Progressive Party (United States, 1948)
The United States Progressive Party of 1948 was a left-wing political party that served as a vehicle for former Vice President Henry A. Wallace's 1948 presidential campaign; the party sought desegregation, the establishment of a national health insurance system, an expansion of the welfare system, the nationalization of the energy industry. The party sought conciliation with the Soviet Union during the early stages of the Cold War. Wallace had served as vice president under Franklin D. Roosevelt but was dumped from the Democratic ticket in 1944. After the end of World War II, Wallace emerged as a prominent critic of President Harry S. Truman's Cold War policies. Wallace's supporters held the 1948 Progressive National Convention, which nominated a ticket consisting of Wallace and Democratic Senator Glen H. Taylor of Idaho. Despite challenges from Wallace, Republican nominee Thomas E. Dewey, Strom Thurmond of the segregationist Dixiecrats, Truman won re-election in the 1948 election. Wallace won 2.4% of the vote, far less than the share received by Theodore Roosevelt and Robert La Follette, the presidential candidates of the 1912 and 1924 Progressive Party tickets, respectively.
Neither of those parties were directly related to Wallace's party, though these parties did carry over ideological groups and influenced many members of the 1948 Progressive Party. After the election, Wallace recanted his foreign policy views and became estranged from his former supporters; the party nominated attorney Vincent Hallinan in the 1952 presidential election, Hallinan won 0.2% of the national popular vote. The party began to disband in 1955 as opponents of anti-Communism became unpopular, was fully dissolved by the late 1960s with the exception of a few affiliated state Progressive Parties; the Progressive Party of Henry Wallace was, remains, controversial due to the issue of communist influence. The party served as a safe haven for communists, fellow travelers, anti-war liberals during the Second Red Scare. Prominent Progressive Party supporters included U. S. Representative Vito Marcantonio and writer Norman Mailer; the formation of the Progressive Party began in 1946, after Secretary of Commerce and former Vice President Henry A. Wallace quit the Truman administration and began to publicly agitate against Truman's policies.
Calls for a third party had been growing before Wallace, replaced as vice president by Franklin D. Roosevelt with the more conservative Truman at the 1944 Democratic National Convention, left the Truman Administration. One of the ironies of the contest between Wallace and Truman was that, if FDR had not replaced Wallace with Truman at the 1944 Democratic convention—at the behest of Democratic Party bosses who felt that Wallace was too liberal and too erratic—Wallace would have been President of the United States, not Truman. Wallace disliked the hard line that Truman had taken against the Soviet Union, a stance that won him favor among liberals and fellow travelers who were opposed to what became known as the Cold War, he received support from two major organizations, the National Citizens Political Action Committee and the Independent Citizens Committee of the Arts and Professions, political action committees, created to support FDR. These two organizations merged in December 1946 as the Progressive Citizens of America, which formed the backbone of the Progressive Party and Henry Wallace's bid for US President on July 23–25, 1948, when the 1948 Progressive National Convention in Philadelphia launched a "New Party" to a crowd of enthusiastic liberal and left-leaning citizens.
In her 1954 book School of Darkness, Bella Dodd, a Communist Party US National Committee member who left and went on to give anti-Communist testimony before Congress, wrote about a June 1947 Communist National Committee meeting she attended at which the founding of the 1948 Progressive Party was planned: The point of it all came near the end, when Gates read that a third party would be effective in 1948, but only if we could get Henry Wallace to be its candidate. There it was, plainly stated; the Communists were proposing a third party, a farmer-labor party, as a political maneuver for the 1948 elections. They were picking the candidate; when Gates had finished, I took the floor. I said that while I would not rule out the possibility of building a farmer-labor party the decision to place a third party in 1948 should be based not on whether Henry Wallace would run, but on whether a third party would help meet the needs of workers and farmers in America, and if a third party were to participate in the 1948 elections, the decision should be made by bona-fide labor and farmer groups, not delayed until some secret and unknown persons made the decision.
