Mirko Šarović is a Bosnian Serb politician and former Chairman of the Presidency of Bosnia and Herzegovina. Šarović resigned on 2 April 2003 amid allegations of his involvement in organising illegal military trading with Iraq
Alma mater is an allegorical Latin phrase for a university, school, or college that one attended. In US usage it can mean the school from which one graduated; the phrase is variously translated as "nourishing mother", "nursing mother", or "fostering mother", suggesting that a school provides intellectual nourishment to its students. Fine arts will depict educational institutions using a robed woman as a visual metaphor. Before its current usage, alma mater was an honorific title for various Latin mother goddesses Ceres or Cybele, in Catholicism for the Virgin Mary, it entered academic usage when the University of Bologna adopted the motto Alma Mater Studiorum, which describes its heritage as the oldest operating university in the Western world. It is related to alumnus, a term used for a university graduate that means a "nursling" or "one, nourished". Although alma was a common epithet for Ceres, Cybele and other mother goddesses, it was not used in conjunction with mater in classical Latin. In the Oxford Latin Dictionary, the phrase is attributed to Lucretius' De rerum natura, where it is used as an epithet to describe an earth goddess: After the fall of Rome, the term came into Christian liturgical usage in association with the Virgin Mary.
"Alma Redemptoris Mater" is a well-known 11th century antiphon devoted to Mary. The earliest documented use of the term to refer to a university in an English-speaking country is in 1600, when the University of Cambridge printer, John Legate, began using an emblem for the university's press; the device's first-known appearance is on the title-page of William Perkins' A Golden Chain, where the Latin phrase Alma Mater Cantabrigia is inscribed on a pedestal bearing a nude, lactating woman wearing a mural crown. In English etymological reference works, the first university-related usage is cited in 1710, when an academic mother figure is mentioned in a remembrance of Henry More by Richard Ward. Many historic European universities have adopted Alma Mater as part of the Latin translation of their official name; the University of Bologna Latin name, Alma Mater Studiorum, refers to its status as the oldest continuously operating university in the world. Other European universities, such as the Alma Mater Lipsiensis in Leipzig, Germany, or Alma Mater Jagiellonica, have used the expression in conjunction with geographical or foundational characteristics.
At least one, the Alma Mater Europaea in Salzburg, Austria, an international university founded by the European Academy of Sciences and Arts in 2010, uses the term as its official name. In the United States, the College of William & Mary in Williamsburg, has been called the "Alma Mater of the Nation" because of its ties to the country's founding. At Queen's University in Kingston and the University of British Columbia in Vancouver, British Columbia, the main student government is known as the Alma Mater Society; the ancient Roman world had many statues of the Alma Mater, some still extant. Modern sculptures are found in prominent locations on several American university campuses. For example, in the United States: there is a well-known bronze statue of Alma Mater by Daniel Chester French situated on the steps of Columbia University's Low Library. An altarpiece mural in Yale University's Sterling Memorial Library, painted in 1932 by Eugene Savage, depicts the Alma Mater as a bearer of light and truth, standing in the midst of the personified arts and sciences.
Outside the United States, there is an Alma Mater sculpture on the steps of the monumental entrance to the Universidad de La Habana, in Havana, Cuba. The statue was cast in 1919 by Mario Korbel, with Feliciana Villalón Wilson as the inspiration for Alma Mater, it was installed in its current location in 1927, at the direction of architect Raul Otero. Media related to Alma mater at Wikimedia Commons The dictionary definition of alma mater at Wiktionary Alma Mater Europaea website
Biljana Plavšić is a former president of Republika Srpska, indicted in 2001 by the International Criminal Tribunal for the former Yugoslavia for war crimes committed during the Bosnian War. She plea-bargained with the ICTY and was sentenced to 11 years in prison in 2003, to be served in a Swedish prison, she was released on 27 October 2009 after serving two-thirds of her sentence. Plavšić is, together with Radovan Karadžić, the highest ranking Bosnian Serb politician to be sentenced. Before entering politics, she taught biology at the University of Sarajevo. Plavšić was a university professor teaching biology at the University of Sarajevo and acted as Head of Department of Biology, she is a Fulbright Scholar, as such she spent two years at Boyce-Thompson institute at Cornell University in New York doing botany research. She specialized in electron microscopy in London, plant virology in Prague and Bari. A accomplished scientist, she published over one hundred scientific works and papers which have been cited in scholarly literature and textbooks.
