Gramsci Is Dead
Gramsci Is Dead: Anarchist Currents in the Newest Social Movements is a book by Richard J. F. Day about whether social movements should pursue cultural hegemony. Antonio Gramsci Official website
Political philosophy
Political philosophy known as political theory, is the study of topics such as politics, justice, rights and the enforcement of laws by authority: what they are, if they are needed, what makes a government legitimate, what rights and freedoms it should protect, what form it should take, what the law is, what duties citizens owe to a legitimate government, if any, when it may be legitimately overthrown, if ever. In a vernacular sense, the term "political philosophy" refers to a general view, or specific ethic, political belief or attitude, about politics, synonymous to the term "political ideology". Political philosophy is a branch of philosophy. Within political science, a strong focus has been placed on the role of political philosophy, moral philosophy and the humanities, although in recent years there has been increased focus to political theory based on quantitative methodological approaches as well as economic theory, the natural sciences and behaviouralism. Indian political philosophy in ancient times demarcated a clear distinction between nation and state religion and state.
The constitutions of Hindu states evolved over time and were based on political and legal treatises and prevalent social institutions. The institutions of state were broadly divided into governance, defense and order. Mantranga, the principal governing body of these states, consisted of the King, Prime Minister, Commander in chief of army, Chief Priest of the King; the Prime Minister headed the committee of ministers along with head of executive. Chanakya was a 4th-century BC Indian political philosopher; the Arthashastra provides an account of the science of politics for a wise ruler, policies for foreign affairs and wars, the system of a spy state and surveillance and economic stability of the state. Chanakya quotes several authorities including Bruhaspati, Prachetasa Manu and Ambi, described himself as a descendant of a lineage of political philosophers, with his father Chanaka being his immediate predecessor. Another influential extant Indian treatise on political philosophy is the Sukra Neeti.
An example of a code of law in ancient India is the Laws of Manu. Chinese political philosophy dates back to the Spring and Autumn period with Confucius in the 6th century BC. Chinese political philosophy was developed as a response to the social and political breakdown of the country characteristic of the Spring and Autumn period and the Warring States period; the major philosophies during the period, Legalism, Mohism and Taoism, each had a political aspect to their philosophical schools. Philosophers such as Confucius and Mozi, focused on political unity and political stability as the basis of their political philosophies. Confucianism advocated a hierarchical, meritocratic government based on empathy and interpersonal relationships. Legalism advocated a authoritarian government based on draconian punishments and laws. Mohism advocated a decentralized government centered on frugality and ascetism; the Agrarians advocated egalitarianism. Taoism advocated a proto-anarchism. Legalism was the dominant political philosophy of the Qin Dynasty, but was replaced by State Confucianism in the Han Dynasty.
Prior to China's adoption of communism, State Confucianism remained the dominant political philosophy of China up to the 20th century. Western political philosophy originates in the philosophy of ancient Greece, where political philosophy dates back to at least Plato. Ancient Greece was dominated by city-states, which experimented with various forms of political organization, grouped by Plato into five categories of descending stability and morality: monarchy, oligarchy and tyranny. One of the first important classical works of political philosophy is Plato's Republic, followed by Aristotle's Nicomachean Ethics and Politics. Roman political philosophy was influenced by the Roman statesman Cicero; the early Christian philosophy of Augustine of Hippo was influenced by Plato. A key change brought about by Christian thought was the moderation of the Stoicism and theory of justice of the Roman world, as well emphasis on the role of the state in applying mercy as a moral example. Augustine preached that one was not a member of his or her city, but was either a citizen of the City of God or the City of Man.
