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Economy of Mozambique

The economy of Mozambique has developed since the end of the Mozambican Civil War. In 1987, the government embarked on a series of macroeconomic reforms designed to stabilize the economy; these steps, combined with donor assistance and with political stability since the multi-party elections in 1994, have led to dramatic improvements in the country's growth rate. Inflation was brought to single digits during the late 1990s although it returned to double digits in 2000-02. Fiscal reforms, including the introduction of a value-added tax and reform of the customs service, have improved the government's revenue collection abilities. In spite of these gains, Mozambique remains dependent upon foreign assistance for much of its annual budget. Subsistence agriculture continues to employ the vast majority of the country's workforce. A substantial trade imbalance persists although the opening of the MOZAL aluminium smelter, the country's largest foreign investment project to date has increased export earnings.

Additional investment projects in titanium extraction and processing and garment manufacturing should further close the import/export gap. Mozambique's once substantial foreign debt has been reduced through forgiveness and rescheduling under the International Monetary Fund's Heavily Indebted Poor Countries and Enhanced HIPC initiatives, is now at a manageable level. Although the Portuguese participated in the trading networks of East Africa as early as the 16th century, they did not establish hegemonic colonial dominance over the entire territory that now comprises Mozambique until the 19th century. Portugal founded settlements, trading posts and ports. Cities and villages were founded all over the territory by the Portuguese, like Lourenço Marques, Vila Pery, Vila Junqueiro, Vila Cabral and Porto Amélia. Others were expanded and developed under Portuguese rule, like Quelimane and Sofala. By this time, Mozambique had become a Portuguese colony, but administration was left to the trading companies who had received long-term leases from Lisbon.

By the mid-1920s, the Portuguese succeeded in creating a exploitative and coercive settler economy, in which African natives were forced to work on the fertile lands taken over by Portuguese settlers. Indigenous African peasants produced cash crops designated for sale in the markets of Portugal. Major cash crops included cotton, cashews and rice; this arrangement ended in 1932 after the takeover in Portugal by the new António de Oliveira Salazar government. Thereafter, along with other Portuguese colonies, was put under the direct control of Lisbon. In 1951, it became an overseas province; the economy expanded during the 1950s and 1960s, attracting thousands of Portuguese settlers to the country. It was around this time that the first nationalist guerrilla groups began to form in Tanzania and other African countries; the strong industrial and agricultural development that did occur throughout the 1950s, 1960s and early 1970s was based on Portuguese development plans, included British and South African investment.

In 1959-60, Mozambique's major exports included cotton, cashew nuts, sugar and sisal. The expanding economy of the Portuguese overseas province was fuelled by foreign direct investment, public investment which included ambitious state-managed development plans. British capital owned two of the large sugar concessions, including the famous Sena states; the Matola Oil Refinery, was controlled by England and the United States. In 1948 the petroleum concession was given to the Mozambique Gulf Oil Company. At Maotize coal was mined. 60% of the capital of the Compagnie de Charbons de Mozambique was held by the Societe Miniere et Geologique Belge, 30% by the Mozambique Company, the remaining 10% by the Government of the territory. Three banks were in operation, the Banco Nacional Ultramarino, Barclays Bank, D. C. O. British, the Banco Totta e Standard de Moçambique. Nine out of the twenty-three insurance companies were Portuguese. 80% of life-insurance was in the hands of foreign companies which testifies the openness of the economy.

The Portuguese overseas province of Mozambique was the first territory of Portugal, including the European mainland, to distribute Coca-Cola. The Lourenço Marques Oil Refinery was established by the Sociedade Nacional de Refinação de Petróleo - a Franco-Portuguese syndicate. In the sisal plantations Swiss capital was invested, in copra concerns, a combination of Portuguese and French capital was invested; the large availability of capital from both Portuguese and international origin, allied to the wide range of natural resources and the growing urban population, lead to an impressive growth and development of the economy. From the late stages of this notable period of high growth and huge development effort started in the 1950s, was the construction of Cahora Bassa dam by the Portuguese, which started to fill in December 1974 after construction was commenced in 1969. In the face of intransigent Portuguese ruling authorities, the main nationalist movement, FRELIMO, began a guerrilla war which wrested control of parts of the northernmost regions of the territory from the Portuguese.

The Mozambican War of Independence came to an end in 1974 following a leftist military coup in Portugal. The new left-wing government in Lisbon had no wish to maintain an empire and negotiations on the country’s independence began immediately. In 1975, after the leftist military coup of 24 April 1974 in Portugal that ove

Sugar mills in Fiji

Sugar cane grew wild in Fiji and was used as thatch by the Fijians for their houses. The first attempt to make sugar in Fiji was on Wakaya Island in 1862 but this was a financial failure. With the cotton boom of the 1860s there was little incentive to plant a crop that required high capital outlay but after a slump in cotton prices in 1870, the planters turned to sugar. In an effort to promote the production of sugar in Fiji, the Cakobau Government, in December 1871, offered a 500-pound reward for the first and best crop of twenty of sugar from canes planted before January 1873; the first cane sugar mill in Fiji was built in 1872 by Brewster and Joske at the present site of the city of Suva. By the end of 1874, there were four mills in operation, six by the end of 1875 and ten by the end of 1878. Most of these mills crushed for only a few years and only a few survived the crash in sugar price of 1884; the surviving mills were Navua Sugar Mill, Panang Mill and the Rewa Sugar Company. The arrival of the Colonial Sugar Refining Company led to the establishment of Commercially viable sugar mills.