Plavšić was a member of the Serbian Democratic Party. She was the first female member of the Presidency of the Socialist Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina, serving from 18 November 1990 until April 1992 after having been elected in the first multi-party elections in 1990 in Bosnia and Herzegovina. From 28 February 1992 to 12 May 1992, Plavšić became one of the two acting presidents of the self-proclaimed Serb Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina. Thereafter she became one of two Vice-presidents of the Republika Srpska and from circa 30 November 1992 she was a member of the Supreme Command of the armed forces of the Republika Srpska. Plavšić was infamous for some of her comments during the war and for her April 1992 appearance in Bijeljina with Željko Ražnatović, aka Arkan. Plavšić declared that "six million Serbs can die so that the remaining six million can live in freedom" and considered the ethnic cleansing carried out against non-Serbs during the war to be a "natural phenomenon". In July 1993, in a statement to Borba, Plavšić claimed that Bosnian Serbs are ethnically-racially superior to Bosnian Muslims and claimed that: The Serbs in Bosnia in the border areas, have developed a keen ability to sense danger to the whole nation and have developed a defense mechanism.
In my family they used to say that the Serbs in Bosnia were much better than Serbs in Serbia and remember, the defense mechanism was not created through a short period of time. In 1994 Plavšić stated that she and other Serbian nationalists were unable to negotiate with the “”Bosniaks”” due to genetics: It was genetically deformed material that embraced Islam, and now, of course, with each successive generation it becomes concentrated. It gets worse, it expresses itself and dictates their style of thinking, rooted in their genes. And through the centuries, the genes degraded further; this statement by Plavšić, which equated a specific ethnic group with a disease or illness, has been compared to how the Nazis identified the Jews. Serbian President Slobodan Milošević's support for the "Vance Owen Plan" caused her to refuse to shake his hand, as she denounced him as a traitor to the Serbian nation. Vojislav Šešelj testified that "her positions were extreme extreme, she was popularly known as the Serbian Empress because of this extremism of hers."
The Dayton Agreement, signed in 1995, banned the President of Republika Srpska Radovan Karadžić from office and Plavšić was chosen to run as the SDS candidate for President of the Republika Srpska for a two-year mandate. Vojislav Šešelj, at the Milošević trial, described Karadžić's motives for nominating her, she held extremist positions during the war, insufferably extremist for me, they bothered me as a declared Serb nationalist. She brought Arkan and his Serb Volunteer Guard to Bijeljina, she continued to visit him after their activities in Bijeljina and the surrounding area Radovan Karadzic believed her to be more extreme than himself in every way, he thought that the Western protagonists who tried eliminate him at any cost would have an greater problem with her Radovan Karadzic believed that she would continue to occupy her patriotic positions until the end. However, several months after she was elected, Biljana Plavsic changed her political orientation by 180 degrees under the influence of some Western protagonists and changed her policies completely.