Augustine's City of God is an influential work of this period that attacked the thesis, held by many Christian Romans, that the Christian view could be realized on Earth. Thomas Aquinas meticulously dealt with the varieties of philosophy of law. According to Aquinas, there are four kinds of law: Eternal law Divine positive law Natural law Human law Aquinas never discusses the nature or categorization of canon law. There is scholarly debate surrounding the place of canon law within the Thomistic jurisprudential framework. Aquinas was an influential thinker in the Natural Law tradition; the rise of Islam, based on both the Qur'an and Muhammad altered the power balances and perceptions of origin of power in the Mediterranean region. Early Islamic philosophy emphasized an inexorable link between science and religion, the process of ijtihad to find truth—in effect all philosophy was "political" as it had real implications for governance. T
Slavoj Žižek
Slavoj Žižek is a Slovenian philosopher. He is a professor at the Institute for Sociology and Philosophy at the University of Ljubljana and international director of the Birkbeck Institute for the Humanities of the University of London, he works in subjects including continental philosophy, political theory, cultural studies, film criticism, Marxism and theology. In 1989, Žižek published his first English text, The Sublime Object of Ideology, in which he departed from traditional Marxist theory to develop a materialist conception of ideology that drew on Lacanian psychoanalysis and Hegelian idealism, his early theoretical work became eclectic and political in the 1990s, dealing in the critical analysis of disparate forms of popular culture and making him a popular figure of the academic left. A critic of capitalism and political correctness, Žižek calls himself a political radical, his work has been characterized as challenging orthodoxies of both the political right and the social-liberal universities.Žižek's idiosyncratic style, popular academic works, frequent magazine op-eds, critical assimilation of high and low culture have gained him international influence, criticism and a substantial audience outside academe.
In 2012, Foreign Policy listed Žižek on its list of Top 100 Global Thinkers, calling him "a celebrity philosopher" while elsewhere he has been dubbed the "Elvis of cultural theory" and "the most dangerous philosopher in the West". Žižek's work was chronicled in a 2005 documentary film entitled Zizek! A journal, the International Journal of Žižek Studies, was founded to engage his work. Žižek was born in Ljubljana, SR Slovenia, into a middle-class family. His father Jože Žižek was an economist and civil servant from the region of Prekmurje in eastern Slovenia, his mother Vesna, native of the Gorizia Hills in the Slovenian Littoral, was an accountant in a state enterprise. His parents were atheists, he spent most of his childhood in the coastal town of Portorož, where he was exposed to Western film and popular culture. When Slavoj was a teenager his family moved back to Ljubljana where he attended Bežigrad High School. In the 1960s and early 1970s, Slavoj encountered western philosophy in Zagreb.
In 1967, during an era of liberalization in Titoist Yugoslavia, Žižek enrolled at the University of Ljubljana and studied philosophy and sociology. He had begun reading French structuralists prior to entering university, in 1967 he published the first translation of a text by Jacques Derrida into Slovenian. An early influence at university, Božidar Debenjak, taught the philosophy of German idealism and introduced the thought of the Frankfurt School to Slovenia. Debenjak's reading of Marx's Das Kapital from the perspective of Hegel's Phenomenology of Spirit influenced many future Slovenian philosophers, including Žižek.Žižek frequented the circles of dissident intellectuals, including the Heideggerian philosophers Tine Hribar and Ivo Urbančič, published articles in alternative magazines, such as Praxis and Problemi, which he edited. In 1971 he accepted a job as an assistant researcher with the promise of tenure, but was dismissed after his Master's thesis was denounced by the authorities of being "non-Marxist".
He graduated from the University of Ljubljana in 1981 with a Doctor of Arts in Philosophy for his dissertation entitled The Theoretical and Practical Relevance of French Structuralism. He spent the next few years undertaking national service in the Yugoslav army in Karlovac. During the 1980s, Žižek edited and translated Jacques Lacan, Sigmund Freud, Louis Althusser, he used Jacques Lacan's work to interpret Marxist philosophy. In 1985, Žižek completed a second doctorate at the University of Paris VIII under Jacques-Alain Miller and François Regnault, he wrote the introduction to Slovene translations of G. K. Chesterton's and John Le Carré's detective novels. In 1988, he published his first book dedicated to film theory, he achieved international recognition as a social theorist with the 1989 publication of his first book in English, The Sublime Object of Ideology.Žižek has been publishing in journals such as Lacanian Ink and In These Times in the United States, the New Left Review and The London Review of Books in the United Kingdom, with the Slovenian left-liberal magazine Mladina and newspapers Dnevnik and Delo.
He cooperates with the Polish leftist magazine Krytyka Polityczna, regional southeast European left-wing journal Novi Plamen, serves on the editorial board of the psychoanalytical journal Problemi. Žižek is a series editor of the Northwestern University Press series Diaeresis that publishes works that "deal not only with philosophy, but will intervene at the levels of ideology critique and art theory." In the late 1980s, Žižek came to public attention as a columnist for the alternative youth magazine Mladina, critical of Tito's policies, Yugoslav politics the militarization of society. He was a member of the Communist Party of Slovenia until October 1988, when he quit in protest against the JBTZ trial together with 32 other Slovenian intellectuals. Between 1988 and 1990, he was involved in several political and civil society movements which fought for the democratization of Slovenia, most notably the Committee for the Defence of Human Rights. In the first free elections in 1990, he ran as the Liberal Democratic Party's candidate for Slovenian presidency.
