Proportional representation characterizes electoral systems in which divisions in an electorate are reflected proportionately in the elected body. If n% of the electorate support a particular political party roughly n% of seats will be won by that party; the essence of such systems is that all votes contribute to the result - not just a plurality, or a bare majority. The most prevalent forms of proportional representation all require the use of multiple-member voting districts, as it is not possible to fill a single seat in a proportional manner. In fact, the implementations of PR that achieve the highest levels of proportionality tend to include districts with large numbers of seats; the most used families of PR electoral systems are party list PR, the single transferable vote, mixed member proportional representation. With party list PR, political parties define candidate voters vote for a list; the relative vote for each list determines how many candidates from each list are elected. Lists can be "closed" or "open".
Voting districts can be as large as a province or an entire nation. The single transferable vote uses small multiple-member districts, with voters ranking individual candidates in order of preference. During the count, as candidates are elected or eliminated, surplus or discarded votes that would otherwise be wasted are transferred to other candidates according to the preferences. STV enables voters to elect independent candidates. Mixed member proportional representation called the additional member system, is a two-tier mixed electoral system combining a non-proportional plurality/majoritarian election and a compensatory regional or national party list PR election. Voters have two votes, one for their single-member district and one for the party list, the party list vote determining the balance of the parties in the elected body. According to the ACE Electoral Knowledge Network, some form of proportional representation is used for national lower house elections in 94 countries. Party list PR, being used in 85 countries, is the most used.
MMP is used in seven lower houses. STV, despite long being advocated by political scientists, is used in only two: Ireland, since independence in 1922, Malta, since 1921; as with all electoral systems, both accepted and opposing claims are made about the advantages and disadvantages of PR. The case for proportional representation was made by John Stuart Mill in his 1861 essay Considerations on Representative Government: In a representative body deliberating, the minority must of course be overruled, but does it follow that the minority should have no representatives at all?... Is it necessary that the minority should not be heard? Nothing but habit and old association can reconcile any reasonable being to the needless injustice. In a equal democracy, every or any section would be represented, not disproportionately, but proportionately. A majority of the electors would always have a majority of the representatives, but a minority of the electors would always have a minority of the representatives.
Man for man, they would be as represented as the majority. Unless they are, there is not equal government... There is a part whose fair and equal share of influence in the representation is withheld from them, contrary to all just government, above all, contrary to the principle of democracy, which professes equality as its root and foundation. Many academic political theorists agree with Mill, that in a representative democracy the representatives should represent all segments of society. PR tries to resolve the unfairness of majoritarian and plurality voting systems where the largest parties receive an "unfair" "seat bonus" and smaller parties are disadvantaged and have difficulty winning any representation at all; the established parties in UK elections can win formal control of the parliament with as little as 35% of votes. In certain Canadian elections, majority governments have been formed by parties with the support of under 40% of votes cast. If turnout levels in the electorate are less than 60%, such outcomes allow a party to form a majority government by convincing as few as one quarter of the electorate to vote for it.
In the 2005 UK election, for example, the Labour Party under Tony Blair won a comfortable parliamentary majority with the votes of only 21.6% of the total electorate. Such misrepresentation has been criticized as "no longer a question of'fairness' but of elementary rights of citizens". Note intermediate PR systems with a high electoral threshold, or other features that reduce proportionality, are not much fairer: in the Turkish general election, 2002, using an open list system with a 10% threshold, 46% of votes were wasted. Plurality/majoritarian systems can disproportionately benefit regional parties that can win districts where they have a strong following, while other parties with national support but no strongholds, like the Greens, win few or no seats. An example is the Bloc Québécois in Canada that won 52 seats in the 1993 federal election, all in Quebec, on 13.5% of the national vote, while the Progressive Conservatives collapsed to two seats on 16% spread nationally. In the 2015 UK General Election, the Scottish National Party gained 56 seats, all in Sc
2010 Iraqi parliamentary election
A parliamentary election was held in Iraq on 7 March 2010. The election decided the 325 members of the Council of Representatives of Iraq who would elect the Iraqi prime minister and president; the election resulted in a partial victory for the Iraqi National Movement, led by former Interim Prime Minister Ayad Allawi, which won a total of 91 seats, making it the largest alliance in the Council. The State of Law Coalition, led by incumbent Prime Minister Nouri Al-Maliki, was the second largest grouping with 89 seats. Prior to the election, the Supreme Court in Iraq ruled that the existing electoral law/rule was unconstitutional, a new elections law made changes in the electoral system. On 15 January 2010, the Independent High Electoral Commission banned 499 candidates from the election due to alleged links with the Ba'ath Party. Before the start of the campaign on 12 February 2010, IHEC confirmed that the appeals by banned candidates had been rejected and thus all 456 banned candidates would not be allowed to run for the election.