Due to a growing isolation of the Republika Srpska after the peace was signed, she severed her ties with the SDS and formed Srpski narodni savez, nominated Milorad Dodik, the member of the National Assembly of the Republika Srpska whose SNSD party had only two MPs, for Prime Minister. This marked the beginning of political reform in the Republika Srpska and the cooperation with the International Community, she lost the 1998 election to the joint candidate of the SDS and the Serbian Radical Party of the Republika Srpska Nikola Poplašen. She was a candidate of the reform "Sloga" coalition, her political career was in decline until the release of the indictment by the ICTY, after which it was terminated. During her time in prison, she released a book called "Witnessings", revealing many aspects of the political life of the war-time Republika Srpska and casting an dark shadow on the President of the Republika Srpska Karadžić, another ICTY indictee. In 1998, Plavšić rewarded Momčilo Đujić, a Chetnik
Igor Radojičić is former President of the National Assembly of Republika Srpska, an entity of Bosnia and Herzegovina, following the death of President Milan Jelić, was acting President of Republika Srpska from October 1, 2007 to 28 December 2007. Radojičić was born in Banja Luka and holds an M. Sc. degree in electrical engineering. In the late 1980s, Radojičić was a member of the leadership of the Association of Socialist Youth of Bosnia and Herzegovina and is now Secretary General for the Alliance of Independent Social Democrats, a Serb social democratic party in Bosnia and Herzegovina, he was elected to the People's Assembly at the 1998 elections, has held the office of Chairman of the National Assembly since the 2006 elections. He will hold the office until presidential elections are held in 2007. Radojičić is the father of two. Profile on the website of People's Assambly of The Republic of Srpska The exclusive interview with Igor Radojičić
Milorad Dodik is a Bosnian Serb politician, current chairman and Serb member of the tripartite Presidency of Bosnia and Herzegovina. He had served as the president of Republika Srpska between 2010 and 2018, as the 6th and 10th Prime Minister of Republika Srpska between 1998 and 2001, between 2006 and 2010. In the 2018 election Dodik was elected as the Serb Member of the Presidency of Bosnia and Herzegovina, defeating one-term incumbent Mladen Ivanić; some observers have described his rule as authoritarian or autocratic with strong nationalist position. Dodik was born in Banja Luka to Mira Dodik, he lived in Laktaši. There, he played on the town's basketball team in Yugoslavia's amateur league. In 1978 he graduated from an agricultural high school in Banja Luka, after which he entered the Faculty of Political Sciences at the University of Belgrade, where he graduated in 1983. From 1986 through 1990 he was the Chairman of the Executive Board of the Municipal Assembly of Laktaši. In 1990, in the first multi-party elections in Bosnia and Herzegovina he was elected to the Parliament of the Socialist Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina, as a candidate of the Union of Reform Forces and was a political disciple of liberal reformer Ante Marković.
During the Bosnian War, he served as a representative in the National Assembly of Republika Srpska. During that time, he formed the Independent Members of Parliament Caucus, the only political opposition to the Serb Democratic Party, which held the absolute majority in the war-time parliament of the Republika Srpska; the caucus he chaired was to form the core of the Party of Independent Social Democrats in 1996, after the peace was signed as a result of the Dayton Agreement. He was elected as the first President of SNSD; the party united with another social-democratic party to form the Alliance of Independent Social Democrats, of which Dodik is President. After conflict between Biljana Plavšić with the rest of the Radovan Karadžić's Serb Democratic Party, she founded a new political party, the Serb National Alliance. Early elections in Republika Srpska were held in 1997, after which Plavšić and her SNS cooperated with the smaller Serbian socialist parties. Dodik was nominated prime minister of Republika Srpska though his party had only two seats in the National Assembly.
During the campaign for the 2006 general election, following Montenegrin independence, Dodik said that Republika Srpska didn't rule out its right for an independence referendum. At the election, Dodik's SNSD won 46.9% percent of votes, while the SDS won 19.5%. The international community saw him as a moderate democratic leader of Republika Srpska. Dodik had support from Western countries, they believed. After he became a prime minister, the West continued to support him at the expense of Serb nationalist parties; the Western countries promised that, if Dodik remains the prime minister, Republika Srpska would receive Western economic assistance. The OHR and the Western powers wanted to ensure that he realised his promise to return 70,000 Croat and Bosniak refugees to Republika Srpska; as promised, after Dodik won the election, Republika Srpska received financial aid from the European Union, that money was used to pay salaries for civil servants and the police. In mid-February 2007, Dodik traveled to the United States, where he was received by Madeleine Albright.