Despite his activity in liberal democratic projects, Žižek has remained committed to the communist ideal and has b
Class conflict
Class conflict is the political tension and economic antagonism that exists in society consequent to socio-economic competition among the social classes. As a means of effecting radical social and political changes for the social majority, class struggle is a central tenet of the philosophic works of Karl Marx and Mikhail Bakunin. Class conflict can take many different forms: direct violence, such as wars fought for resources and cheap labor. Additionally, political forms of class conflict exist; the conflict can be direct, as with a lockout aimed at destroying a labor union, or indirect, as with an informal slowdown in production protesting low wages by workers or unfair labor practices by capital. In the past the term class conflict was a term used by socialists and Marxists, who define a class by its relationship to the means of production—such as factories and machinery. From this point of view, the social control of production and labor is a contest between classes, the division of these resources involves conflict and inflicts harm.
It can involve ongoing low-level clashes, escalate into massive confrontations, in some cases, lead to the overall defeat of one of the contending classes. However, in more contemporary times this term is striking chords and finding new definition amongst capitalistic societies in the United States and other Westernized countries; the anarchist Mikhail Bakunin argued that the class struggle of the working class and poor had the potential to lead a social revolution involving the overthrow of ruling elites, the creation of libertarian socialism. This was only a potential, class struggle was, he argued, not always the only or decisive factor in society, but it was central. By contrast, Marxists argue that class conflict always plays the decisive and pivotal role in the history of class-based hierarchical systems such as capitalism and feudalism. Marxists refer to its overt manifestations as class war, a struggle whose resolution in favor of the working class is viewed by them as inevitable under plutocratic capitalism.
Where societies are divided based on status, wealth, or control of social production and distribution, class structures arise and are thus coeval with civilization itself. It is well documented since at least European Classical Antiquity and the various popular uprisings in late medieval Europe and elsewhere. One of the earliest analysis of these conflicts is Friedrich Engels' The Peasant War in Germany. One of the earliest analyses of the development of class as the development of conflicts between emergent classes is available in Peter Kropotkin's Mutual Aid. In this work, Kropotkin analyzes the disposal of goods after death in pre-class or hunter-gatherer societies, how inheritance produces early class divisions and conflict. Bill Moyers, for example, gave a speech at Brennan Center for Justice in December 2013, titled "The Great American Class War," referring to the current struggle between democracy and plutocracy in the U. S. Chris Hedges wrote a column for Truthdig called "Let's Get This Class War Started,", a play on Pink's song "Let's Get This Party Started."Historian Steve Fraser, author of The Age of Acquiescence: The Life and Death of American Resistance to Organized Wealth and Power, asserts that class conflict is an inevitability if current political and economic conditions continue, noting that “people are fed up… their voices are not being heard.
And I think that can only go on for so long without there being more and more outbreaks of what used to be called class struggle, class warfare.” The typical example of class conflict described is class conflict within capitalism. This class conflict is seen to occur between the bourgeoisie and the proletariat, takes the form of conflict over hours of work, value of wages, division of profits, cost of consumer goods, the culture at work, control over parliament or bureaucracy, economic inequality; the particular implementation of government programs which may seem purely humanitarian, such as disaster relief, can be a form of class conflict. In the USA class conflict is noted in labor/management disputes; as far back as 1933 representative Edward Hamilton of ALPA, the Airline Pilot's Association, used the term "class warfare" to describe airline management's opposition at the National Labor Board hearings in October of that year. Apart from these day-to-day forms of class conflict, during periods of crisis or revolution class conflict takes on a violent nature and involves repression, restriction of civil liberties, murderous violence such as assassinations or death squads.
