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A cup-bearer was an officer of high rank in royal courts whose duty it was to serve the drinks at the royal table. On account of the constant fear of plots and intrigues, a person must be regarded as trustworthy to hold the position, he must guard against poison in the king's cup and was sometimes required to swallow some of the drink before serving it. His confidential relations with the king gave him a position of great influence; the position of cup-bearer is valued and given only to a select few throughout history. Qualifications for the job were not held but of high esteem valued for their beauty and more for their modesty and courage; the cup-bearer as an honorific role, for example with the Egyptian hieroglyph for a cup-bearer, was used as late as 196 BC in the Rosetta Stone for the Kanephoros cup-bearer Areia, daughter of Diogenes. A much older role was the appointment of Sargon of Akkad as cup-bearer in the 23rd century BC. Cup-bearers are mentioned several times in the Bible; this officer is first mentioned in Genesis 40:1, where the Hebrew word elsewhere translated "cup-bearer" is rendered "butler."

The phrase "chief of the butlers" accords with the fact that there were a number of such officials under one as chief. In the Post-exilic period, Nehemiah rose to the high ranking palace position of cup-bearer to King Artaxerxes, the sixth King of the Medio/Persian Empire; the position placed his life on the line every day yet gave Nehemiah authority and high pay, was held in high esteem by him, as the record shows. His financial ability would indicate. Cup-bearers are mentioned further in 1 Kings 10:5; the title Rabshakeh, once thought to mean "chief of the cupbearers," is now given a different derivation and explained as "chief of the officers," or "princes". See further on cupbearers: Herod. Iii.34. Cyrop. I.3, 8, 9. In Greek mythology, Hêbê, the Goddess of youth, was the original cup-bearer to the Greek Gods of Mount Olympus serving them nectar and ambrosia. Hêbê is the daughter of Zeus and Hera and is shown doing her cup-bearer duties in Homer's Iliad: "The gods were seated near to Zeus in council, upon a golden floor.

Graciously Hebe served them nectar, as with cups of gold they toasted one another, looking down toward the stronghold of Ilion." Hêbê's role of cup bearer ended when she married war hero Heracles who joined Hêbê amongst the Gods and Goddesses and started a family. Hêbê was replaced by Ganymede; the Roman Gods are closely related to Greek Mythology with the Goddess of Youth Juventa being the Roman counterpart to Hêbê. One of the palatine officers, in the service of the Visigothic kings was called Comes Scanciorum or "Count of the Cup-bearers"; the count headed the scancia which in English would be called cellars or buttery and in French échansonnerie, a cognate to the Latinized Gothic term used in Spain. The count would have poured the king's wine or drink while the other cup-bearers served other distinguished guests at the royal table; the King of Bohemia ranked as Arch-Cupbearer of the Holy Roman Empire. His duties were performed only during coronations. At other times, the Count of Limburg and after 1714 Count of Althann served as Cupbearer for the Emperor.

Camillo in The Winter's Tale is cupbearer to Leontes, King of Sicily, Polixenes, King of Bohemia. When Leontes becomes convinced of his wife Hermione's infidelity with Polixenes he entreats Camillo to use his privileged position as his cupbearer to poison Polixenes:'Ay and thou His cupbearer, whom I from meaner form Have benched and reared to worship, who mayst see Plainly as heaven sees earth sees heaven, How I am galled, Might bespice a cup To give mine enemy a lasting wink Which draft to me were cordial.' Theobald Walter was the first Chief Butler of Ireland. Although the terms "cup -bearer" and "butler" are sometimes used interchangeably, they were two distinct roles at the coronation feast. Cześnik was a court office in Lithuania until the end of the 13th century; the holder was responsible for the wine-cellar of the King and for serving him cups with wine at banquets. Since the 14th century, it has been an honorary court title in the Crown of Poland and Grand Duchy of Lithuania, in Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth.

Cześnik koronny – King's Cup-Bearer of the Crown cześnik litewski – Grand Duke's Cup-Bearer of Lithuania cześnik ziemski – District King's Cup-BearerAccording to the district office hierarchy in 1768, his position in the Crown was over Łowczy and under Podstoli. In the Grand Duchy of Lithuania over Horodniczy and under Podczaszy. Bartender Food taster Paharnic Pinkernes Sommelier This article is adapted from an article in the 1915 International Standard Bible Encyclopedia, now in the public domain International Standard Bible Encyclopedia public-domain article Walton, O. F.. The King's Cup-bearer. Manguel, Alberto; the Iliad. Book IV, 1-5. Atlantic Monthly Press. "Mythography- The Greek Goddess Hêbê in Myth and Art"

