The First Italo-Ethiopian War was fought between Italy and Ethiopia from 1895 to 1896. It originated from the disputed Treaty of Wuchale which, the Italians claimed, turned the country into an Italian protectorate. During the war, the Ethiopans were vastly numerically superior, well-armed with modern firearms and aided by Russia and France with volunteers, military advisers, army training, the sale of weapons. In contrast, Italy was a young and poor nation, equipped with antiquated weapons. Full-scale war broke out in 1895, with Italian troops from Italian Eritrea having initial success until Ethiopian troops counterattacked Italian positions and besieged the Italian fort of Mekele, forcing its surrender. Italian defeat came about after the Battle of Adwa, where the Ethiopian army dealt the outnumbered Italians and Eritrean askaris a decisive blow and forced their retreat back into Eritrea; some Eritreans, regarded as traitors by the Ethiopians, were captured and mutilated. The war concluded with the Treaty of Addis Ababa.
Though it was not the first African victory over Western colonists, this war became a pre-eminent symbol of the pan-Africanism and secured the Ethiopia's sovereignty until 1936. The Khedive of Egypt Isma'il Pasha, better known as "Isma'il the Magnificent" had conquered Eritrea as part of his efforts to give Egypt an African empire. Isma'il had tried to follow up that conquest with Ethiopia, but the Egyptian attempts to conquer that realm ended in humiliating defeat. After Egypt's bankruptcy in 1876 followed by the Ansar revolt under the leadership of the Mahdi in 1881, the Egyptian position in Eritrea was hopeless with the Egyptian forces cut off and unpaid for years. By 1884 the Egyptians began to pull out of both Eritrea. Egypt had been much in the French sphere of influence until 1882 when Britain occupied Egypt. A major goal of French foreign policy until 1904 was to diminish British power in Egypt and restore it to its place in the French sphere of influence, in 1883 the French created the colony of French Somaliland which allowed for the establishment of a French naval base at Djibouti on the Red Sea.
The opening of the Suez Canal in 1869 had turned the Horn of Africa into a strategic region as a navy based in the Horn could interdict any shipping going up and down the Red Sea. By building naval bases on the Red Sea that could intercept British shipping in the Red Sea, the French hoped to reduce the value of the Suez Canal for the British, thus lever them out of Egypt. A French historian in 1900 wrote: "The importance of Djibouti lies solely in the uniqueness of its geographic position, which makes it a port of transit and natural entrepôt for areas more infinitely more populated than its own territory...the rich provinces of central Ethiopia." The British historian Harold Marcus noted that for the French: "Ethiopia represented the entrance to the Nile valley. In response, Britain supported Italian ambitions in the Horn of Africa as the best way of keeping the French out. On 3 June 1884, the Hewett Treaty was signed between Britain and Ethiopia that allowed the Ethiopians to occupy parts of Eritrea and allowed the Ethiopian goods to pass in and out of Massawa duty-free.
From the viewpoint of Britain, it was undesirable that the French replace the Egyptians in Eritrea as that would allow the French to have more naval bases on the Red Sea that could interfere with British shipping using the Suez Canal, as the British did not want the financial burden of ruling Eritrea, they looked for another power to replace the Egyptians. The Hewett treaty seemed to suggest that Eritrea would fall into the Ethiopian sphere of influence as the Egyptians pulled out. After encouraging the Emperor Yohannes IV to move into Eritrea to replace the Egyptians, London decided to have the Italians move into Eritrea. In his history of Ethiopia, Augustus Wylde wrote: "England made use of King John as long as he was of any service and threw him over to the tender mercies of Italy... It is one of our worst bits of business out of the many we have been guilty of in Africa...one of the vilest bites of treachery". After the French had unexpectedly made Tunis into their protectorate in 1881, outraging opinion in Italy over the so-called "Schiaffo di Tunisi", Italian foreign policy had been anti-French, from the British viewpoint the best way of ensuring the Eritrean ports on the Red Sea stayed out of French hands was by having the staunchly anti-French Italians move in.