The turnout was low compared to the elections of 2005. There were numerous allegations of fraud, a recount of the votes in Baghdad was ordered on 19 April 2010. On 14 May IHEC announced that after 11,298 ballot boxes had been recounted, there was no sign of fraud or violations; the new parliament opened on 14 June 2010. After months of fraught negotiations, an agreement was reached on the formation of a new government on 11 November. Talabani would continue as president, Al-Maliki would stay on as prime minister and Allawi would head a new security council; the necessary election law was only passed on 8 November 2009, the UN Mission in Iraq, helping with the elections, estimated that it needed 90 days to plan for the election. The electoral commission asked for a delay from the original date of 15 January. Iraqi Vice President Tariq Al-Hashimi vetoed the election law on 18 November 2009, delaying the election, scheduled for 21 January. Prior to the election, the Supreme Court in Iraq ruled that the existing electoral rule was unconstitutional.
The parliament therefore set about drafting a new electoral law. The Iraqi cabinet approved a draft elections law in September 2009. However, it took ten delays for the law to pass in the Council of Representatives; the main areas of dispute concerned the "open list" electoral system and the voters roll in Kirkuk Governorate, which Arab and Turkmen parties alleged had been manipulated by the Kurdistan Regional Government of Iraq. UNAMI advised the electoral system was changed to allow people to vote for individuals as well as party lists under the open list form of proportional representation; the last national elections had used a closed list system, but the Iraqi governorate elections of 2009 had used open lists. The move was supported by parliamentarians from ISCI, the most senior Iraqi Shiite cleric, Ayatollah Ali al-Sistani, warned that failure to adopt the open list system would have "negative impacts on the democratic process" and would reduce turnout and aides said he may call for a boycott of the polls if closed lists were used again.
In the end, all parties except for the Kurdistani Alliance agreed to support open lists, adopted. In Kirkuk Governorate, it was proposed to use old 2004 electoral rolls. However, Kurds protested about this, given the large number of Kurdish people who had settled there since then. UNAMI proposed that Kirkuk be divided into two or more ethnic constituencies, with the Kurdish constituency given an automatic quota of 50% plus one; when put to parliament, this proposal was blocked by Arab MPs. The issue was referred to the Political Council for National Security, which comprises the President, Prime Minister and party leaders; the Council proposed to combine the electoral rolls from 2004 and 2009, but when this was put to parliament, it was blocked by Kurds. UNAMI proposed using the 2009 records but revisiting for future elections; when put to a vote the Kurdish MPs walked out. The final law said that the results in Kirkuk - and other governorates where the rolls were deemed "dubious" - would be provisional, subject to review within the first year by a committee formed out of the electoral commission, government and UNAMI, which could cancel fraudulent ballots.
The law was passed with 80 members absent. The law increased the size of the Council from 275 to 325 members - equal to one seat per 100,000 citizens, as specified in the Constitution of Iraq; as with the December 2005 election, seats will be allocated by governorate with additional "compensatory" seats allocated to those parties whose national share of the vote isn't reflected in the seats won at the governorate level. The votes of Iraqis living abroad would have been counted in the compensatory seats, which were reduced from 45 seats to 16 and eight of these 16 seats were allocated to specific national minorities - five for Iraqi Christians and one each for Yazidis and Mandaeans. Iraqi Vice-President Tariq al-Hashimi said the small number of compensatory seats discriminated against the estimated 2 million Iraqi refugees, many of whom are Sunni Arabs like al-Hashimi, he demanded that the number of compensatory seats be increased to 15% and went on national television to say he would veto the law if it weren't amended.