William Dutterer

William S. Dutterer was a Washington artist who moved to New York City in 1979 and continued making innovative work until his death in January 2007. Over his 40+ year career, Dutterer developed his own idiosyncratic visual vocabulary that referenced masks, wrapped objects, the idea of exploring the depths, the concept of the bystander from his minimalist work of the'60s, his work engages the viewer, encouraging us to consider how our culture and world events impact the way we see ourselves and allow others to see us. Dutterer was born in Hagerstown, Maryland in 1943, his roots, were in Pocahontas County, West Virginia where he spent summers with family. He attended the Maryland Institute College of Art in Baltimore, for both under-graduate and graduate school. After earning a Master of Fine Arts in 1967, he moved to Washington, D. C. and began teaching painting at the Corcoran School of Art, where he continued to teach until 1986. He has shown his work in public institutions including The Corcoran Gallery of Art, the Kunsthalle Düsseldorf, The Detroit Institute of Art, The John and Mable Ringling Museum of Art, The Baltimore Museum of Art, Instituto Guatemalteco Americana, the Kennedy Center and One Penn Plaza.

He has shown in private galleries including the Pyramid, Henri, Jack Rasmussen and Franz Bader Galleries in Washington, D. C. the Susan Caldwell, Frank Marino, Portico Galleries in New York City as well as galleries in cities throughout the U. S. After his death in 2007 a retrospective exhibition, True Dutterer: The Work of William S. Dutterer was held at the American University Museum, Washington, D. C, it included several of his paintings which protested against the ongoing Afghanistan conflict. A further exhibition took place in 2009. A major retrospective of his work, "Humanoid Boogy" was mounted in 2014 at MICA in Baltimore. Dutterer's work is in the collection of the National Gallery of Art, the Corcoran Gallery of Art, the Baltimore Museum of Art, the American University Museum, Carnegie Museum of Art the Avampato Discovery Museum and other public and private collections. William Dutterer

Joana Angélica

Sister Joana Angélica de Jesus, registered as Joanna Angelica de Jesus was a Brazilian Conceptionist nun, belonging to the Reformed Order of Our Lady of Conception, martyr of the Brazilian Independence. Born during the colonial period, she died at age 60, stabbed by a bayonet blow when resisting the invasion of the Convent of Lapa, inSalvador, by Portuguese troops, she became, the first heroine of the independence of Brazil. The nun became known as saying the famous phrase: “Para trás, bandidos! Respeitai a casa de Deus! Só entrarão passando por cima do meu cadáver! ”. However, an extensive document search concerning the life of Joana Angelica found no evidence that the phrase was in fact uttered by the sister, she was the daughter of José Tavares de Almeida and Catarina Maria da Silva, a rich family from Salvador. She was baptized at the Bahian capital, she was 20 years old when she was accepted, as an exception, to her novitiate in the Convent of Our Lady of the Conception of Lapa in 1782. Her profession of faith was made on May 18, 1783, when she joined the Order of the Reformed Religious of Our Lady of the Conception and was renamed Joana Angelica de Jesus.

She remained secluded there for 20 years, was a scribe, mistress of novices, counselor and abbess, until her death. There are two conflicting versions of the episode of the attack on the Convent of Lapa. For the Brazilian historian Bernardino José de Souza, the Portuguese version, sponsored by the Portuguese historian José d'Arriaga, has no support in documents. According to d'Ariaga's report, agents of the reactionary party had hidden in the convent and shot the soldiers inside the building. Brazilian historians, say that Portuguese troops broke in several buildings, practicing robberies and deaths, under the pretext that shots had left from within a certain place; the newspaper Diário da Bahia published in its edition of July 2, 1936, a complete report on the attack on the convent and the sister's martyrdom. It contains a description of the political crisis and excesses committed by the Portuguese soldiers: The city is surprised by the designation of Madeira de Mello for the commando of the Arms of the Province.

Victorious, the commanders of Madeira seize revenge. Fires and looting. Savagery and homicides. A solid colonial construction, still existing in the capital of Bahia, the Convent of Lapa consists of a cloister, whose main entrance is garrisoned by an iron gate. A group of soldiers tried to break into the gate while Joanna Angelica ordered the sisters to flee from the back. In order to protect the cloister and integrity of the sisters, Angélica was placed as a last obstacle between the convent and the Portuguese troops; the remains of Joana Angélica are found at the Convent of Lapa in close proximity to her place of death. A memorial housing her remains is located in a room to the rear of the name of the convent; the Church of the Blessed Sacrament of Saint Anne and memorial to Joana Angélica are open to the public and may be visited.

