the Valencian Community to receive this distinction; the church was restored and opened to the public. The climate is Mediterranean, but with slight continental influence and some frosts in winter and spring; the average temperature is between 10 ° / 11 ° C in January and 26 ° / 29 °C in August. Rainfall is irregular but with heavy showers common in September and October; the city has about 21,500 residents of which some 16,500 live in the city centre and 5,000 live in surrounding residential estates. Llíria and the surrounding area has one of fastest rates of population growth in the entire nation. Outside of the city centre there are few sewage systems and no residential streets are paved or illuminated.
Utility services are struggling to keep up with unplanned growth. Sedesa SA has been given approval to construct a golf course with a hotel and luxury housing on a site some three kilometres to the north-east of the city. Work on the development was expected to begin in 2007, but now seem to have been suspended following the economic downturn; the largest immigrant communities are from Morocco and the United Kingdom. Holy Week in Llíria: is one of the most important traditional events in the city and one of the most ancient traditional Holy Week celebrations in the Region of Valencia, it is celebrated between Friday of Sorrows and Resurrection Sunday, including Palm Sunday, Maundy Thursday, Good Friday, Holy Saturday. Llíria has elaborate processions during a tradition that dates from medieval times. Like in other regions of Spain, its Holy Week is notable for featuring the procession of "imágenes", lifelike wood or plaster sculptures of individual scenes of the events that happened between Jesus' arrest and his burial, or images of the Virgin Mary showing grief for the torture and killing of her son.
Saint Michael's Festival or Feast Day: on September, the 29th Saint Vincent's Festival or Feast Day: Next Monday after Easter Festival of the Immaculate Conception: end of August Festival of Our Lady of the Remedy: mid-September Taurine Week: First week of October Several thousand of Llíria’s residents play musical instruments and the city is well known for its two intensely rival bands. The first band, the "Banda Primitiva", was formed by a Franciscan friar Antoni Albarracín Enguídanos in 1838 and the subsequent band divided in 1903 to form the rival Unió Musical; the Conservatory of Lliria is a public center created by the city council on the 90's. Both Spanish and Valencian are spoken in the town. Spanish-language grant-aided schools: El Prat Valencian-language grant-aided schools: La Unió Spanish language church schools: Francisco Llopis and Santa Ana Spanish & Valencian language schools: Sant Vicent (96
Spanish Socialist Workers' Party
The Spanish Socialist Workers' Party is a social-democratic political party in Spain. The PSOE has been in government for a longer time than any other political party in modern democratic Spain: from 1982 to 1996 under Felipe González; the PSOE was founded in 1879, which makes it the oldest party active in Spain. The PSOE played a key role during the Second Spanish Republic, being part of coalition government from 1931 to 1933 and from 1936 to 1939, when the Republic was defeated by Francisco Franco in the Spanish Civil War. A Marxist party, it abandoned Marxism in 1979; the PSOE has had strong ties with the General Union of Workers, a Spanish trade union. For decades, UGT membership was a requirement for PSOE membership. However, since the 1980s UGT has criticized the economic policies of PSOE calling for a general strike against the PSOE government on 14 December 1988; the PSOE is a member of the Party of European Socialists, Progressive Alliance and the Socialist International. In the European Parliament, PSOE's 14 Members of the European Parliament sit in the Socialists and Democrats European parliamentary group.
PSOE was founded by Pablo Iglesias on 2 May 1879 in the Casa Labra tavern in Tetuán Street near the Puerta del Sol at the centre of Madrid. Iglesias was a typesetter who had become in contact in the past with the Spanish section of the International Working Men's Association and with Paul Lafargue; the first program of the new political party was passed in an assembly of 40 people, on 20 July of that same year. The bulk of the growth of the PSOE and its affiliated trade union, the Unión General de Trabajadores was chiefly restricted to the Madrid-Biscay-Asturias triangle up until the 1910s; the obtaining of a seat at the Congress by Pablo Iglesias at the 1910 legislative election, in which the PSOE candidates presented within the broad Republican–Socialist Conjunction, became a development of great symbolical transcendence, gave the party more publicity at the national level. The party and the UGT took a leading role in the general strike of August 1917, in the context of the events of the 1917 Crisis during the conservative government of Eduardo Dato.