My remarks were heard in icy silence. When I had finished, the committee with no answer to my objection went on to other work. However, it was becoming evident, it was clear that Dennis and his clique of smart boys were reserving to themselves the right to make the final decision, that the Party in general was being kept pretty much in the dark. In February 1948, two days before a special election put American Labor Party candidate Leo Isacson into Congress, the New York Times analyzed the shifting background of the Progressive Party: The question involved in the special election is how the Labor party vote will hold up after withdrawal of the Amalgamated Clothing Workers of America and other anti-Communist unions from the Labor party because of its support of Mr. Wallace's candidacy for President, which has left the Communists and other left-wing elements in complete control of that party's
University of North Carolina School of Law
The University of North Carolina School of Law is a professional school within the University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill. Established in 1845, Carolina Law is among the oldest law schools in the nation and is the oldest law school in North Carolina, it is ranked in the top-tier of law schools, its U. S. News current rank being tied for number 34; as of 2017, the law school has 634 enrolled students and a student-faculty ratio of 11.3 to 1. The entering class of first-year law students in 2017 was composed of 213 students from 25 states, the District of Columbia, China. Sixty-three percent of students were from North Carolina, students of color made up 26 percent of the class. Fifty-one percent of incoming students were female. Following discussion in the North Carolina legal community, on December 12, 1842, the Trustees of the University of North Carolina authorized the University President, David L. Swain, to review and establish a law professorship. In 1845, William Horn Battle was named the first professor of law, legal instruction began at the university.
In the years following, assistant professors and an organized faculty and law library were added. In 1915, Margaret Berry became the first female to graduate from the law school. In the 1920s, the school began taking on much of the character of a modern law school, after the American Bar Association first published guidelines for schools. University President Harry Woodburn Chase was instrumental in leading the efforts for this reorganization over notable opposition, including the governor of North Carolina. In 1951, Harvey Beech, J. Kenneth Lee, Floyd McKissick and James Robert Walker Jr. were the first four black students enrolled at the law school in June 1951. McKissick and other black students had argued in court that a state law school for blacks in Durham was not equal to that in Chapel Hill. In March 1951, a U. S. Court of Appeals ordered UNC to stop excluding black applicants. Sylvia X. Allen became the first black female student to graduate in 1962, did so as the mother of six children.
The law school is located in Van Hecke-Wettach Hall, towards the southeastern side of the Chapel Hill campus, neighboring the School of Government and several athletic facilities. Van Hecke-Wettach Hall includes the Kathrine R. Everett Law Library, located on four floors on the back side of the building; the UNC School of Law is home to several centers that focus on issues of state and national interest: Center for Banking and Finance - Lissa Broome, Director Center for Civil Rights - Theodore Shaw, Director. Center for Climate, Environment & Economics - Jonas J. Monast, Director North Carolina Coastal Resources Law and Policy Center UNC Center for Media Law and Policy - David Ardia, Co-Director Director Diversity Initiative Intellectual Property Initiative UNC School of Law Medical Child Abuse Initiative Prosecutors and Politics Project N. C. Poverty Research Fund Clinics provide students with the opportunity to learn legal theory and put the legal theory to practice. Civil Legal Assistance Clinic Community Development Law Clinic Consumer Financial Transactions Clinic Domestic and Sexual Violence Clinic Immigration Clinic Intellectual Property Clinic Military and Veterans Law Clinic Youth Justice Clinic The school is home to five student-edited law journals.
The oldest, the North Carolina Law Review, was founded in 1922. This journal features an annual North Carolina issue reviewing developments in the state's law. First Amendment Law Review North Carolina Banking Institute Journal North Carolina Journal of International Law North Carolina Journal of Law & Technology North Carolina Law Review According to UNC School of Law 2017 ABA-required disclosures, 80.51% of the Class of 2017 obtained full-time, long-term, JD-required or JD advantage employment ten months after graduation. UNC Law has increased its tuition 71% for in-state residents since 2007-2008 at a time when law school graduates have faced a declining legal job market; the total cost of attendance at UNC for the 2017-2018 academic year is $49,562 for North Carolina residents and $66,193 for out-of-state students. The Law School Transparency estimated debt-financed cost of attendance for three years is $176,368 for residents and $243,846 for nonresidents. There are more than 10,000 alumni of the University of North Carolina School of Law.