She pledged € 3.6 million of immediate aid. Republika Srpska received aid from the British government in the same month. British Foreign Secretary, Robin Cook, said in front of the National Assembly of Republika Srpska that Dodik's government "did more in its first two weeks to improve the lives of the people than its predecessor did in two years."Later, Dodik became the most powerful Serb politician in Bosnia and Herzegovina and the West viewed him as "an unabashed nationalist and the greatest threat to Bosnia and Herzegovina's fragile, multiethnic peace." After he became a prime minister, Dodik became more nationalist than the SDS. During a police reform in Republika Srpska, Dodik managed to create a nationalist profile for himself. Haris Silajdžić, won election for Bosniak member of the Presidency of Bosnia and Herzegovina; as he was a minister during the Bosnian War and close associate of Alija Izetbegović, Silajdžić criticised Republika Srpska as genocidal entity and called for its abolition.
Moreover, Silajdžić advocated further centralisation of Herzegovina. In 2007, Dodik was a guest on the Croatian talk show Nedjeljom u dva, in which he discussed, among other things, the return of Croatian refugees to Republika Srpska and the future status of a unified Bosnia and Herzegovina. On 5 May 2008, Dodik and Serbian President Boris Tadić inaugurated the Park Republika Srpska in Belgrade. On 1 June 2008, during a visit to Zagreb, Dodik stated that Operation Storm was an act of ethnic cleansing carried out against Serbs and regarded it the "greatest ethnic cleansing committed after World War II". Stjepan Mesić criticised Dodik for encouraging dissatisfied Serbs in Croatia to live in Republika Srpska while neglecting to invite Bosniak and Croat refugees to return. Ivo Banac, president of the Croatian Helsinki Committee, stated that Croatia had been was defending itself at the time, criticized
Radovan Karadžić is a Bosnian Serb former politician and convicted war criminal who served as the President of Republika Srpska during the Bosnian War and sought the unification of that entity with Serbia. Trained as a psychiatrist, he co-founded the Serb Democratic Party in Bosnia and Herzegovina and served as the first President of Republika Srpska from 1992 to 1996, he was a fugitive from 1996 until July 2008 after having been indicted for war crimes by the International Criminal Tribunal for the former Yugoslavia. The indictment concluded there were reasonable grounds for believing he committed war crimes, including genocide against Bosniak and Croat civilians during the Bosnian War. While a fugitive, he worked at a private clinic in Belgrade, specializing in alternative medicine and psychology under an alias, his nephew, Dragan Karadžić, has claimed in an interview to the Corriere della Sera that Radovan Karadžić attended Serie A football matches and that he visited Venice using a different alias.
He was arrested in Belgrade on 21 July 2008 and brought before Belgrade's War Crimes Court a few days later. Extradited to the Netherlands, he is in the custody of the International Criminal Tribunal for the former Yugoslavia in the United Nations Detention Unit of Scheveningen, where he was charged with 11 counts of war crimes, he is sometimes referred to by the Western media as the "Butcher of Bosnia", a sobriquet applied to former Army of Republika Srpska General Ratko Mladić. On 24 March 2016, he was found guilty of the genocide in Srebrenica, war crimes, crimes against humanity, 10 of the 11 charges in total, sentenced to 40 years' imprisonment. On 22 July 2016 he filed an appeal against his conviction; the appeal was rejected on 20 March 2019, the sentence was increased to life imprisonment. Radovan Karadžić was born on 19 June 1945 in the village of Petnjica in the People's Republic of Montenegro, Democratic Federal Yugoslavia, near Šavnik. Karadžić's father, was a cobbler from Petnjica.
