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European Union and the United Nations

The European Union has had permanent observer status at the United Nations since 1974, has had enhanced participation rights since 2011. The EU itself does not have voting rights but it is represented alongside its 27 members, one of which, France, is a permanent member of the Security Council; the EU holds an enhanced observer status at the UN. While normal observers such as the Arab League and the Red Cross are not allowed to speak before Member States at the UN General Assembly, the EU was granted the right to speak among representatives of major groups on 3 May 2011; these include: the right to speak in debates among representatives of major groups, before individual states, to submit proposals and amendments, the right of reply, to raise points of order and to circulate documents. However, the EU does not have the right to sit on the Security Council; the EU is represented by the President of the European Council, the High Representative of the Union for Foreign Affairs and Security Policy, the European Commission and the EU delegations.

European Council President Herman Van Rompuy made the EU's inaugural speech to the general assembly on the 22 September 2011. Prior to the granting of its speaking rights, the EU was represented by the state holding the rotating Council presidency; the EU is party to some 50 international UN agreements as the only non-state participant. It is a full participant on the Commission on Sustainable Development, the Forum on Forests and the Food and Agriculture Organization, it has been a full participant at certain UN summits, such as the Rio and Kyoto summits on climate change, including hosting a summit. Furthermore, the EU delegation maintains close relations with the UN's aid bodies; the EU holds its observer membership alongside the full memberships of all its 27 member states, one of which, France, is a veto-holding member of the UN Security Council. Furthermore, where the EU has a defined position on a UNSC agenda item, those states shall request the High Representative to be invited to present the EU's position.

This however does not impact on the right of those states to form their foreign policy. The EU coordinates its voting within the General Assembly's six main committees and other bodies and agencies such as the Economic and Social Council, UN agencies. To this end, more than 1000 internal EU coordination meetings are held at the UN to develop a common EU stance. Article 19 of the EU treaty stipulates that EU members on the Security Council must act in concert and foster the interests of the EU; the EU has spoken with one voice at all major UN conferences held since the 1990s. Since the beginning of the EU's Common Foreign and Security Policy, coordinating of EU voting has risen from 86% in 1991–92 to 97% in 1998–99; as of 2007, it has remained around this level, with the 2004 acceding countries voting in line with the EU before they joined. Of the 15–25% of resolutions voted on in the General Assembly, the EU votes unanimously on average four fifths of the time, including on controversial topics such as the Middle East.

However, in October 2011, a row between the United Kingdom and its fellow EU members reached a head as the UK had blocked more than 70 EU statements to UN committees. The row was over the wording used; the UK's actions were intended to stop the perceived drift towards a common EU foreign policy and were insisted upon by British Prime Minister David Cameron and Foreign Secretary William Hague. While purely symbolic, the issue has become a big deal for both sides, although the UK government has been criticised for using valuable political capital and good will on something that will yield if successful, no real gain. Individual member states, not the EU as a whole, pay dues; the sum of the contributions of EU member states provided 30.4% of the regular UN budget in 2016. EU member states collectively provide 33.2% of the funding for UN peacekeeping missions and around half of the budgets for UN funds and programmes. A third of the European Commission's aid budget goes to the UN. EU member states collectively provided 13.5% of peacekeeping personnel in 2006.

The EU operates its own missions to support the UN, such as the EU mission in the Congo to support the UN peacekeepers there. The EU established and funds the African Peace Facility; the EU supports the UN's values of freedom and human rights. The preamble to the EU's treaty cites the UN Charter's human rights articles and is active on the UN Human Rights Council; the EU was instrumental in setting up the system of UN Special Rapporteurs on human rights issues. Western European nations were long reluctant to cooperate within the UN. On 11 October 1974, the UN General Assembly granted observer status to the European Economic Community represented by the European Commission representation in New York City, it was the first non-state entity to be granted observer status and gave it participation rights in the Economic and Social Council: the EEC operated a common commercial policy from early on and in such matters the European Commission represented the EU, in others the Council presidency did. Despite being an observer, the EU joined several treaties and gained full participation in a number of UN bodies and in 1991, it was the first non-state body to be a full voting member in a UN agency: the Food and Agriculture Organization.