Feminisation of the workplace

The feminization of the workplace is the feminization, or the shift in gender roles and sex roles and the incorporation of women into a group or a profession once dominated by men, as it relates to the workplace. It is a set of social theories seeking to explain occupational gender-related discrepancies. Feminization of the work industry is the pressure created from the cultural turn where the issues of fairness and redistribution in society overcome economic inequalities and find more balance to combat income inequality, social exclusion, cultural imperialism; the issues of sexual differences, gender roles, employment and services inequalities are questioned and removed. Feminization of the workplace links to the Marxist approach where everyone has the ability to sell his labor power to own the means of production; this approach allows women to work in jobs with flexible and family-friendly working hours because of their childcare responsibilities. The feminization in the workplace destabilized occupational segregation in society.

"Throughout the 1990s the cultural turn in geography, entwined with the post-structuralist concept of difference, led to the discarding of the notion of a coherent, bounded and independent identity..., capable of self-determination and progress, in favor of a constructed category defined by the constitutive outside. The earlier distinction between gender as created, resting upon the biological distinction of sex, was abandoned, creating room for research that highlighted how gendered subjectivities, far from being based on a stable content, were produced, performed and redrawn in complex ways, drawing meaning from routine interactions with others in specific historical and geographical contexts". Women are entering any form of profession and feminizing the labor force, once restricted and dominated by men. From exporting personal labor, entering the labor market, challenging the field of science and engineering, participating in the sports environment, the power and role of women in the society have changed.

Feminization of survival is a term that feminists use to describe a social condition where women are forced into inhumane conditions for the survival of themselves and their families. In 1888, the government of Canada decided to invite skilled Chinese men to work in a gold rush and the Canadian Pacific Railway to reduce the cost of labor wages and to make these projects affordable; the Chinese were motivated by desires to earn higher wages. Although these immigrants were earning a higher compensation in Canada compared to that in China, they experienced exclusion and occupational inequality. Though the issue of racial exclusion is desensitized, there are workers who encounter violence and abuse in their working environment, a majority of which are women. Exporting labor to developed countries is still booming since it creates economic growth and diversity; the globalization of labor eases the government debts and unemployment rates of developing countries. Women in southeast Asian countries, are attracted to this money-making opportunity.

The poor and low-wage women were considered burdens rather than resources, but now an increasing number of women are earning a profit and securing government revenues. Several developing countries in southeast Asia the Philippines, have seen the emergence of exporting labor to developed countries due to high foreign debt and unemployment. Filipino women working overseas in the United States of America sent home $8 billion a year in 2003, most of these women entered the fields of health care, domestic service, child care. Filipino overseas workers have earned the title of "migrant heroism" for sacrificing their family lives and normalizing migration remittance-sending to their motherland. Not only do these women hold a higher responsibility in their family and country, but they are faced with racialization and abuse. In the new era, women restricted the'spatial reach' of their job searches due to childcare responsibilities; the open employment for middle-class women catalyzes the growing use of domestic workers for household cleaning and childcare.

There has been a complexity in the modern economy with women's responsibility at work. Cultural theories maintain that lower wages in female-dominated occupations are the product of societal bias against the work carried out by women and that the sex composition of occupations affects wages directly. In contrast, recent human capital theories maintain that the wage penalties associated with working in female-dominated occupations result from different requirements in specialized training and that the effect is indirect. Many feminist scholars insist that sexual difference is the primary reason for differences between both sexes in the labor market outcomes. Women face discrimination in the workplace, such as the “glass ceiling,” although female participation in the labor market has increased markedly during the past twenty years; however with increased participation in the labor force and the high levels of commitment that women give to their workplace, women's work is still undervalued. Additionally, many times a woman's work schedule is structured in such a way that it conflicts with her care-giving responsibilities.

The women who are union members at work feel “side-lined” and “downgraded” about the workplace issues that they face that are apart from the union's agenda. However, high levels of unionization correlate with a lower wage gap as well as a lower gender gap. One way in which people have tried to help working women is through legislation. In late 2003, Norway passed a law that advocated for forty perce

Aquileian Rite

The Aquileian Rite was a particular liturgical tradition within the province of the ancient patriarchal see of Aquileia. The See of Aquileia under Bishop Macedonius broke communion with Rome in the Schism of the Three Chapters in 553 and became a schismatical patriarchate, a situation which lasted till the year 698. A number of allusions tell us that certain of its suffragan sees had a special rite; the earliest and most instructive document of the Patriarchine Rite is a capitulare of the eighth century added by a Lombard hand to the "Codex Richdigeranus" of the sixth century. Germain Morin and H. F. Haase, who edited the Codex, show reason to suppose that this capitulare represents the use of Aquileia. Supposing this, it gives us valuable information about the Aquileian liturgical Calendar for the time it covers. Advent had five Sundays. There is no Septuagesima; the "tradition of the symbol" is on the Sunday before Easter. It and Maundy Thursday have each two Masses, as in the Gallican Rites.