His mother, was a peasant girl from Pljevlja. She married Karadžić's father in 1943, aged twenty. Karadžić claims to be related to the Serbian linguistic reformer Vuk Stefanović Karadžić, although this claim cannot be confirmed, his father had been a Chetnik – the army of the Kingdom of Yugoslavia's government-in-exile during World War II – and was imprisoned by the post-war communist regime for much of his son's childhood. Karadžić moved to Sarajevo in 1960 to study psychiatry at the Sarajevo University School of Medicine. Karadžić studied neurotic disorders and depression at Næstved Hospital in Denmark in 1970, during 1974 and 1975 he underwent further medical training at Columbia University in New York. After his return to Yugoslavia, he worked in the Koševo Hospital in Sarajevo, he was a poet, influenced by Serbian writer Dobrica Ćosić, who encouraged him to go into politics. During his spell as an ecologist, he declared that "Bolshevism is bad, but nationalism is worse". Soon after graduation, Karadžić started working in a treatment centre at the psychiatric clinic of the main Sarajevo hospital, Koševo.
According to testimony, he boosted his income by issuing fake medical and psychological evaluations to healthcare workers who wanted early retirement or to criminals who tried to avoid punishment by pleading insanity. In 1983, Karadžić started working at a hospital in the Belgrade suburb of Voždovac. With his partner Momčilo Krajišnik manager of a mining enterprise Energoinvest, he managed to get a loan from an agricultural-development fund, they used it to build themselves houses in Pale, a Serb town above Sarajevo turned into a ski resort by the government. On 1 November 1984 the two were arrested for fraud and spent 11 months in detention before their friend Nikola Koljević managed to bail them out. Due to a lack of evidence, Karadžić was released and his trial was brought to a halt; the trial was revived, on 26 September 1985 Karadžić was sentenced to three years in prison for embezzlement and fraud. As he had spent over a year in detention, Karadžić did not serve the remaining sentence in prison.
Following encouragement from Dobrica Ćosić the first president of the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia, Jovan Rašković, leader of the Croatian Serbs, Karadžić cofounded the Serb Democratic Party in Bosnia and Herzegovina in 1989. The party aimed at unifying the Republic's Bosnian Serb community and joining Croatian Serbs in leading them in remaining as part of Yugoslavia in the event of secession by those two republics from the federation. Throughout September 1991, the SDS began to establish various "Serb Autonomous Regions" throughout Bosnia-Herzegovina. After the Bosnian parliament voted on sovereignty on 15 October 1991, a separate Serb Assembly was founded on 24 October 1991 in Banja Luka, to represent the Serbs in Bosnia and Herzegovina; the following month, Bosnian Serbs held a referendum which resulted in an overwhelming vote in favour of staying in a federal state with Serbia and Montenegro, as part of Yugoslavia. In December 1991, a top secret document, For the organisation and activity of organs of the Serbs people in Bosnia-Herzegovina in extraordinary circumstances, was drawn up by the SDS leadership.
This was a centralised programme for the takeover of each municipality in the country, through the creation of shadow governments and para-governmental structures through various "crisis headquarters", by preparing loyalist Serbs for the takeover in co-ordination with the Yugoslav People's Army. On 9 January 1992, the Bosnian Serb Assembly proclaimed the Republic of the Serb Peop
Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia
The Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia was a country located in central and Southeastern Europe that existed from its foundation in the aftermath of World War II until its dissolution in 1992 amid the Yugoslav Wars. Covering an area of 255,804 km², the SFRY was bordered by the Adriatic Sea and Italy to the west and Hungary to the north and Romania to the east, Albania and Greece to the south; the nation was a socialist state and a federation governed by the League of Communists of Yugoslavia and made up of six socialist republics: Bosnia and Herzegovina, Macedonia, Montenegro and Slovenia with Belgrade as its capital. In addition, it included two autonomous provinces within Serbia: Vojvodina; the SFRY's origin is traced to 26 November 1942, when the Anti-Fascist Council for the National Liberation of Yugoslavia was formed during World War II. On 29 November 1945, the Federal People's Republic of Yugoslavia was proclaimed after the deposition of King Peter II, thus ending the monarchy.