40 percent of practicing North Carolina attorneys are Carolina Law graduates, more than any other law school in North Carolina. Many have gone on including countless government offices in North Carolina. Among these are the current and several recent NC governors and three of seven North Carolina Supreme Court justices. William Horn Battle, 1845-1868.
Warren County, North Carolina
Warren County is a county located in the northeastern Piedmont region of the U. S. state of North Carolina, on the northern border with Virginia. As of the 2010 Census, the population was 20,972, its county seat is Warrenton. It was a center of tobacco and cotton plantations,Educational textile mills; the county was formed in 1779 from the northern half of Bute County. It was named for Joseph Warren of Massachusetts, a physician and general in the American Revolutionary War, killed at the Battle of Bunker Hill. Developed as tobacco and cotton farming area, its county seat of Warrenton became a center of commerce and was one of the wealthiest towns in the state from 1840 to 1860. Many planters built fine homes there. In the nineteenth century, the county developed textile mills. In 1881, parts of Warren County, Franklin County, Granville County were combined to form Vance County. In the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries, Warren County's continued reliance on agriculture slowed its development.
Many residents migrated to cities for work. Since the late 20th century, county residents have worked to attract other industrial and business development. Soul City, a "planned community" development, was funded by the Department of Housing and Urban Development, it has not been successful in attracting business and industry, has not developed as much housing as intended. Beginning in 1982, Warren County was the site of the Warren County PCB Landfill. Residents of the county have pursued a long environmental justice struggle to remove dangerous pollutants from the site, to improve the health of citizens; the site was not made safe until 2004. According to the U. S. Census Bureau, the county has a total area of 444 square miles, of which 428 square miles is land and 15 square miles is water. Brunswick County, Virginia - north Northampton County - northeast Halifax County - east Franklin County - south Vance County - west Mecklenburg County, Virginia - northwest Nash County- southeast Granville County- west northwest As of the 2010 United States Census, there were 20,972 people residing in the county.
52.3% were Black or African American, 38.8% White, 5.0% Native American, 0.2% Asian, 2.0% of some other race and 1.6% of two or more races. 3.3% were Hispanic or Latino. As of the census of 2000, there were 19,972 people, 7,708 households, 5,449 families residing in the county; the population density was 47 people per square mile. There were 10,548 housing units at an average density of 25 per square mile; the racial makeup of the county was 54.49% Black or African American, 38.90% White, 4.79% Native American, 0.13% Asian, 0.03% Pacific Islander, 0.79% from other races, 0.88% from two or more races. 1.59% of the population were Hispanic or Latino of any race. There were 7,708 households out of which 28.20% had children under the age of 18 living with them, 49.20% were married couples living together, 17.30% had a female householder with no husband present, 29.30% were non-families. 26.20% of all households were made up of individuals and 12.20% had someone living alone, 65 years of age or older.
The average household size was 2.48 and the average family size was 2.97. In the county, the population was spread out with 23.50% under the age of 18, 8.00% from 18 to 24, 26.30% from 25 to 44, 24.80% from 45 to 64, 17.40% who were 65 years of age or older. The median age was 40 years. For every 100 females there were 96.60 males. For every 100 females age 18 and over, there were 95.00 males. The median income for a household in the county was $28,351, the median income for a family was $33,602. Males had a median income of $26,928 versus $20,787 for females; the per capita income for the county was $14,716. About 15.70% of families and 19.40% of the population were below the poverty line, including 24.90% of those under age 18 and 20.80% of those age 65 or over. Warren County is populated by the Haliwa-Saponi, descendants of a long existing tri-racial isolate rooted in the area. Since the Democratic Party supported civil rights legislation in the 1960s that helped African Americans regain their constitutional rights and has supported programs of interest to them, it has retained the loyalty of black voters.