Sunni Arab parliamentarian Saleh al-Mutlaq said 30 seats should be allocated to Iraqis abroad to reflect their numbers. President Jalal Talabani supported the increase to 15%, after receiving a letter from Kurdish regional MPs saying their allies from minority groups would be unfairly treated. In the event President Talabani and Vice-President Adel Abdul Mahdi sign
January 2005 Iraqi parliamentary election
Parliamentary elections were held in Iraq on 30 January 2005 to elect the new National Assembly, alongside governorate elections and a parliamentary election in Iraqi Kurdistan. The 275-member legislature had been created under the Transitional Law during the international occupation; the newly elected body was given a mandate to write a new constitution and exercise legislative functions until the new constitution came into effect. The elections led to the formation of the Iraqi Transitional Government; the United Iraqi Alliance, tacitly backed by Shia Grand Ayatollah Ali al-Sistani, emerged as the largest bloc with 48% of the vote. The Democratic Patriotic Alliance of Kurdistan was in second place with 26%, whilst interim Prime Minister Ayad Allawi's party, the Iraqi List, came third with 14%. In total, twelve parties received enough votes to win a seat in the assembly. Low turnout amongst Sunni Arabs threatened the legitimacy of the elections, with voter turnout as low as 2% in Al Anbar Governorate.
More than 100 armed attacks on polling places took place, killing at least 44 people across the country, including at least 20 in Baghdad. In November 2003, the US-managed Coalition Provisional Authority had announced plans to turn over sovereignty to an Iraqi Interim Government by mid-2004; the actual transfer of sovereignty occurred on 28 June 2004. The interim president installed was Sheikh Ghazi Mashal Ajil al-Yawer, the interim prime minister was Ayad Allawi, a man, a CIA asset according to former American intelligence officials; the voting represented the first general election since the United States-led 2003 invasion of Iraq, marked an important step in the transition of turning control of the country over from United States occupation forces to the Iraqis themselves. The election was seen by some as a victory for democracy in the Middle East, but that opinion is not shared by all as most of the Arab Sunnis boycotted the vote. Seymour Hersh has reported that there was an effort by the American government to shift funds and other resources to Allawi and that there may have been similar under-the-table dealings by other parties.
Although he did not get the most seats in the Transitional Assembly, Allawi's delegation jumped from a projected 3-4% of the vote to 14% of the vote, giving him power in the writing of the Constitution. Two parties supported by the majority Shi'a Muslim community between them won a majority of seats, while parties representing the Kurdish community will be represented. Parties representing the Sunni Arab community boycotted the elections and some armed Sunni groups threatened election day violence. There were 44 deaths around polling stations in at least 9 separate attacks on election day. With a total of some 8.4 million votes cast, a 58% turnout, the Iraqi Electoral Commission considers the election to have taken place without major disruption. Voter turnout ranged from 89% in the Kurdish region of Dahuk to two percent in the Sunni region of Anbar. After the legislative elections held in December 2005, where 76,4% of registered voters participated, the Iraqi government is considered by 44 international governments to be a legitimate government.
According to the American administration, the judiciary in Iraq operates under the primacy of rule of law, so those convicted of war crimes from the former regime of Saddam Hussein will get an open trial, in which their rights will be subjected to due process and be protected by the scrutiny of a free press, the requirements of modern court proceedings. There has however been considerable criticism of criminal justice system presently operating in Iraq; the Transitional Law required a two-thirds majority of the new assembly to select the new presidents, who appointed the Prime Minister who took office after receiving a simple majority vote of confidence from the assembly. Eighteen Governorate Councils and a 111-member council of the Kurdistan Regional Government were elected; the Iraqi Transitional Assembly would: Serve as Iraq's national legislature. It has named consisting of a President and two Vice Presidents. Draft Iraq's new constitution; this constitution was presented to the Iraqi people for their approval in a national referendum in October 2005.
Under the new constitution, Iraq would elect a permanent government in December 2005 as new legislative elections were held for the Council of Representatives of Iraq. Under the Transitional Administrative Law, signed March 2004, the country's executive branch was led by a three-person presidential council; the election system for the council ensures that all three of Iraq's major ethnic / religious groups are represented. The constitution includes basic freedoms like freedom of religion and assembly, is perceived by some to be more progressive than the American Constitution. Controversially, however, it states that all laws that were in effect on the transfer date cannot be repealed. Furthermore, since the coalition forces are working to maintain order and create a stable society under the United Nations, coalition troops can remain in effective control of the country despite the transfer of sovereignty. Since Iraqi forces were considered not trained and equipped to police and secure their country, it was expected that coalition troops will remain until Iraqi forces no longer required their support.