In 2001, it was the fi

509th Bomb Wing

The 509th Bomb Wing is a United States Air Force unit assigned to the Air Force Global Strike Command, Eighth Air Force. It is stationed at Missouri; the 509 BW is the host unit at Whiteman, operates the B-2 Spirit stealth bomber. The wing can launch combat sorties directly from Missouri to any spot on the globe, engaging adversaries with large payloads of traditional or precision-guided munitions; the wing's 509th Operations Group is a direct descendant organization of the World War II 509th Composite Group. The 509th CG had a single mission: to drop the atomic bomb; the group made history on 6 August 1945, when the Boeing B-29 Superfortress "Enola Gay," piloted by Col. Paul W. Tibbets Jr. dropped the first atomic bomb on Hiroshima, Japan. The B-29 "Bockscar," piloted by Maj. Charles Sweeney, flew over the Japanese mainland on 9 August 1945 and dropped the second atomic bomb on Nagasaki; the 509th Bomb Wing moved its people and equipment to Pease Air Force Base in New Hampshire in August 1958.

There, the wing continued to function as an integral part of Strategic Air Command. By 1965, its B-47s were scheduled for retirement; this retirement included the 509th. Fate intervened, however, as SAC decided to keep the 509th alive and equipped it with B-52s and KC-135s. Thus, the wing received its first B-52 and KC-135 in March 1966; the wing's association with the B-52 included two major deployments to Andersen Air Force Base in Guam as part of the now famous Arc Light missions of the Vietnam War. In April 1968 and again in April 1969, the wing began six-month ventures in the Western Pacific. During the last deployment, SAC informed the 509th. Accordingly, the wing began receiving the formidable fighter-bomber in December 1970. Over the next two decades, little changed for the 509th BW as it became SAC's fighter-bomber experts. However, a 1988 decision by the Department of Defense to close Pease created major changes for the famous 509th. Headquarters SAC decreed that the 509th would not inactivate but would transfer to Whiteman Air Force Base to become the first B-2 stealth bomber unit.

As such, the wing moved to Whiteman on 30 September 1990, without people or equipment. The current 509th BW led the way for America's first military response following the terrorist attacks on New York City and Washington D. C. on 11 September 2001. B-2 bombers were the first U. S. aircraft to enter Afghan airspace in October 2001, paving the way for other coalition aircraft to engage Taliban and Al Qaeda forces. During this operation, the aircraft flew roundtrip from Missouri, logging combat missions in excess of 40 hours—the longest on record. 509th Operations Group13th Bomb Squadron 393d Bomb Squadron 509th Operations Support Squadron509th Maintenance Group709th Munitions Squadron 509th Munitions Squadron 509th Maintenance Operations Squadron 509th Maintenance Squadron 509th Aircraft Maintenance Squadron509th Mission Support Group509th Force Support Squadron 509th Civil Engineer Squadron 509th Logistics Readiness Squadron 509th Security Forces Squadron 509th Contracting Squadron 509th Communications Squadron509th Medical Group509th Medical Operations Squadron 509th Medical Support Squadron The wing was established as 509th Bombardment Wing, Very Heavy on 3 November 1947 and organized on 17 November 1947.

The initial mission of the 509th Bomb Wing was to carry out strategic bombing missions using Atomic Bombs at the direction of the President of the United States. The wing's mission expanded in July 1948 when it received the 509th Air Refueling Squadron and its KB-29M hose-type tankers and with B/KB–29P boom–type tankers. Although aerial refueling had been accomplished as far back as the 1920s, the Air Force decided to make it a permanent part of its operations. In fact, the 509th AREFS was one of the first two AREFSs activated. In the first week of December 1948, the squadron began receiving the KB-29M, modified B-29 bombers capable of providing air-to-air refueling for bombers using a refueling hose. With the addition of tankers, the 509th's bombers could reach nearly any point on earth. In June 1950, the wing received the B-50D Superfortress and in January 1954, the KC-97 Stratotanker replaced the aging KB-29Ms; the 509th BW entered the jet age in June 1955 when it received the B-47E Stratojet, the first all-jet bomber.

Deployed as a wing several times in the early 1950s, three times to England on REFLEX deployments and once to Guam, the wing deployed individual squadrons at other times. Temporarily had no refueling unit during 1958; the 509th BW moved its personnel and equipment to Pease Air Force Base, New Hampshire in August 1958. By 1961 it was believed that the B-47 was becoming obsolete and President John F. Kennedy directed that the phaseout of the B-47 be accelerated; however this was delayed in July by the onset of the Berlin crisis of 1961–62. The 509th was phased down for inactivation in late 1965 as a part of the retirement of the B-47, but instead was converted to a B-52D Stratofortress wing in 1966; the 509th was taken off nuclear alert as its B-52Ds were designed to carry a large number of conventional bombs for service in the Vietnam War as part of Operation Arc Light. The wing deployed KC-135 Stratotanker aircraft and crews, November 1966– December 1975. From 1 April to 1 October 1968 and 26 March to c. 21 March 1968, more than one-half of the wing was deployed to Andersen AFB, Guam to support SAC operations in Southeast Asia.