In addition, some white voters vote Democratic. The county favors Democratic candidates over Republicans. In the 2004 election, the county's voters favored Democrat John F. Kerry over Republican George W. Bush by 65% to 35%. In the 2004 governor's race, Warren County supported Democrat Mike Easley by 74% to 25% over Republican Patrick J. Ballantine. Warren County is represented in the North Carolina House of Representatives by Rep. Michael H. Wray and in the North Carolina Senate by Sen. Doug Berger, it forms part of the 1st congressional district, which seat is held by U. S. Rep. G. K. Butterfield. Warren County has a council-manager government, governed by a five-member Board of Commissioners. County commissioners are elected to staggered four-year terms and represent one of five single-member districts of equal population; the council hires a county manager for daily administration. Warren County is a member of the Kerr-Tar Regional Council of Governments. Macon Norlina Warrenton Wise Soul City Manson Drewry Elbron Nutbush Seoul Rose Hill Hecksgrove Axtell Grove Hill Countyline Ridgeway Snow Hill Cole Bridge Vaughan Eaton Ferry Creekside Arcola Timbuktu Parktown Bucks Springs Fishing Creek Oine Lirbera Warren Plains Old Bethlehem Tradepost Crossroads Odell Limertown Embro Quick City Red hill Providence Nocava River Jones Springs Epworth Afton Shocco Creek Russell Union Vicksboro Littleton Elams Perrytown Marmaduke Alert Enterprise Judkins Greenwood Village Shocco Springs Hawtree Burchettte Chap
Congress of Racial Equality
The Congress of Racial Equality is an African-American civil rights organization in the United States that played a pivotal role for African Americans in the Civil Rights Movement. Founded in 1942, its stated mission is "to bring about equality for all people regardless of race, sex, disability, sexual orientation, religion or ethnic background."CORE's national chairman was Roy Innis. CORE was founded in Chicago, Illinois, in March 1942. Among the founding members were James L. Farmer, Jr. George Houser, James R. Robinson, Samuel E. Riley, Bernice Fisher, Homer Jack, Joe Guinn. Of the 50 original members, 28 were men and 22 were women one-third of them were black and two-thirds white. Bayard Rustin, while not a father of the organization, was, as Farmer and House said, "an uncle to CORE" and supported it greatly; the group had evolved out of the pacifist Fellowship of Reconciliation, sought to apply the principles of nonviolence as a tactic against segregation. The group's inspiration was Mahatma Gandhi's teachings of non-violent resistance.
Krishnalal Shridharani, a popular writer and journalist as well as a vibrant and theatrical speaker, had been a protege of Gandhi and had been jailed in the Salt March whose book War Without Violence influenced the organisation. Gandhi had, in turn, been influenced by the writings of Henry David Thoreau, the American author and philosopher. At the time of CORE's founding Gandhi was still engaged in non-violent resistance against British rule in India. In accordance with CORE's constitution and bylaws, in the early and mid-1960s, chapters were organized on a model similar to that of a democratic trade union, with monthly membership meetings and unpaid officers, numerous committees of volunteers. In the South, CORE's nonviolent direct action campaigns opposed "Jim Crow" segregation and job discrimination, fought for voting rights. Outside the South, CORE focused on discrimination in employment and housing, in de facto school segregation; some of CORE's main leadership had strong disagreements with the Deacons for Defense and Justice over the Deacons' public threat to racist Southerners that they would use armed self-defense to protect CORE workers from racist organizations, such as the Ku Klux Klan, in Louisiana during the 1960s.
Others, however supported the organization. By the mid-1960s, Farmer tried to incorporate elements of the emerging black nationalist sentiments within CORE—sentiments that, among other things, would lead to an embrace of Black Power. Farmer failed to reconcile these tensions, he resigned in 1966, but he backed his replacement, Floyd McKissick. By 1961 CORE had 53 chapters throughout the United States. By 1963, most of the major urban centers of the Northeast, Mid-Atlantic and West Coast had one or more CORE chapters, including a growing number of chapters on college campuses. In the South, CORE had active chapters and projects in Louisiana, Florida, South Carolina, Kentucky. On April 10, 1947, CORE sent a group of eight white and eight black men on what was to be a two-week Journey of Reconciliation through Virginia, North Carolina and Kentucky in an effort to end segregation in interstate travel; the members of this group were arrested and jailed several times, but they received a great deal of publicity, this marked the beginning of a long series of similar campaigns.