The members of the National Assembly were elected by proportional representation using the Hare quota and the largest remainder method with a threshold of one quota. At least every third candidate on each list had to be female; the Independent Electoral Commission of Iraq
Districts of Iraq
Iraq's 19 governorates are subdivided into 120 districts. The district bears the same name as the district capital; the districts are listed below, by governorate: Al-Qa'im District Al-Rutba District Ana District Falluja District Haditha District Hīt District Ramadi District Rawah District Al-Khidhir District Al-Rumaitha District Al-Salman District Al-Samawa District Afaq District Al-Shamiya District Diwaniya District Hamza District Al-Mahawil District Al-Musayab District Hashimiya District Hilla District Administrative Districts in Baghdad City Rusafa Adhamiyah Sadr City (formerly Thawra District 9 Nissan Karadah Al-Za'franiya Karkh Kadhimyah Mansour Al Rashid Administrative Districts in Baghdad Suburban Abu Ghraib District Al Istiqlal District Al-Mada'in District Mahmudiya District Taji District Al Tarmia District Abu Al-Khaseeb District Al-Midaina District Al-Qurna District Al-Zubair District Basrah District al-Faw District Al-Chibayish District Al-Rifa'i District Al-Shatra District Nassriya District Suq Al-Shoyokh District Al-Khalis District Al-Muqdadiya District Baladrooz District Ba'quba District Khanaqin District Kifri District Ain Al-Tamur District Al-Hindiya District Kerbala District Al-Hawiga District Daquq District Kirkuk District Al-Dibs District Ali Al-Gharbi District Al-Kahla District Al-Maimouna District Al-Mejar Al-Kabi District Amara District Qal'at Saleh District Al-Manathera District Kufa District Najaf District Note that northern Sinjar, northern Tel Afar and northern Shekhan districts are under illegal Kurdistan Regional Government de facto control.
Akre District Al-Ba'aj District Al-Hamdaniya District Hatra District Mosul District Shekhan District Sinjar District Tel Afar District Tel Keppe District Al-Daur District Al-Shirqat District Baiji District Balad District Samarra District Tikrit District Tooz District Dujail District Al-Hai District Al-Na'maniya District Al-Suwaira District Badra District Kut District Dohuk Governorate is part of Iraqi Kurdistan. Amadiya District Dahuk District Sumel District Zakho District Erbil Governorate is part of Iraqi Kurdistan, while the status of the southern Makhmur District is contested. Erbil District Koisanjaq District Shaqlawa District, cities are Salahaddin and Hareer Soran District, cities are Town of Soran and Diana Makhmur District Mergasur District Choman District Sulaymaniyah Governorate is part of Iraqi Kurdistan. Pshdar District Chamchamal District Darbandokeh District Dokan District Kalar District Rania District Sharbazher District Sulaymaniya District Saidsadiq District Sharazoor District Penjwin District Mawat District Qaradagh District Halabja Governorate is part of Iraqi Kurdistan and still a part of Sulaymaniyah Governorate.
Halabja Sirwan Khurmal District Byara District List of postal codes in Iraq Governorates of Iraq humanitarianinfo district map humanitarianinfo governorate map
Politics of Iraq
The politics of Iraq take place in a framework of a federal parliamentary representative democratic republic. It is a multi-party system whereby the executive power is exercised by the Prime Minister of the Council of Ministers as the head of government, as well as the President of Iraq, legislative power is vested in the Council of Representatives and the Federation Council; the current Prime Minister of Iraq is Adil Abdul-Mahdi, who holds most of the executive authority and appointed the Council of Ministers, which acts as a cabinet and/or government. The Economist Intelligence Unit rated Iraq as a "hybrid regime" in 2016; the federal government of Iraq is defined under the current constitution as an Islamic, federal parliamentary republic. The federal government is composed of the executive and judicial branches, as well as numerous independent commissions; the legislative branch is composed of the Council of a Federation Council. The executive branch is composed of the president, the prime minister, the Council of Ministers.
The federal judiciary is composed of the Higher Judicial Council, the Supreme Court, the Court of Cassation, the Public Prosecution Department, the Judiciary Oversight Commission, other federal courts that are regulated by law. One such court is the Central Criminal Court; the Independent High Commission for Human Rights, the Independent High Electoral Commission, the Commission on Integrity are independent commissions subject to monitoring by the Council of Representatives. The Central Bank of Iraq, the Board of Supreme Audit, the Communications and Media Commission, the Endowment Commission are financially and administratively independent institutions; the Foundation of Martyrs is attached to the Council of Ministers. The Federal Public Service Council regulates the affairs of the federal public service, including appointment and promotion; the basic subdivisions of the country are the governorates. Both regions and governorates are given broad autonomy with regions given additional powers such as control of internal security forces for the region such as police, security forces, guards.