On 1 December 1969 was wing redesignated as the 509th Bombardment Wing and began receiving the FB-111A strategic bomber in De

Hoofdklasse (women)

The Hoofdklasse is the second highest league of amateur women's football in the Netherlands, the third tier in general. When the Hoofdklasse was created in 1973, the league was the top level league of the Netherlands, the winner was named the national champion. After the 2006/07 season, the professional Eredivisie was established as the top level league which now plays out the championship. There was no promotion between those two leagues. In the 2011/12 season the Hoofdklasse became a third level league, as above it the Topklasse was created; the Hoffdklasse thus now promotes teams to the Topklasse. From 1973 to 1994, the Hoofdklasse was Championship Playoff between regional champions. Consisting of 6 regional champions that would play each other once; the winner of the group becoming the champion of the Netherlands. Since the 1994-95 season the Hoofdklasse was played nationwide as a 12 team league; the teams play each other 2 times over the course of the season. The last two teams get relegated into the Eerste Klasse.

Teams the play in the 2018-19 season. The list of champions: The winner is no more the champion of the Netherlands. Since 2011–12 the Hoofdklasse is a third level league. 2007–08: SV Saestum 2008–09: Ter Leede 2009–10: Ter Leede 2010–11: RCL 2011–12: DTS Ede and RKHVV 2012–13: Wartburgia and Gelre 2013–14: Oranje Nassau Groningen and SV Saestum II 2014–15: BVV Barendrecht and VV AV Eindhoven Hoofdklasse at women.soccerway.com Website about women's football

Erie—Lincoln

Erie—Lincoln was a federal electoral district in Ontario, represented in the House of Commons of Canada from 1997 to 2004, was a provincial electoral district represented in the Legislative Assembly of Ontario from 1999 to 2007. This riding was created in 1996 from parts of Erie, Haldimand—Norfolk and Lincoln ridings, it consisted of the City of Port Colborne, the towns of Fort Erie and Lincoln and the townships of Wainfleet and West Lincoln in the Regional Municipality of Niagara, the Town of Dunnville in the Regional Municipality of Haldimand-Norfolk. The electoral district was abolished in 2003 when it was redistributed between Haldimand—Norfolk, Niagara Falls, Niagara West—Glanbrook, Welland ridings, it was replaced as a provincial riding in the 2007 provincial election by the new federal riding boundaries. The riding has elected the following Members of Parliament: List of Canadian federal electoral districts Past Canadian electoral districts Riding history from the Library of Parliament

New Image College

New Image College is a PTIB-accredited private academy for film acting, makeup artistry, aesthetics and nail design located in downtown Vancouver, British Columbia. New Image College consists of two locations: their main student campus is located at Granville and Nelson and their corporate offices at Granville and Pender. New Image College is EQA-designated by the BC Ministry of Education, a Designated Learning Institution with CIC. New Image College is a branch of the multimedia and venture capitalist corporation Global Model and Talent Inc., a multi-faceted organization comprising New Image Entertainment, LD Vacations, ShyDaTry Service and Product Inc. Phrike Film Festival, NIC Spa Inc. and other numerous ventures. New Image College was founded in 1980 by the Canadian-born husband and wife team Bill and Charlotte Dyck. Both were extensively trained as clinical marriage and family physiologist, with years of philanthropy work within BC and around the world India and China; the pair conceived New Image with the goal of providing an opportunity for abused women to develop a "new image" for themselves.

Focusing on fashion design, etiquette courses, self-confidence seminars, the business was expanded when it was taken over by their daughter, Charie Van Dyke. Under the guidance of New Image College President Van Dyke and her husband, Vice President John Craig, the business would develop into one of the most respected and successful private academies in Canada, boasting over 25,000 alumni; as of 2016, New Image has expanded further after acquiring their'Creative Arts Campus' on the corner of Granville and Nelson. New Image College rebranded itself with the name "NIC" alongside the launch of its NIC Spa line; the NIC Spa on Granville, a private branch of Global Model & Talent, provides opportunities for alumni of New Image College's aesthetics program to begin their small businesses through the college's Entrepreneurial Program. New Image Entertainment is an independent film production company located in Vancouver, British Columbia, Canada. New Image Entertainment is subsidiary of New Image College developed to produce short-length and feature-length films, utilizing the talents of their parent student body.