By the early 1960s, who had taken a hiatus from leading the group, returned as its executive secretary and sought to repeat the 1947 journey, coining a new name for it: the Freedom Ride. On May 4, 1961, participants journeyed to the deep South, this time including women as well as men and testing segregated bus terminals as well; the riders were met with severe violence. In Anniston, one of the buses was fire-bombed and passengers were beaten by a white mob. White mobs attacked Freedom Riders in Birmingham and Montgomery; the violence garnered national attention, sparking a summer of similar rides by CORE, SNCC and other Civil Rights organizations and thousands of ordinary citizens. In 1960, the Chicago chapter of CORE began to challenge racial segregation in the Chicago Public Schools. By the late 1950s, the Board of Education's maintenance of the neighborhood school policy resulted in a pattern of racial segregation in the CPS. Predominantly black schools were situated in predominantly black neighborhoods on the south and west sides of the city, while predominantly white schools were located in predominantly white areas in the north and southwest sides of Chicago.
Many segregated schools were overcrowded, in order to ease overcrowding, the Board instated double-shifts at some schools. Double-shifts meant. In another measure to alleviate overcrowding at some schools, the Board sanctioned the construction of mobile classroom units. Moreover, a significant proportion of students dropped out before finishing high school. Faculty was segregated, many teachers in predominantly black schools lacked full-time teaching experience compared to teachers in white schools. In addition, the history curriculum did not mention African Americans. According to CORE, "school segregation a damaging bacteria, a psychological handicap, which a disease generating widespread unemployment and crime in Chicago". Between 1960 and 1963, CORE wrote letters about the conditions of schools to the Board of Education, Mayor Richard J. Daley, the Illinois State House of Representatives a
Black Power is a political slogan and a name for various associated ideologies aimed at achieving self-determination for people of African descent. It is used but not by African Americans in the United States; the Black Power movement was prominent in the late 1960s and early 1970s, emphasizing racial pride and the creation of black political and cultural institutions to nurture and promote black collective interests and advance black values. "Black Power" expresses a range of political goals, from defense against racial oppression, to the establishment of social institutions and a self-sufficient economy, including black-owned bookstores, cooperatives and media. However, the movement was criticized for alienating itself from the mainstream civil rights movement, for its apparent support of racial segregation, for constituting black superiority over other races; the earliest known usage of the term "Black Power" is found in Richard Wright's 1954 book Black Power. New York politician Adam Clayton Powell Jr. used the term on May 29, 1966 during an address at Howard University: "To demand these God-given rights is to seek black power."The first popular use of the term "Black Power" as a political and racial slogan was by Stokely Carmichael and Willie Ricks, both organizers and spokespersons for the Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee.
On June 16, 1966, in a speech in Greenwood, after the shooting of James Meredith during the March Against Fear, Stokely Carmichael said: This is the twenty-seventh time I have been arrested and I ain't going to jail no more! The only way we gonna stop them white men from whuppin' us is to take over. What we gonna start sayin' now is Black Power! Stokely Carmichael saw the concept of "Black Power" as a means of solidarity between individuals within the movement, it was a replacement of the "Freedom Now!" Slogan of Carmichael's the non-violent leader Martin Luther King. With his use of the term, Carmichael felt this movement was not just a movement for racial desegregation, but rather a movement to help end how American racism had weakened blacks, he said, "'Black Power' means black people coming together to form a political force and either electing representatives or forcing their representatives to speak their needs." Black Power adherents believed in black autonomy, with a variety of tendencies such as black nationalism, black self-determination, black separatism.