Although Thomas Jefferson led the United States as president from 1801–1809 and is considered one of the founding fathers, he died with immense amounts of debt. Regarding the interaction between social classes, he wrote, I am convinced that those societies which live without government enjoy in their general mass an infinitely greater degree of happiness than those who live under the European governments. Among the former, public opinion is in the place of law, & restrains morals as powerfully as laws did anywhere. Among the latter, under pretence of governing they have divided their nations i
University at Buffalo
The State University of New York at Buffalo is a public research university with campuses in Buffalo and Amherst, New York, United States. It is referred to as the University at Buffalo or SUNY Buffalo and was known as the University of Buffalo, it is the de facto flagship campus of the State University of New York system, with the largest enrollment, largest endowment and research funding as a comprehensive university center in the SUNY system. The university was founded in 1846 as a private medical college, but in 1962 merged with the SUNY system; as of Fall 2018, the university enrolls 31,508 students in 13 colleges, making it the largest public university in New York. In addition to the College of Arts and Sciences, the university houses the largest state-operated medical school, dental school, education school, business school, engineering school, pharmacy school, features the only state law school and urban planning school in the state of New York; the university offers over 100 bachelor's, 205 master's, 84 doctoral, 10 professional areas of study.
According to the Carnegie Classification of Institutions of Higher Education, the University at Buffalo is a Doctoral University with the Highest Research Activity. In 1989, UB was elected to the Association of American Universities. UB's alumni and faculty have included a prime minister, Nobel laureates, Pulitzer Prize winners, three billionaires, Academy Award winners, Emmy Award winners, Fulbright Scholars, Rhodes Scholars. U. S. President Millard Fillmore was one of the school's principal founders and served as the school's first chancellor. In the Wall Street Journal/Times Higher Education 2017 inaugural ranking, UB was ranked as the No. 1 public university in New York and No. 28 in the United States. Buffalo has placed in the top cluster of U. S. public research universities and among the overall top 30 research universities according to the Center for Measuring University Performance and was ranked as the 38th best value for in-state students and the 27th best value for out-of-state students in the 2012 Kiplinger rankings of best value of national universities.
U. S. News and World Report's 2019 edition of America's Best Colleges ranked UB 89th on their list of best national universities and 38th among public universities. City leaders of Buffalo sought to establish a university in the city from the earliest days of Buffalo. A "University of Western New York" was begun at Buffalo under the auspices of the Presbyterian Church and property was purchased at North Street and College, on the north side of the Allentown district; this university was chartered by the state on April 8, 1836. However, the project collapsed and no classes were offered, only the layout of College Street remains; the University of Buffalo was founded on May 11, 1846, as a private medical school to train the doctors for the communities of Buffalo, Niagara Falls, surrounding villages. Future U. S. President Millard Fillmore a lawyer who had served in the United States House of Representatives, was one of the principal founders. James Platt White was instrumental in obtaining a charter for the university from the state legislature in 1846.
He taught the first class of 89 men in obstetrics. State Assemblyman Nathan K. Hall was "particularly active in procuring the charter"; the doors first opened to students in 1847 and after associating with a hospital for teaching purposes, the first class of students graduated the medical school in July 1847. Fillmore served as the school's first chancellor, a position he held until 1874 as he served in other capacities during that time, including Comptroller of New York, U. S. Vice President, President. Fillmore's name now graces the continuing education school Millard Fillmore College on the South campus as well as the Millard Fillmore Academic Center, an academic and administrative services building at the core of the residential Joseph Ellicott Complex, on the North Campus; the university did not have its own facilities, early lectures were given at an old post office on Seneca and Washington streets in Buffalo. The first building specially built for the university was a stone structure at the corner of Main and Virginia streets, built in 1849–50, through donations, public subscription, a state grant.
There were continuous expansions to the college medical programs, including a separate pharmacy division, now The School of Pharmacy and Pharmaceutical Sciences. In 1887, a law school was organized in Buffalo, which became associated with Niagara University just to the north of Buffalo. After four years, in 1891, the law school was acquired by the University of Buffalo as the University of Buffalo Law School, which had a downtown Buffalo facility. In the first few years of the 20th century, the University began planning for a comprehensive undergraduate college to complete the basic structure of a university, in 1909 the University acquired the Erie County Almshouse grounds from the county of Erie, which became the University of Buffalo's initial campus; the establishment may have been influenced by the 1910 Flexner Report which criticized the preparation of the medical students at the university. With that additional space, in 1915, the University of Buffalo formed the College of Arts and Sciences, creating an undergraduate division in addition to its prior educational work in the licensed professional fields.