The strike was crushed by the army with the result of further undermining of the constitutional order. Sent to the prison of Cartagena, they were released a year after being elected to the Cortes in the 1918 general election. During the 1919−1921 "Crisis of the Internationals" the party experienced tensions between the members endorsing the Socialist International and the advocates for joining the Third International. Two consecutive splits of dissidents willing to join the Komintern, namely the Spanish Communist Party in 1920, the Spanish Communist Workers' Party in 1921, broke away from the PSOE and soon merged to create the Communist Party of Spain; the party was a member of the Labour and Socialist International between 1923 and 1940. After the death of Pablo Iglesias in 1925, Julián Besteiro replaced the at the presidency of the PSOE and the UGT. During the 1923–1930 dictatorship of Primo de Rivera corporativist PSOE and UGT elements were willing to engage into limited collaboration with the regime, against the political stance defended by other socialists such as Indalecio Prieto and Fernando de los Ríos, who instead vouched for a closer collaboration with republican forces.
The last years of the dictatorship saw a divergence emerge among the "corporativists". The opposition of Besteiro to participate in the "Revolutionary Committee" led to his resignation as president both of the party and the trade union in February 1931, he was replaced as president of the party by Remigio Cabello. After the proclamation of the Second Spanish Republic on 14 April 1931, three PSOE members were included in the cabinet of the provisional government: Indalecio Prieto, Fernando de los Ríos and Francisco Largo Caballero; the socialist presence remained in the rest of cabinets of the "Social-Azañist Biennium". After the November 1933 general election, which marked a win for the right-of-centre forces, in a climate of increasing polarization and growing unemployment along a desire to mend the mistake of not having sided along the republicans in the election against the united right, Largo Caballero adopted a revolutionary rhetoric. Indalecio Prieto had participated in the aggressive rhetoric, having condemned the heavy-hand repression of the December 1933 anarchist uprising by the government, cheered on by the CEDA parliamentary fraction leaders.
The Socialist Youth of Spain engaged into a shrilling revolutionary rhetoric, while Besteiro opposed the insurrectionary drift of the militancy. The formation of a new cabinet including CEDA ministers in October 1934 was perceived among the Left as a reaction, with the CEDA party being indistinguishable from contemporary Fascism to most workers, while CEDA leader Gil-Robles had vouched for the establishment of a corporative state in the 1933 electoral campaign. Having the UGT called for a general strike in the country for 5 October, the strike developed into a full-blown insurrection
Enric Morera i Català
Enric Morera i Català is a Spanish politician, the leader of the Valencian Nationalist Bloc and the Compromís coalition. Morera was a Member of the European Parliament in 2004, as part of The Greens–European Free Alliance group, since 2007 has been a member of the Valencian Parliament. After 2015 Valencian parliamentary election, he was elected President of the Corts Valencianes, the Valencian Parliament, as a result of a pact formed by Compromís and the Socialist Party of the Valencian Country. Personal Website Morera at Corts Valencianes website Bloc Nacionalista Valencià's Website Coalició Compromís' Website
Party-list proportional representation
Party-list proportional representation systems are a family of voting systems emphasizing proportional representation in elections in which multiple candidates are elected through allocations to an electoral list. They can be used as part of mixed additional member systems. In these systems, parties make lists of candidates to be elected, seats get distributed to each party in proportion to the number of votes the party receives. Voters may vote directly for the party, as in Albania, Argentina and Israel. Voters in Luxembourg's multi-seat constituencies can choose between voting for a complete list of candidates of a single party or voting for individual candidates from one or several lists; the order in which a party's list candidates get elected may be pre-determined by some method internal to the party or the candidates or it may be determined by the voters at large or by districts. Many variations on seat allocation within party-list proportional representation exist; the two most common are: The highest average method, including the D'Hondt method used in Albania, Austria, Croatia, Estonia, Israel, Poland and many other countries.
The largest remainder methods, including the Hamilton method. List proportional representation may be combined in various hybrids, e.g. using the additional member system. List of main apportionment methods: Macanese "d'Hondt method" Webster/Sainte-Laguë method, LR-Hare LR-Droop D'Hondt method Huntington-Hill method LR-Imperiali While the allocation formula is important important is the district magnitude; the higher the district magnitude, the more proportional an electoral system becomes - the most proportional being when there is no division into constituencies at all and the entire country is treated as a single constituency. More, in some countries the electoral system works on two levels: at-large for parties, in constituencies for candidates, with local party-lists seen as fractions of general, national lists. In this case, magnitude of local constituencies is irrelevant, seat apportionment being calculated at national level. In France, party lists in proportional elections must include as many candidates as there are seats to be allocated, whereas in other countries "incomplete" lists are allowed.