There is a "Mid- Pentecost" feast, as in many Eastern Rites. We have many indications of the divergence from Rome. If we accept the most probable theory that the Gallican Rite is Eastern in origin, we may consider the local Aquileian Use as one more variant of the widespread Gallican family. For the rest we are reduced to mere conjecture about this liturgy. There are many theories as to its relation to the rites of Milan and the fragments in St. Ambrose of Milan's De sacramentis, IV, 4-6. Dr. Buchwald defends the view that the prayers in "De Sacr." are Aquileian. Aquileia adopted them under whose influence she stood. Rome took her Canon from Aquileia about the fifth century. If this be true, the influence of Aquileia on the Western liturgy has been enormous. Aquileia would be the portal. Baumstark ascribes De sacramentis to Ravenna rather than to Milan, but agrees that it came from Alexandria and that Aquileia used the same rite; the ritus patriarchinus would be the same as the Rite of the Exarchate of Ravenna, which he defends From the time of the formation of separate rites in the fourth century, Aquileia would have had its own use.

This use was not the same as that of Rome, but was one more variant of the large group of Western Rites, connected by origin, which we call Gallican. It was really related to the old Milanese Rite and still more to that of Ravenna. In the Middle Ages we hear of the ritus patriarchinus yielding to the Roman Rite. Ebner has published a variant of the present Hanc igitur of the Roman Canon, in litany form, attributed to Paulinus of Aquileia. De Rubeis in his De sacris foroiuliensium ritibus has printed part of the Aquileian scrutiny of catechumens, of the ninth century; this is that of the contemporary Roman Ordines. Walafrid Strabo mentions "hymns" composed by Paulinus of Aquileia and used by him "in private Masses at the offering of the sacrifice."It seems that the Rite of Aquileia had been used in Venice since in 1250 Peter IV, Bishop of Castello petitioned the Pope for permission to adopt the Roman Rite. In 1308 and again in 1418 attempts were made to restore the Aquileian Use at Venice, but in 1456 Pope Callistus III granted permission to the newly created Patriarch of Venice to follow Roman liturgical practice.

After the Council of Trent and Pope Pius V's Missal one after another of the cities which had kept the Aquileian Use conformed to Rome: Trieste in 1586, Udine in 1596. Como alone made an effort to keep the old local use. In 1565 and 1579 diocesan synods still insisted on this, but in 1597 Clement VIII insisted on Roman Use here too. Only St Mark's Basilica, still the chapel of the Doge and not yet cathedral of Venice, kept certain local peculiarities of ritual which descended from the "ritus patriarchinus" until the fall of the Republic in 1807, but long before its final disappearance, the Aquileian Rite in these local forms was so romanized that little of its original character was left. Francis Bonomio, Bishop of Vercelli, who went to Como in 1579 to persuade its clergy to adopt the Roman Breviary, says that the local rite was the same as that of Rome "except in the order of some Sundays, the feast of the Holy Trinity, transferred to another time". So the Missale pro s. aquileyensis ecclesiae ritu, printed at Augsburg in 1494, breviaries and sacramentaries printed for Aquileia and Como in the fifteenth century, although still bearing the name of the "ritus patriarchinus", are hardly more than local varieties of the Roman Rite.

ALTHAN, Iter liturgicum foroiuliense BAUMSTARK, Liturgia romana, pp. 170–73 BONA, Rerum litugicarum, II, ed. SALA, Appendix: De ritu antiquo Aquilejensis patriarchino nuncupato BURN, Nicetas of Remesiana.

St. Matthew's Anglican Cathedral (Brandon)

St. Matthew's Cathedral, is the Anglican cathedral in Brandon, Manitoba; the cathedral is located in a residential neighbourhood on 13th Street near Victoria Avenue. Built in between 1912 and 1913 to designs by Brandon architect W. A. Elliott, whose name is on other designated heritage buildings in Brandon Manitoba such as Johnson House, Christie House, the Central Firehall; the St. Matthew's Cathedral was designed in English Gothic Revival style, constructed by the firm of William Bell and Son, the cathedral is a red brick and limestone building, with a complex floor plan, variety of roof lines and tall lancet windows; the central tower is the focal point of the building. Inside, the cathedral is elegant, with Gothic inspired windows and furnishings, all beautifully maintained; the Institute for stained glass in Canada has documented the stained glass at St Matthew's Anglican Cathedral. The cathedral church hosts numerous concerts and events, both secular and religious, which are held throughout the year.

The current Rector and Dean is the Very Reverend Don Bernhardt. Resource on W. A. Elliott W. A. Elliott St. Matthew's Cathedral website Diocese of Brandon website Mystery Worshipper Report from the Ship of Fools website Christie House, Brandon Manitoba St. Matthew's Cathedral Central Fire Hall, Brandon Manitoba Johnson House, Brandon Manitoba The Johnson Family of Johnson House