In 1882, Italy had joined the Triple Alliance, allying herself with Austria and Germany against France. On 5 February 1885 Italian troops landed at Massawa to replace the Egyptians; the Italian government for its part was more than happy to embark upon an imperialist policy to distract its people from the failings in post Risorgimento Italy. In 1861, the unification of Italy was supposed to mark the beginning of a glorious new era in Italian life, many Italians were gravely disappointed to find that not much had changed in the new Kingdom of Italy with the vast majority of Italians still living in abject poverty. To compensate, a chauvinist mood was rampant amongst the upper classes in Italy with the newspaper Il Diritto writing in an editorial: "Italy must be ready; the year 1885 will decide her fate as a great power. It is necessary to feel the responsibility of the new era. On the Ethiopian side, the wars that Emperor Yohannes had waged first against the invading Egyptians in the 1870s and more so
Poivre Islands are a group of islands in Seychelles, lying in the Outer Islands of Seychelles, with a distance of 268 km south of Victoria, Seychelles. Poivre was named in 1771 by Chevalier de la Biollière after Pierre Poivre, the famous "Peter Pepper" and governor of Ile de France and Réunion from 1769 to 1772, he named Florentin island for the Grey herons. In 2008, the small boat channel was enlarged. Since 2013 Alphonse Fishing Company have been offering professionally guided catch and release fly fishing trips to Poivre. Poivre Atoll is near the eastern edge of Amirante Bank. Poivre Nord is joined to Poivre Sud by a 750-metre causeway crossing the reef flats, submerged at high tide; the total area of the reef is 20.24 km2 There are four islets on the reef: Poivre Nord, 1.105 km2, located at 05°44′48″S 53°18′20″E Poivre Sud, 1.5 km2, located at 05°46′18″S 53°18′22″E, with two additional small projections: Florentin, 0.163 km2 located at 05°45′40″S 53°18′07″E Mozambique, 0.01 km2 located at 05°45′48″S 53°18′30″EThe large, elongated lagoon between the 4 islands is shallow and dries out at low tide.
The village stands amid a clump of trees. In some sources it is referenced as Pointe Baleine village; the village houses a handful of caretakers and conservationists who watch over the precious ecosystem and maintain the unpaved grass aeroplane runway. The ruined buildings on Poivre Nord hint at a more grandiose past and are oddly juxtaposition-ed alongside the more modern habitable homes; the island belongs to Outer Islands District. Being an island with a small population, there are not any government services. For many services, people have to go to Victoria, a difficult task. Poivre Nord Island is bisected by a 1,100 metres unpaved airfield; the island is serviced by an Island Development Company aircraft from Mahé. The inhabitants on the island are engaged in small scale farming and livestock which are for the island consumption; the island is known for its rich fish life. There are several local contractors. Island guide 1 Island guide 2 National Bureau of Statistics Info on the island 2010 Sailing directions
Active Islamic Youth was a small youth organization based in Bosnia and Herzegovina. It was active in the Bosnian postwar period. According to some media reports, it was described as a front for the Saudi High Commission for Relief and the Al-Haramain Islamic Foundation. AIO was the first publisher of the Islamic magazine Saff, with an estimated circulation of 9,000; the AIO was launched after the 1992-1995 Bosnian war, when a group of young Bosnian Muslims decided to form the organization to promote the Islamic teachings they learned from the Arab volunteers who fought on the Bosnian side during the war. The volunteers were Islamic missionaries, they distributed Islamic literature. Some of the literature tend to designate dozens of habits of the Bosnian Muslims that had nothing to do with the Wahabi teachings and that had to be corrected; these Arab fighters and missionaries influenced some of the young Bosniaks who joined the Bosnian Mujahideen during the war. After the war, these young people went on to form AIO.
AIO's mission is to awaken the religious feelings of Bosnian Muslims - who, the organization believes, have been deprived of the real Islam for too long, first by the Communist regime of the former Yugoslavia, by the traditional mainstream Bosnian Muslims. The AIO emphasises that it aspires to original Islamic teachings as preached by Mohammed, that it does not accept any "novelties" in Islam. Members of the AIO are known for their atypical way of praying, for their Middle-East-style clothes and long beards; the men do not shake hands with women, the women wear headscarves in public. People associated with AIO are reported to have behaved violently, including during demonstrations. Leaders of AIO are said to have made inflammatory statements in which they criticized Bosnian Muslims for accepting too many habits of their Christian neighbours. On 24 December 2002 a young Muslim fanatic, Muamer Topalovic, shot three members of a Croat returnee family in Konjic, 80 km south of Sarajevo. Topalovic, who confessed to the killing, said.
He was subsequently sentenced to 35 years in prison. Police said that Topalovic told them during the investigation that he was a member of AIO; that was proven false. AIO leaders, acknowledged the possibility that Topalovic might have attended some of the courses the group organized. After 11 September 2001, Bosnian police have taken a keener interest in AIO's activities, it became clear that some of the Arab teachers who had impressed AIO's founders were potential threat. AIO premises were raided several times, its finances were audited, it has been established that AIO received donations in the past from large Saudi charities, such as the Al Haramain Foundation. In the fall of 2002, U. S. authorities declared Al Haramain a sponsor of terrorist networks and froze its assets in the United States and Bosnia and Herzegovina. Today, the number of people associated with AIO is shrinking; the organization is experiencing financial troubles, as many of its former donors have stopped sending money because of the bad reputation that AIO has acquired.
It covers its expenses through internet clubs and from selling Islamic magazines and literature, but its future is uncertain