Proportional representation Comparison of the Hare and Droop quotas Outline of democracy List MP Ley de Lemas Sectoral representation in the House of Representatives of the Philippines Advantages and disadvantages of List PR - from the ACE Project Open and Free Lists - from the ACE Project Handbook of Electoral System Choice Apportionment, or How to Round Seat Numbers Glossary of Electoral Formulas
Valencia València, on the east coast of Spain, is the capital of the autonomous community of Valencia and the third-largest city in Spain after Madrid and Barcelona, with around 800,000 inhabitants in the administrative centre. Its urban area extends beyond the administrative city limits with a population of around 1.6 million people. Valencia is Spain's third largest metropolitan area, with a population ranging from 1.7 to 2.5 million depending on how the metropolitan area is defined. The Port of Valencia is the 5th busiest container port in Europe and the busiest container port on the Mediterranean Sea; the city is ranked at Beta-global city in World Cities Research Network. Valencia is integrated into an industrial area on the Costa del Azahar. Valencia was founded as a Roman colony by the consul Decimus Junius Brutus Callaicus in 138 BC, called Valentia Edetanorum. In 714 Moroccan and Arab Moors occupied the city, introducing their language and customs. Valencia was the capital of the Taifa of Valencia.
In 1238 the Christian king James I of Aragon conquered the city and divided the land among the nobles who helped him conquer it, as witnessed in the Llibre del Repartiment. He created a new law for the city, the Furs of Valencia, which were extended to the rest of the Kingdom of Valencia. In the 18th century Philip V of Spain abolished the privileges as punishment to the kingdom of Valencia for aligning with the Habsburg side in the War of the Spanish Succession. Valencia was the capital of Spain when Joseph Bonaparte moved the Court there in the summer of 1812, it served as capital between 1936 and 1937, during the Second Spanish Republic. The city is situated on the banks of the Turia, on the east coast of the Iberian Peninsula, fronting the Gulf of Valencia on the Mediterranean Sea, its historic centre is one of the largest in Spain, with 169 ha. Due to its long history, this is a city with numerous popular celebrations and traditions, such as the Fallas, which were declared as Fiestas of National Tourist Interest of Spain in 1965 and Intangible cultural heritage by UNESCO in November 2016.
From 1991 to 2015, Rita Barberá Nolla was the mayor of the city, yet in 2015, Joan Ribó from Coalició Compromís, became mayor. The original Latin name of the city was Valentia, meaning "strength", or "valour", the city being named according to the Roman practice of recognising the valour of former Roman soldiers after a war; the Roman historian Livy explains that the founding of Valentia in the 2nd century BC was due to the settling of the Roman soldiers who fought against an Iberian rebel, Viriatus. During the rule of the Muslim kingdoms in Spain, it had the nickname Medina at-Tarab according to one transliteration, or Medina at-Turab according to another, since it was located on the banks of the River Turia, it is not clear if the term Balansiyya was reserved for the entire Taifa of Valencia or designated the city. By gradual sound changes, Valentia has in Castilian and València in Valencian. In Valencian, the grave accent ⟨è⟩ /ɛ/ contrasts with the acute accent ⟨é⟩ /e/—but the word València is an exception to this rule.
It is spelled according to Catalan etymology. Valencia stands on the banks of the Turia River, located on the eastern coast of the Iberian Peninsula and the western part of the Mediterranean Sea, fronting the Gulf of Valencia. At its founding by the Romans, it stood on a river island in 6.4 kilometres from the sea. The Albufera, a freshwater lagoon and estuary about 11 km south of the city, is one of the largest lakes in Spain; the City Council bought the lake from the Crown of Spain for 1,072,980 pesetas in 1911, today it forms the main portion of the Parc Natural de l'Albufera, with a surface area of 21,120 hectares. In 1976, because of its cultural and ecological value, the Generalitat Valenciana declared it a natural park. Valencia has a subtropical Mediterranean climate with short mild winters and long and dry summers, its average annual temperature is 18.4 °C. In the coldest month, the maximum temperature during the day ranges from 14 to 21 °C, the minimum temperature at night ranges from 5 to 11 °C.