Until 1948, the new communist government sided with the Eastern Bloc under the leadership of Josip Broz Tito at the beginning of the Cold War, but after the Tito–Stalin split of 1948, Yugoslavia pursued a policy of neutrality. It became one of the founding members of the Non-Aligned Movement, transitioned from a planned economy to market socialism; the SFRY maintained neutrality during the Cold War as part of its foreign policy. It was a founding member of CERN, the United Nations, Non-Aligned Movement, OSCE, IFAD, WTO, BTWC. Following the death of Tito on 4 May 1980, the Yugoslav economy started to collapse, which increased unemployment and inflation; the economic crisis led to a rise in ethnic nationalism in early 1990s. With the collapse of communism in Eastern Europe, inter-republic talks on transformation of the federation failed. In 1991 some European states recognized their independence; the federation collapsed along federal borders, followed by the start of the Yugoslav Wars, the final downfall and breakup of the federation on 27 April 1992.
Two of its republics and Montenegro, remained within a reconstituted state known as the "Federal Republic of Yugoslavia", but this union was not recognized internationally as the official successor state to the SFRY. The term "former Yugoslavia" is now used retrospectively; the name Yugoslavia, an Anglicised transcription of Jugoslavija, is a composite word made up of jug and slavija. The Slavic word jug means'south', while slavija denotes a'land of the Slavs'. Thus, a translation of Jugoslavija would be'South-Slavia' or'Land of the South Slavs'; the full official name of the federation varied between 1945 and 1992. Yugoslavia was formed in 1918 under the name Kingdom of Serbs and Slovenes. In January 1929, King Alexander I assumed dictatorship of the kingdom and renamed it the Kingdom of Yugoslavia, for the first time making the term "Yugoslavia"—which had been used colloquially for decades —the official name of the state. After the Kingdom was occupied by the Axis during World War II, the Anti-Fascist Council for the National Liberation of Yugoslavia announced in 1943 the formation of the Democratic Federal Yugoslavia in the substantial resistance-controlled areas of the country.
The name deliberately left the republic-or-kingdom question open. In 1945, King Peter II was deposed, with the state reorganized as a republic, accordingly renamed Federal People's Republic of Yugoslavia, with the constitution coming into force in 1946. In 1963, amid pervasive liberal constitutional reforms, the name Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia was introduced; the state is most referred to by the latter name, which it held for the longest period of all. Of the three main Yugoslav languages, the Serbo-Croatian and Macedonian language name for the state was identical, while Slovene differed in capitalization and the spelling of the adjective "Socialist"; the names are as follows: Serbo-Croatian and Macedonian languages Latin: Socijalistička Federativna Republika Jugoslavija Cyrillic: Социјалистичка Федеративна Република Југославија Serbo-Croatian pronunciation: Macedonian pronunciation: Slovene language Socialistična federativna republika Jugoslavija Due to the length of the name, abbreviations were used to refer to the Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia, though the state was most known as Yugoslavia.
The most common abbreviation is SFRY, though SFR Yugoslavia was used in an official capacity by the media. On 6 April 1941, Yugoslavia was invaded by the Axis powers led by Nazi Germany. Yugoslav resistance was soon established in two forms, the Royal Yugoslav Army in the Homeland and the Communist Yugoslav Partisans; the Partisan supreme commander was Josip Broz Tito, under his command the movement soon began establishing "liberated territories" which attracted the attention of occupying forces. Unlike the various nationalist militias operating in occupied Yugoslavia, the Partisans were a pan-Yugoslav movement promoting the "brotherhood and unity" of Yugoslav nations, representing the republican, left-wing, socialist elements of the Yugoslav political