The last local elections for the governorates were held in the 2009 Iraqi governorate elections on 31 January 2009. The constitution requires that the Council of Representatives enact a law which provides the procedures for forming a new region 6 months from the start of its first session. A law was passed 11 October 2006 by a unanimous vote with only 138 of 275 representatives present, with the remaining representatives boycotting the vote. Legislators from the Iraqi Accord Front, Sadrist Movement and Islamic Virtue Party all opposed the bill. Under the law, a region can be created out of one or more existing governorates or two or more existing regions, a governorate can join an existing region to create a new region. A new region can be proposed by one third or more of the council members in each affected governorate plus 500 voters or by one tenth or more voters in each affected governorate. A referendum must be held within three months, which requires a simple majority in favour to pass.
In the event of competing proposals, the multiple proposals are put to a ballot and the proposal with the most supporters is put to the referendum. In the event of an affirmative referendum a Transitional Legislative Assembly is elected for one year, which has the task of writing a constitution for the Region, put to a referendum requiring a simple majority to pass; the President, Prime Minister and Ministers of the region are elected by simple majority, in contrast to the Iraqi Council of Representatives which requires two thirds support. Iraq is divided into 18 governorates, which are further divided into districts: National Iraqi Alliance Supreme Islamic Iraqi Council – led by Ammar al-Hakim Sadrist Movement – led by Muqtada al-Sadr Islamic Dawa Party – Iraq Organisation – led by Kasim Muhammad Taqi al-Sahlani Islamic Dawa Party – led by Nouri al-Maliki Tribes of Iraq Coalition – led by Hamid al-Hais Islamic Fayli Grouping in Iraq – led by Muqdad Al-Baghdadi Democratic Patriotic Alliance of Kurdistan Kurdistan Democratic Party – led by Massoud Barzani Patriotic Union of Kurdistan – led by Jalal Talabani Kurdistan Islamic Union Movement for Change – led by Nawshirwan Mustafa Kurdistan Toilers’ Party Kurdistan Communist Party Assyrian Patriotic Party Civil Democratic Alliance People's Party led by Faiq Al Sheikh Ali.
Iraqi Ummah Party led by Mithal Al-Alusi. Iraqi Liberal Party National Democratic Action Party Iraqi List Iraqi National Accord – led by Iyad Allawi The Iraqis – led by Ghazi al-Yawer Iraqi Turkmen Front ) National Independent Cadres and Elites People's Union Iraqi Communist Party – led by Hamid Majid Mousa Islamic Kurdish Society – led by Ali Abd-al Aziz Islamic Labour Movement in Iraq National Democratic Party – led by Samir al-Sumaidai National Rafidain List Assyrian Democratic Movement – led by Yonadam Kanna Reconciliation and Liberation Bloc The Upholders of the Message Mithal al-Alusi List Yazidi Movement for Reform and Progress Communist Party of Iraq Worker-Communist Party of Iraq Leftist Worker-Communist Party of Iraq Alliance of Independent Democrats – led by Adnan Pachachi National Democratic Party – Naseer al-Chaderchi Green Party of Iraq Iraqi Democratic Union Iraqi National
Iraqi governorate elections, 2009
Governorate or provincial elections were held in Iraq on 31 January 2009, to replace the local councils in fourteen of the eighteen governorates of Iraq that were elected in the Iraqi governorate elections of 2005. 14,431 candidates - including 3,912 women - contested 440 seats. The candidates came from over 400 parties - 75 % of. In February 2008, the Iraqi Parliament passed a Provincial Powers Act by a majority of one, with many members of parliament not present at the proceedings, it included giving the Prime Minister the power to dismiss a governor of a province, a measure that would have left considerable power in the hands of the Shi'a dominated central government in Baghdad. The Act required a Provincial Elections Law to be passed within the next 90 days and for elections to be held no than the beginning of October 2008; the Presidency Council referred the law back, saying it did not comply with the constitutional rights of governorates. It was reported that vice President Adil Abdul-Mahdi, whose Supreme Islamic Iraqi Council party is strong in many southern Iraqi governorate councils objected.