Such positions caused friction with leaders of the mainstream Civil Rights Movement, thus the two movements have sometimes been viewed as inherently antagonistic. Civil Rights leaders proposed passive, non-violent tactics while the Black Power movement felt that, in the words of Stokely Carmichael and Charles V. Hamilton, "a'non-violent' approach to civil rights is an approach black people cannot afford and a luxury white people do not deserve." "However, many groups and individuals—including Rosa Parks, Robert F. Williams, Maya Angelou, Gloria Richardson, Fay Bellamy Powell—participated in both civil rights and black power activism. A growing number of scholars conceive of the civil rights and black power movements as one interconnected Black Freedom Movement. Numerous Black Power advocates were in favor of black self determination due to the belief that black people must lead and run their own organizations. Stokely Carmichael is such an advocate and states that, "only black people can convey the revolutionary idea—and it is a revolutionary idea—that black people are able to do things themselves."
However, this is not to say. Stokely Carmichael and Charles V. Hamilton write that "there is a definite, much-needed role that whites can play." They felt. Not all Black Power advocates were in favor of black separatism. While Stokely Carmichael and SNCC were in favor of separatism for a time in the late 1960s, organizations such as the Black Panther Party for Self-Defense were not. Though the Panthers considered themselves to be at war with the prevailing white supremacist power structure, they were not at war with all whites, but rather with those individuals empowered by the injustices of the structure and responsible for its reproduction. Bobby Seale, Chairman and Co-Founder of the Black Panther Party for Self-Defense, was outspoken about this issue, his stance was that the oppression of black people was more a result of economic exploitation than anything innately racist. In his book Seize the Time, he states that "In our view it is a class struggle between the massive proletarian working class and the small, minority ruling class.
Working-class people of all colors must unite against the oppressive ruling class. So let me emphasize again—we believe our fight is a class struggle and not a race struggle."Internationalist offshoots of black power include African Internationalism, pan-Africanism, black nationalism, black supremacy. The term "Black Power" was used in a different sense in the 1850s by black leader Frederick Douglass as an alternative name for the Slave Power—that is the disproportionate political power at the national level held by slave owners in the South. Douglass predicted: "The days of Black Power are numbered, its course, indeed is onward. But with the swiftness of an arrow, it rushes to the tomb. While crushing its millions, it is crushing itself; the sword of Retribution, suspended by a single hair, hangs over it. That sword must fall. Liberty must triumph."In Apartheid Era South Africa, Nelson Mandela's African National Congress used the call-and-response chant "Amandla!", "Ngawethu!" from the late 1950s onward.
The modern American concept
Peniel E. Joseph
Peniel E. Joseph is an American scholar and leading public voice on race issues holds a joint professorship appointment at the LBJ School of Public Affairs and the History Department in the College of Liberal Arts at The University of Texas at Austin. Dr. Joseph joined UT Austin in the Fall of 2015 from Tufts University in Medford, Massachusetts where he founded the school’s Center for the Study of Race and Democracy to promote engaged research and scholarship focused on the ways issues of race and democracy impact the lives of global citizens, he founded and directs the second Center for the Study of Race and Democracy on the University of Texas campus, housed at the LBJ School in the Spring of 2016. Joseph is the founder of the "Black Power Studies" subfield of American History and American Civil Rights History which encompasses interdisciplinary fields such as Africana studies and society, women’s and ethnic studies, political science. Joseph has served on the faculties of the University of Rhode Island, SUNY—Stony Brook, Brandeis University and Tufts University.
In addition to being a frequent national commentator on issues of race and civil rights, Joseph wrote the award-winning books Waiting ‘Til the Midnight Hour: A Narrative History of Black Power in America and Dark Days, Bright Nights: From Black Power to Barack Obama. “This is an extraordinary historical moment to be writing about and studying issues related to racial justice in the United States,” Joseph said. His most recent book, Stokely: A Life, has been called the definitive biography of Stokely Carmichael, the man who popularized the phrase “black power” and led the Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee, known as the SNCC. Included among Joseph’s other book credits is the editing of The Black Power Movement: Rethinking the Civil Rights-Black Power Era and Neighborhood Rebels: Black Power at the Local Level; as a national commentator, Joseph has spoken to NPR, the 2008 Democratic and Republic National Conventions, PBS’s NewsHour with Jim Lehrer and CSPAN. He has appeared on NBC's Morning Joe, the Colbert Report.