In 1916, Grace Millard Knox pledged $500,000 for the establishment of a "department of liberal arts and sciences in the University of Buffalo", at the time still a private institution. The initial gift of $100,000 was for the purchase of what would become Townsend Hall and the remainder was to
Michel Foucault
Paul-Michel Foucault known as Michel Foucault, was a French philosopher, historian of ideas, social theorist, literary critic. Foucault's theories address the relationship between power and knowledge, how they are used as a form of social control through societal institutions. Though cited as a post-structuralist and postmodernist, Foucault rejected these labels, preferring to present his thought as a critical history of modernity, his thought has influenced academics those working in communication studies, cultural studies, literary theory and critical theory. Activist groups have found his theories compelling. Born in Poitiers, into an upper-middle-class family, Foucault was educated at the Lycée Henri-IV, at the École Normale Supérieure, where he developed an interest in philosophy and came under the influence of his tutors Jean Hyppolite and Louis Althusser, at the University of Paris, where he earned degrees in philosophy and psychology. After several years as a cultural diplomat abroad, he returned to France and published his first major book, The History of Madness.
After obtaining work between 1960 and 1966 at the University of Clermont-Ferrand, he produced The Birth of the Clinic and The Order of Things, publications which displayed his increasing involvement with structuralism, from which he distanced himself. These first three histories exemplified a historiographical technique Foucault was developing called "archaeology". From 1966 to 1968, Foucault lectured at the University of Tunis before returning to France, where he became head of the philosophy department at the new experimental university of Paris VIII. Foucault subsequently published The Archaeology of Knowledge. In 1970, Foucault was admitted to a membership he retained until his death, he became active in a number of left-wing groups involved in campaigns against racism and human rights abuses and for penal reform. Foucault published Discipline and Punish and The History of Sexuality, in which he developed archaeological and genealogical methods which emphasized the role that power plays in society.
Foucault died in Paris of neurological problems compounded by HIV/AIDS. His partner Daniel Defert founded the AIDES charity in his memory. Paul-Michel Foucault was born on 15 October 1926 in the city of Poitiers, west-central France, as the second of three children in a prosperous and conservative upper-middle-class family. Family tradition prescribed naming him after his father, Paul Foucault, but his mother insisted on the addition of "Michel", his father, a successful local surgeon born in Fontainebleau, moved to Poitiers, where he set up his own practice and married local woman Anne Malapert. She was the daughter of prosperous surgeon Dr. Prosper Malapert, who owned a private practice and taught anatomy at the University of Poitiers' School of Medicine. Paul Foucault took over his father-in-law's medical practice, while his wife took charge of their large mid-19th-century house, Le Piroir, in the village of Vendeuvre-du-Poitou. Together the couple had three children – a girl named Francine and two boys, Paul-Michel and Denys – who all shared the same fair hair and bright blue eyes.
The children were raised to be nominal Roman Catholics, attending mass at the Church of Saint-Porchair, while Michel became an altar boy, none of the family were devout. In life, Foucault would reveal little about his childhood. Describing himself as a "juvenile delinquent", he claimed his father was a "bully" who would sternly punish him. In 1930 Foucault began his schooling, two years early, at the local Lycée Henry-IV. Here he undertook two years of elementary education before entering the main lycée, where he stayed until 1936, he undertook his first four years of secondary education at the same establishment, excelling in French, Greek and history but doing poorly at arithmetic and mathematics. In 1939 the Second World War broke out and in 1940 Nazi Germany occupied France. In 1940 Foucault's mother enrolled him in the Collège Saint-Stanislas, a strict Roman Catholic institution run by the Jesuits. Lonely, he described his years there as an "ordeal", but he excelled academically in philosophy and literature.
In 1942 he entered his final year, the terminale, where he focused on the study of philosophy, earning his baccalauréat in 1943. Returning to the local Lycée Henry-IV, he studied history and philosophy for a year, aided by a personal tutor, the philosopher Louis Girard. Rejecting his father's wishes that he become a surgeon, in 1945 Foucault went to Paris, where he enrolled in one of the country's most prestigious secondary schools, known as the Lycée Henri-IV. Here he studied under the philosopher Jean Hyppolite, an existentialist and expert on the work of 19th-century German philosopher Georg Wilhelm Friedrich Hegel. Hyppolite had devoted himself to uniting existentialist theories with the dialectical theories of Hegel and Karl Marx; these ideas influenced Foucault, who adopted Hyppolite's conviction that philosophy must develop through a study of history. Attaining excellent results, in autumn 1946 Foucault was admitted to the élite École Normale Supérieure. Of the hundred students entering the ENS, Foucault ranked fourth based
Íñigo Errejón
Íñigo Errejón Galván is a Spanish political scientist and politician, Doctor of Political Science and member of the editorial board of the political analysis journal Viento Sur. He is the secretary for policy and strategy and campaigning of the political party Podemos, whose electoral campaigns he has directed, he was a member of the Congress of Deputies. Íñigo Errejón is the son of José Antonio Errejón Villacieros, career officer and senior official in the central government during the Transition in the Workers' Party of Spain, was one of the signatories of the Manifiesto de Tenerife, which marked the birth of the Greens in Spain, was a member of Anticapitalistas. Errejón was a scout during his adolescence, he studied political science at the Complutense University of Madrid, where he earned a degree in 2006. During his time at university, he joined various leftist movements with which he participated in anti-globalization protests in Genoa and Scotland, he took part in the mobilizations against the Iraq War and the protests of 13 March 2004 in front of the headquarters of the People's Party in Madrid after the 11-M attacks.