However, the Council reversed its position following protests from the Sadrist Movement, saying they would instead seek changes to the law before it came into force. In July 2008 the Iraqi Election Commission proposed postponing the elections until December because delays in passing the election law had left too little time to prepare; the Provincial Elections bill was approved by the Council of Representatives on 22 July 2008 despite a walkout by members of the Kurdistani Alliance over a clause making Kirkuk Governorate council a power-sharing arrangement. The next day the Presidency Council of Iraq, consisting of President Jalal Talabani, Kurdish, Vice-President Adel Abdul Mahdi, a Shi'ite Arab, Vice-President Tariq al-Hashimi, a Sunni Arab, unanimously agreed to reject the bill because of the Kirkuk clause, send it back to the Council of Representatives to reconsider; the second draft was ratified by the Presidency Council on 7 October 2008, who stated that a minority clause may be added later.
A minority clause was added on 3 November. The original draft proposed delaying the election in Kirkuk Governorate until after the referendum to decide its precise status has been held. However, a group of Turkmen and Arab MPs proposed a power-sharing clause, establishing a provincial council consisting of ten Kurds, ten Arabs, ten Turkmens and two Assyrians; this clause was included in the draft election bill put to the Iraqi Council of Representatives in July 2008, led to the Kurdish parties walking out in protest, complaining "If you pick the seats before the election, why vote?" The law was nonetheless approved on 22 July 2008. However, President Jalal Talabani, Kurdish, Vice-President Adel Abdul Mahdi, a Shi'ite Arab, have agreed they would reject the bill, hence it would be sent back to the Council of Representatives to reconsider. Parliamentary summer recess started on 30 July 2008, but a special session was called for 3 August 2008 to find a solution to the Kirkuk issue. At that meeting, no solution was reached.
It was postponed to 9 September 2008, with a committee working on a compromise solution until then. At that session, no resolution was reached, negotiations continued on 10 September 2008 in the form of a special six-member panel formed for this occasion; the law was passed on 24 September 2008 and the election is expected to be held by 31 January 2009. A special panel was to work on a solution on Kirkuk and report back by 31 March 2009; the United Nations Special Representative for Iraq, Staffan de Mistura proposed holding elections in all governorates except Kirkuk, deferring the Kirkuk elections for six months in order to find an acceptable compromise. A draft bill based on this proposal was debated on 6 August and accepted by the Kurdistani Alliance but opposed by the Iraqi Turkmen Front, Iraqi Accord Front and Sadrist Movement who objected to the draft law's reference to the Kirkuk status referendum and insisted on delaying the entire elections until a solution was found. Under Article 50 of the draft Elections law, religious minorities such as Christians and Yazidis would be reserved a number of seats in the provincial assemblies.
This clause was removed in the final draft, with legislators citing a lack of census data for determining the appropriate number of seats. Five thousand Christians demonstrated in Mosul against this change, saying it was a "marginalisation of their rights" and the head of the Assyrian Church of the East wrote to the Presidency Council asking them to veto the law. Prime Minister al-Maliki said he was concerned and called on parliament and the Iraqi High Electoral Commission to "remove all the concerns and the sense of exclusion felt by some segments of Iraqi society". Kurdish MP Mahmoud Othman called on the Presidency Council of Iraq to use its review process to force an amendment to include a minority quota, saying "The rule of the majority means there should be protection of the minorities" A Sadrist leader said Christians should be allowed to "contribute to the building of the Iraqi state" and the removal of this clause "threatened the unity of Iraq" The UN Special Envoy criticised the removal of the minorities clause.
A minority clause was added on 3 November 2008, although it only provided for six special seats instead of twelve as recommended by the UN. The Christian
Nouri Kamil Mohammed Hasan al-Maliki known as Jawad al-Maliki or Abu Esraa, is an Iraqi politician, Prime Minister of Iraq from 2006 to 2014. He is a Vice President of Iraq. Al-Maliki began his political career as a Shia dissident under Saddam Hussein's regime in the late 1970s and rose to prominence after he fled a death sentence into exile for 24 years. During his time abroad, he became a senior leader of the Islamic Dawa Party, coordinated the activities of anti-Saddam guerrillas and built relationships with Iranian and Syrian officials whose help he sought in overthrowing Saddam. Al-Maliki worked with United States and coalition forces in Iraq following their departure by the end of 2011. Al-Maliki and his government succeeded the Iraqi Transitional Government, his first Cabinet was approved by the National Assembly and sworn in on 20 May 2006. His second Cabinet, in which he held the positions of acting Interior Minister, acting Defense Minister, acting National Security Minister, was approved on 21 December 2010.