In 1880, Thurston went to Australia seeking investment for Fiji and persuaded the Colonial Sugar Refining Company to extend its operations to Fiji. The first mill built by the CSR was the Nausori Sugar Mill on the banks of the Rewa River and began crushing in the 1882 crushing season. In 1883, construction began for its second mill in the Rarawai Mill. Another mill was built at Viria on the Rewa River, crushed from 1886 to 1895, it was closed. In 1890, the Labasa Mill was erected from a dismantled mill in Queensland. By 1926 all other sugar mills had closed down and the CSR owned the five existing mills in Fiji of which Nausori mill closed down in 1959. Suva Sugar Mill - 1872 to 1875 Selia Levu Estate - 1974 to 1890 Penang Sugar Mill - from 1878 Nausori Sugar Mill - 1882 to 1959 Rarawai Sugar Mill - from 1884 Tamanua Sugar Mill - 1883 to 1923 Koronivia Sugar Mill Holmshurst Sugar Mill - 1882 to 1896 Viria Sugar Mill - 1886 to 1895 Labasa Sugar Mill - 1894 Lautoka Sugar Mill - from 1903 Namara Sugar Mill - from 2015 Matanisivana Sugar Mill - from 1992 Labasa Mill Tramway, 1894 to 1982 Rarawai–Kavanagasau Light Railway, from 1914 Gillion, K. L..

Fiji's Indian Migrants: A history to the end of indenture in 1920. London: Oxford University Press. Pp. 69–79. Rail transport in Fiji Trapiche

Mee Canyon

Mee Canyon is a remote scenic area within the Black Ridge Canyons Wilderness which in turn forms the core of the Bureau of Land Management administered McInnis Canyons National Conservation Area in west central Colorado. Limited access and primitive facilities limit visitation and help preserve the wilderness in its natural state. Mee Canyon is accessed either by boat from a trail head near Glade Park. Arch Tower is a 375-foot-tall Wingate Sandstone tower; this tower was first climbed in 2003. There is a 100 feet deep alcove eroded into the soft sandstone by a year-round stream; the stream flows through it around a large rubble pile in the center which has fallen in from the ceiling

Lamb v. Camden LBC

Lamb v Camden LBC EWCA Civ 7, QB 625 is a leading case in English tort law. It is a Court of Appeal decision on negligence and the test of reasonable foreseeability of damage where the damage has been caused by third parties not the defendant him or herself; the plaintiff Mrs Lamb, who owned a house off Hamstead Heath in London, had let this property to a tenant and travelled to America. Whilst away, the defendant Camden London Borough Council carried out building works nearby which included the digging of a trench; this caused a water main to burst. The house became the tenant moved out. Mrs Lamb returned from America for six weeks to prepare the house for repair work and one of the things she did was to put all of the furniture into storage, she returned to America. However, the house was now invaded by squatters. Having evicted the squatters and carried out the repair work, Mrs Lamb sued the Council, who admitted liability for nuisance. There was thus no issue with the Council paying for the subsidence damage on its own.

The point of law which arose was whether Mrs Lamb could recover from the Council the £30,000 due to the squatters' damage. Following Lord Reid's test in Dorset Yacht Co. Ltd. v. Home Office A. C. 1004, the official referee, Judge Edgar Fay, found that the squatters' damage was too remote and was not recoverable. Although it may have been "reasonably foreseeable", it was not, in Judge Fay's view, "likely". Giving the lead judgment in the Court of Appeal, Lord Denning held that Lord Reid had been wrong on the grounds, that the "very likely" test would stretch the liability of defendants too far and that it was a householder's duty to insure their property, that this test ran counter to the case of Stansbie v. Troman 2 K. B. 48, where damage was unlikely but reasonably foreseeable, thirdly, that this test ran counter to the Wagon Mound cases A. C. 388. C. 617 by which a tortfeasor was liable for all damage, reasonably foreseeable however unlikely. Lord Denning went on to hold that, while duty of care and foreseeability were all useful devices for limiting liability it was a question of policy for the judges to decide.