New Image Entertainment has produced over 100 independent productions, including the features Star Vehicle, released internationally on DVD, Bad Building. Higher education in British Columbia

Babouk

Babouk is a political-themed novel by Guy Endore, a fictionalized account of the Haitian Revolution told through the eyes of its titular slave. Though unknown today, Babouk has gained some notoriety in academic circles through its attempted linking of the slave trade with capitalism, one professor has suggested that it would make a valuable addition to post-colonial literary discourse. A committed leftist and opponent of racism, Endore spent many months in Haiti researching the story that would become Babouk, much of his findings make their way into the text, either in the form of epigraphs or explicitly noted in the text itself. Babouk is notable for the digressions the narrator makes from the main narrative, to expound his political sympathies. Endore, a popular writer and staunch socialist, had in 1933 published his book The Werewolf of Paris, which became a financial success. Hoping to profit on his newfound bankability, he was contracted by Simon & Schuster to write another novel that would be in the same mystery vein.

Endore, who spoke French, decided to write a romance set against the backdrop of the Haitian Revolution, went to Haiti to conduct research on the slave trade. Horrified by what he learned, he became interested in the story of a rebellious slave named Dutty Boukman, who many consider to be the catalyst behind the Haitian slave rebellion. Endore created a fictionalized version named Babouk, but he used his story to try to tell an anti-capitalist parable that borrowed much of its philosophy from Karl Marx; the resulting manuscript was dubbed by the publishing house of Simon and Schuster to be, "a powerful, moving piece of work. It won't sell because it's just too horrible." The book was not successful, it languished in obscurity until it was chosen by the leftist journal Monthly Review to be published as part of its "Voices of Resistance" series. The republished novel included a foreword by writer Jamaica Kincaid and an afterword by historians David Barry Gaspar and Michel-Rolph Trouillot, it was published in 1991 by Monthly Review Press.

Babouk is a slave renowned by many tribes for his excellent storytelling abilities. He is taken to Saint Domingue to work on the sugar cane fields. Unaware of the reasons for his capture and hoping to be reunited with his lost love Niati, Babouk escapes his slave compound and wanders into the forest, only to meet some indigenous Americans, he is soon captured by a group of runaway slaves who had agreed to turn in other runaways on the condition that they are allowed their freedom and returned to the compound, where his ear is cut off. Such a traumatic experience forces him to remain silent for several years, doing his labor without complaint but without much energy, he can maintain his silence no longer, he re-establishes himself as a great storyteller. Unhappy with the way the slave masters treat him, Babouk becomes the figurehead for a group of slaves that intend to revolt against their masters. Babouk and his group are successful in their endeavors, but are held back by the combined might of the French and British military.

Babouk's arm is severed. The novel ends with an impassioned statement from Endore that warns of the inevitability of a race war as the result of the white man's transgressions. Babouk explicitly highlights the supposed relationship between the slave capitalism. Endore removes himself from the principal narrative involving Babouk in order to talk about certain historical accounts he researched for the book itself, he liberally passes severe judgment over those who were either involved in the slave trade or, more controversially, those whom he supposed passively continued its existence by not questioning the capitalist system. Endore makes the point of comparing racist practices of the eighteenth century with contemporary ones, rejects the notion that men are treated in the United States if, what the Constitution claims. Babouk's narrative voice is heavily infused with irony taking the side of the slave masters or pro-slavery ideologues in an effort to further highlight what he sees as the absurdity of their position.

He openly mocks the production of what he believes to be useless objects to project status, such as jewelry. The handful of critics who reviewed Babouk gave it lukewarm reviews at the time of its 1934 release, recoiling at its brazenness and unflattering portrayal of whites. Even from sources sympathetic to the anti-slavery part of his message. Book critics agreed that Babouk's story had "epic possibilities" that did not reach fruition; the New Republic wrote, "'Babouk' is a horrible and an unforgettable book, but it somehow misses being a great, tragic or memorable one." The Nation declared that "The book is full...of interesting facts and descriptions. But...the denunciation of capitalism as slavery...is bad writing fake poetry." Paul Allen authored the harshest review when he rejected the linkage of the voluntary exchange of capitalism and the forced labor of slavery, wrote: "the heavy irony and the strident shrieking about the brotherhood of man culminating, on the last two pages of the book, in gibberish and exclamation points ruins the book as either literature or propaganda."A review in the NAACP house organ The Crisis lauded Babouk, stating "Here is a book that should be in the bookcase of every Negro family...speaking through Babouk, seeing through the slaves' eyes, the author punctures all the cruelty, greed