In the wake of a string of defeats during the Northern Iraq Offensive, United States officials said that al-Maliki should give up his premiership. On 14 August 2014, he announced his resignation as Prime Minister of Iraq. In September 2014, al-Maliki was elected as one of three Vice Presidents, an office he still holds despite attempts to abolish the post. Nouri al-Maliki was born in Janaja village in Abu Gharaq, a central Iraqi town situated between Karbala and Al Hillah, he is a member of an offshoot of the Bani Malik tribe. He attended school in Al Hindiyah. Al-Maliki moved to Baghdad with his family. Al-Maliki lived for a time in Al Hillah, his grandfather, Muhammad Hasan Abi al-Mahasin, was a poet and cleric, the representative of the Revolutionary Council of the Iraqi revolution against the British in 1920, served as Iraq's Minister of Education under King Faisal I. On 16 July 1979, al-Maliki fled Iraq after he was discovered to be a member of the outlawed Islamic Dawa Party. According to a brief biography on the Islamic Dawa Party's website, he left Iraq via Jordan in October, soon moved to Syria, adopting the pseudonym "Jawad".
He left Syria for Iran in 1982, where he lived in Tehran until 1990, before returning to Damascus where he remained until U. S. coalition forces invaded Iraq and toppled Saddam's regime in 2003. While living in Syria, he worked as a political officer for Dawa, developing close ties with Hezbollah and with Islamic Republic Government of Iran, supporting that country's effort to topple Saddam's regime. While living in Damascus, al-Maliki edited the party newspaper Al-Mawqif and rose to head the party's Damascus branch. In 1990, he served as one of its rotating chairman; the committee was a Damascus-based opposition coalition for a number of Hussein's opponents. The Dawa Party participated in the Iraqi National Congress between 1992 and 1995, withdrawing because of disagreements over who should head it. Upon his return to his native Iraq after the fall of Saddam in April 2003, al-Maliki became the deputy leader of the Supreme National Debaathification Commission of the Iraqi Interim Government, formed to purge former Baath Party officials from the military and government.
He was elected to the transitional National Assembly in January 2005. He was a member of the committee that drafted the new constitution, passed in October 2005. In the Iraqi parliamentary election, December 2005, the United Iraqi Alliance won the plurality of seats, nominated Ibrahim al-Jaafari to be Iraq's first full-term post-war prime minister. In April 2006, amid mounting criticism of ineffective leadership and favoritism by Kurdish and Sunni Arab politicians in parliament, al-Jaafari was forced from power. On 22 April 2006, following close U. S. involvement in the selection of a new prime minister, al-Maliki's name arose from the four, interviewed by the CIA on their connections to Iran. United States Ambassador to Iraq Zalmay Khalilzad said that " reputation is as someone, independent of Iran." Khalilzad maintained that Iran "pressured everyone for Jaafari to stay". However, al-Maliki was the preferred candidate of Qasem Soleimani, the commander of the Quds Force, it was Soleimani who brokered the deal between senior Shiite and Kurdish leaders that led to his election as Prime Minister.
On 20 May 2006, al-Maliki presented his Cabinet to Parliament, minus permanent ministers of Defense and of Interior. He announced that he would temporarily handle the Interior Ministry himself, Salam al-Zobaie would temporarily act as Defense Minister. "We pray to God almighty to give us strength so we can meet the ambitious goals of our people who have suffered a lot", al-Maliki told the members of the assembly. During his first term, al-Maliki vowed to crack down on insurgents who he called "organized armed groups who are acting outside the state and outside the law", he had been criticized for taking too long to name permanent interior and defense ministers, which he did on 8 June 2006, just as al-Maliki and the Americans announced the killing of Al Qaeda in Iraq leader Abu Musab al-Zarqawi. Meanwhile, al-Maliki criticized coalition armed forces as reports of deliberate killings of Iraqi civilians became known, he has been quoted as saying, "his is a phenomenon that has become common among many of the multinational forces.
No respect for citizens, smashing civi