In the warmest month – August, the maximum temperature during the day ranges from 28–34 °C, about 22 to 23 °C at night. Similar temperatures to those experienced in the northern part of Europe in summer last about 8 months, from April to November. March is transitional, the temperature exceeds 20 °C, with an average temperature of 19.3 °C during the day and 10.0 °C at night. December and February are the coldest months, with average temperatures around 17 °C during the day and 8 °C at night. Valencia has one of the mildest winters in Europe, owing to its southern location on the Mediterranean Sea and the Foehn phenomenon; the January average is comparable to temperatures expected for May and September in the major cities of northern Europe. Sunshine duration hours are 2,696 per year, from 15
Kingdom of Valencia
The Kingdom of Valencia, located in the eastern shore of the Iberian Peninsula, was one of the component realms of the Crown of Aragon. When the Crown of Aragon merged by dynastic union with the Crown of Castile to form the Kingdom of Spain, the Kingdom of Valencia became a component realm of the Spanish monarchy; the Kingdom of Valencia was formally created in 1238 when the Moorish taifa of Valencia was taken in the course of the Reconquista. It was dissolved by Philip V of Spain in 1707, by means of the Nueva Planta decrees, as a result of the Spanish War of Succession. During its existence, the Kingdom of Valencia was ruled by the laws and institutions stated in the Furs of Valencia which granted it wide self-government under the Crown of Aragon and on, under the Spanish Kingdom; the boundaries and identity of the present Spanish Autonomous Community of Valencia are those of the former Kingdom of Valencia. The conquest of what would become the Kingdom of Valencia started in 1232 when the king of the Crown of Aragon, James I, called Jaume I el Conqueridor, took Morella with Aragonese troops.
Shortly after, in 1233, Borriana and Peniscola were taken from the بلنسية Balansiyya taifa. A second and more relevant wave of expansion took place in 1238, when James I defeated the Moors from the Balansiya taifa, he entered the city of Valencia on 9 October 1238, regarded as the dawn of the Kingdom of Valencia. A third phase started in 1243 and ended in 1245, when it met the limits agreed between James I and the heir to the throne of Castile, Alfonso the Wise, who would succeed to the throne as Alfonso X in 1252; these limits were traced in the Treaty of Almizra between the Crown of Castile and the Crown of Aragon, which coordinated their Reconquista efforts to drive the Moors southward by establishing their desired areas of influence. The Treaty of Almizra established the south line of Aragonese expansion in the line formed by the villes of Biar and Busot, today in the north of the Alicante province. Everything south of that line, including what would be the Kingdom of Murcia, was reserved by means of this treaty for Castile.
The matter of the large majority of Mudéjar population, left behind from the progressively more southern combat front, lingered from the beginning until they were expelled en masse in 1609. Up to that moment, they represented a complicated issue for the newly established Kingdom, as they were essential to keep the economy working due to their numbers, which inspired frequent pacts with local Muslim populations, such as Mohammad Abu Abdallah Ben Hudzail al Sahuir, allowing their culture various degrees of tolerance but, on the other side, they were deemed as a menace to the Kingdom due to their lack of allegiance and their real or perceived conspiracies to bring the Ottoman Empire to their rescue. There were indeed frequent rebellions from the Moor population against Christian rule, the most threatening being those headed by the Moor chieftain Mohammad Abu Abdallah Ben Hudzail al Sahuir known as Al-Azraq, he led important rebellions in 1244, 1248 and 1276. During the first of these, he regained Muslim independence for the lands South of the Júcar, but he had to surrender soon after.
During the second revolt, king James I was killed in battle, but Al-Azraq was subjugated, his life spared only because of a longtime relationship with the Christian monarch. During the third rebellion, Al-Azraq himself was killed but his son would continue to promote Muslim unrest and local rebellions remained always at sight. James II called Jaume II el Just or the Just, a grandson of James I, initiated in 1296 a final push of his army further southwards than the Biar-Busot pacts, his campaign aimed at the fertile countryside around Murcia and the Vega Baja del Segura whose local Muslim rulers were bound by pacts with Castile and governing by proxy on behalf of this kingdom. The campaign under James II was successful to the point of extending the limits of the Kingdom of Valencia well south of the agreed border with Castile, his troops took Murcia. What was to become the definite dividing line between Castile and the Crown of Aragon was agreed by virtue of the Sentencia Arbitral de Torrellas, amended by the Treaty of Elche, which assigned Orihuela to the Kingdom of Valencia, while Murcia went to the Crown of Castile, so drawing the final Southern border of the Kingdom of Valencia.
At the end of the process, four taifas had been wiped out: Balansiya, Alpuente and Murcia. Taking into account the standards of the day, it can be considered as a rather rapid conquest, since most of the territory was gained in less than fifty years and the maximum expansion was completed in less than one century; the toll in terms of social and politic unrest, to be paid for this fast process was the existence of a large Muslim population within the Kingdom which neither desired to become a part of it nor, as long as they remained Muslim, was given the chance to. Modern historiography sees the conquest of Valencia in the light of similar Reconquista efforts by the Crown of Castile, i.e. as a fight led by the king in order to gain new territories as free as possible of a serfdom subject to the nobility. The new territories would be accountable only to the king, thus enlarging and consolidating his power versus that of the nobility; this development was part