He cited cases on nervous shock as illustrations of this policy-based approach. He concluded his judgment by repeating his view that it was Mrs Lamb whose duty it was to protect herself from the squatters' damage via insurance. Oliver LJ and Watkins LJ delivered concurring judgments. Markesinis and Deakin note that a key difference between this case and Dorset Yacht Co. Ltd. v. Home Office A. C. 1004 was the relationship between the defendant and the third party which ″may be as important as the nature of the intervening act″. While the Home Office had been in control of the borstal boys in the Dorset case, Camden Borough Council had had no control whatsoever over the squatters. A defendant is only liable for the act of a third party where the third party intervention is a foreseeable consequence of the original negligence, but policy considerations and the relationship between the defendant and the third party may be taken into account. SF Deakin, A Johnston, B Markesinis and Deakin's Tort Law

George Edwin Bissell

George Edwin Bissell was an American sculptor. Bissell was born New Preston, the son of a quarryman and marble-cutter. During the American Civil War he served as a private in the 23rd Connecticut Volunteers in the Department of the Gulf, on being mustered out became acting assistant paymaster in the South Atlantic Squadron. At the close of the war he joined his father's marble business in New York, he studied the art of sculpture abroad in 1875–1876, lived much in Paris during the years 1883–1896, with occasional visits to America. Bissell created smaller works, such as a bust of President Abraham Lincoln as well as a larger statue of the president. Frederic de Peyster, New York Historical Society, New York City, ca. 1875. Chatfield Monument, Riverside Cemetery, Connecticut, ca. 1880. General Horatio Gates, Saratoga Battle Monument, New York, 1885–86. Sam Sloan, Lackawanna Ferry Terminal, New Jersey, 1889. Statue of John Watts, depicting the New York politician of the same name, Trinity Church Cemetery, 1890.

Bas-relief panel of Robert Burns and Highland Mary, on pedestal of George Anderson Lawson's Statue of Robert Burns, Scotland, 1891. Colonel Abraham de Peyster, New York Historical Society, 1896; this statue stood in Bowling Green Park from 1896 to 1972, in Hanover Square from 1976 to 2004. Statue of Chester A. Arthur, Madison Square, New York City, 1898–99. Abraham Lincoln, Lightner Museum, St. Augustine, Florida, 1899. Chancellor James Kent, Library of Congress, Washington, D. C. ca. 1899. Union Soldier, Civil War Monument, Town Green, Connecticut, 1875. Soldiers' Monument, The Green, Connecticut, 1882–85. Soldiers' Monument, Soldiers' Monument Park, Connecticut, 1887–90. Columbia, atop Soldiers' Monument, Civil War Memorial Park, Connecticut, 1891. Lincoln Memorial, Old Calton Burying Ground, Scotland, 1893. Bust of Admiral John A. B. Dahlgren, Smith Memorial Arch, Fairmount Park, Pennsylvania, 1901–04. Abraham Lincoln, Lincoln Park, Iowa, 1902. A replica of Bissell's statue in Edinburgh, Scotland. Attribution This article incorporates text from a publication now in the public domain: Chisholm, Hugh, ed..

"Bissell, George Edwin". Encyclopædia Britannica. 4. Cambridge University Press. Opitz, Glenn, B.editor, Mantle Fielding's Dictionary of American Painters, Sculptors & Engravers, Apollo Books, Poughkeepsie, NY 1986

Aravind T. S.

Aravind T. S. is an Indian academician, speaker and a digital marketing trainer from kerala. He is first Indian who got Ph. D in Social media marketing of movies in Malayalam cinema, his research examines the Influence of Social Media vehicle on Intention to watch movies by the moviegoers. His training in digital marketing includes latest digital certifications and newer marketing techniques. Aravind started his academic career in 2010 as a trainer in life skill, Out bound training and Marketing, he is a good Nero Linguistic Programming practitioner and has delivered several talks related to Nero Marketing, creative visualization and reverse innovation at different events conducted at Techno park and other institutions. Aravind got his LL. B from Government Law College, Thiruvananthapuram in Intellectual Property Rights and Taxation Law he joined MSN Institute of Management and Technology, Kollam for doing his MBA in Marketing under University of Kerala. In 2012, he started doing his Ph. D on the topic of'The Usefulness of Social Media on Intention To Watch Malayalam Movies' from Bharathiar University, Coimbatore.

Aravind's research examined how Social media can work fruitfully across social divides, with a particular emphasis on movie segment. He investigated how social media can be utilized in a professional way by the movie production companies and movie marketers. On 25 September 2018, he got Ph. D in social media marketing of Malayalam movies from Bharathiar University, Coimbatore and he becomes the first person in India to took Ph. D on that topic, he is a management expert and an academician. Aravind is the exponent of a new term in tourism sector, he has coined a term called "Primitive Tourism" which has going to give a lucrative time in tourism sector. Primitive tourism refers to which the tourist destination offers the tourists to live like an angel man with the available sustainable resources which he independently finds out in and around the place he chooses to live without hurting the nature. Primitive tourism is a metaphor be experience the act of evolving life would be simplified down to bare essentials such as physical and mental well being, warmth, water and creating hobbies etc.

He had conducted a discussion on'Linking the Aadhar with facebook and whatsapp', sharing on social media and security issues in social media with Red Fm 93.5 Kochi. Official website Aravind T. S. on Facebook Aravind T. S.' Channel on YouTube