In 2006, he was one of the founders of the student association Contrapoder, a leftist, anti-capitalist, internationalist group that protested against Rosa Díez's appearance at the UCM and invited Evo Morales to give a conference in the Faculty of Political Science. In 2012, he received his doctorate under the direction of Heriberto Cairo Carou with the thesis The struggle for hegemony during the first government of the MAS in Bolivia: a discursive analysis. Errejón began working for Center for Political and Social Studies Foundation, a socialist, anti-capitalist think tank in Spain that performed the majority of its work in Latin America, he worked as a secretary for CEPS and is a part of its executive board. He has worked in Venezuela as director of the Political Identities research line at the GIS XXI Foundation, a polling firm linked to the Venezuelan government, headed by Jesse Chacón. In 2014, Pablo Iglesias appointed Errejón as campaign manager for Podemos in the European Parliament elections of 2014.
The campaign was a success, the new party won 1.2 million votes. Errejón himself became one of the media leaders of the new party, participating in talk shows like The Sixth Night. On 15 November, he was chosen as one of the 11 members of the Council of Coordination of Podemos, commissioning him the office of secretary of policy. Errejón was the campaign manager for Podemos in the Andalusian parliamentary elections of 22 March 2015, in which the party won 15 seats. In the same month, he participated as a speaker at the International Forum for Empowerment and Equality, held in Buenos Aires, he was campaign manager for the regional elections on 24 May that year. On 17 November, the newspaper El Mundo published an article written by Errejón during his time at the University of Málaga; the project, Property in Andalucia. Diagnosis and policy proposals for the commodification of housing was directed by Alberto Montero, professor of Applied Economics at the UMA and vice-president of the CEPS Foundation of which Errejón is a member.
Errejón had been the only candidate to stand for the posting of research. The contract called for a gross monthly salary of 1825 monthly euros. According to the newspaper, Errejón "devoted hardly any time" to the work, while Errejón claimed that, on the contrary, his contract was renewed every three months because he fulfilled the tasks assigned by the research group of the UMA; the same newspaper noted that the incompatibilities of the staff in the Public Administration Service Act would prevent reconciliation of paid work and receiving a salary as a researcher hired by the University of Malaga. However, the project manager stated that Errejón had permission to work from Madrid and the rector of the University of Málaga, Adelaida de la Calle said that the contract was lawful. Following a statement by Susana Diaz, general Secretary of the PSOE-A and President of the Regional Government of Andalusia, which suggested that the university take action, the UMA opened an investigation to assess whether Errejón had breached the terms of the contract.
The opening of proceedings was communicated to Alberto Montero. On 4 December, Adelaida de la Calle decided to temporarily suspend Errejón's salary. According to Podemos, the case was a "campaign of defamation" against Errejón for being one of the most visible faces of the party, now an emerging political force; the Podemos spokesman for Relations with Civil Society and Social Movements, Rafael Mayoral hinted that pressure from the Andalusian regional government could have influenced the decision taken against Errejón. The adviser for Promotion of the Board of Andalucia, Elena Cortes of United Left, demanded that Mayoral provide evidence for the supposed interferences. Errejón's relationship with the Bolivarian Government of Venezuela was criticized in Spain, he was a supporter of Hugo Chávez. While working at CEPS and GIS XXI Foundation, Errejón worked with the Bolivarian government and its officials. While working for CEPS, heavy funding for the foundation by the Bolivarian government occurred, with CEPS receiving over $5 billion when contracted by Chávez, with the president sometimes being the foundation's only client.
However, such claims are yet to be verified by any reliable source. On 13 December 2013, just days before the creation of Podemos, Errejó
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