He is the recipient of fellowships from Harvard University's Charles Warren Center and the Hutchins Center at the W. E. B. Du Bois Research Institute, the Woodrow Wilson International Center for Scholars, the Ford Foundation, his essays have appeared in The Journal of American History, The Chronicle Review, The New York Times, The Washington Post, The Black Scholar and American Historical Review and he is a frequent contributor to CNN and Newsweek. Joseph was raised in New York, his mother, a Haitian immigrant to the United States, was a major influence on his current work. Because of her, Stokely Carmichael and other like leaders were household names during Joseph's upbringing. Joseph attended the State University of New York at Stony Brook, where he earned a Bachelor of Arts degree in Africana Studies and European History, he received a Ph. D. in American History from Temple University in 2000. Waiting'til the Midnight Hour: A Narrative History of Black Power in America. New York: Henry Holt and Co, 2006.
According to WorldCat, the book is held in 1530 libraries. It was reviewed in The American Historical Review, Journal of African American History Contemporary Sociology, Dark Days, Bright Nights: From Black Power to Barack Obama. New York, NY: BasicCivitas Books, 2010. According to WorldCat, held in 1120 libraries Stokely: A Life. 2014. The Black Power Movement: Rethinking the Civil Rights-Black Power Era New York: Routledge, 2006. Reviewed in Journal of American History Neighborhood Rebels: Black Power at the Local Level New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2010. Appearances on C-SPAN
Alma mater is an allegorical Latin phrase for a university, school, or college that one attended. In US usage it can mean the school from which one graduated; the phrase is variously translated as "nourishing mother", "nursing mother", or "fostering mother", suggesting that a school provides intellectual nourishment to its students. Fine arts will depict educational institutions using a robed woman as a visual metaphor. Before its current usage, alma mater was an honorific title for various Latin mother goddesses Ceres or Cybele, in Catholicism for the Virgin Mary, it entered academic usage when the University of Bologna adopted the motto Alma Mater Studiorum, which describes its heritage as the oldest operating university in the Western world. It is related to alumnus, a term used for a university graduate that means a "nursling" or "one, nourished". Although alma was a common epithet for Ceres, Cybele and other mother goddesses, it was not used in conjunction with mater in classical Latin. In the Oxford Latin Dictionary, the phrase is attributed to Lucretius' De rerum natura, where it is used as an epithet to describe an earth goddess: After the fall of Rome, the term came into Christian liturgical usage in association with the Virgin Mary.
"Alma Redemptoris Mater" is a well-known 11th century antiphon devoted to Mary. The earliest documented use of the term to refer to a university in an English-speaking country is in 1600, when the University of Cambridge printer, John Legate, began using an emblem for the university's press; the device's first-known appearance is on the title-page of William Perkins' A Golden Chain, where the Latin phrase Alma Mater Cantabrigia is inscribed on a pedestal bearing a nude, lactating woman wearing a mural crown. In English etymological reference works, the first university-related usage is cited in 1710, when an academic mother figure is mentioned in a remembrance of Henry More by Richard Ward. Many historic European universities have adopted Alma Mater as part of the Latin translation of their official name; the University of Bologna Latin name, Alma Mater Studiorum, refers to its status as the oldest continuously operating university in the world. Other European universities, such as the Alma Mater Lipsiensis in Leipzig, Germany, or Alma Mater Jagiellonica, have used the expression in conjunction with geographical or foundational characteristics.
At least one, the Alma Mater Europaea in Salzburg, Austria, an international university founded by the European Academy of Sciences and Arts in 2010, uses the term as its official name. In the United States, the College of William & Mary in Williamsburg, has been called the "Alma Mater of the Nation" because of its ties to the country's founding. At Queen's University in Kingston and the University of British Columbia in Vancouver, British Columbia, the main student government is known as the Alma Mater Society; the ancient Roman world had many statues of the Alma Mater, some still extant. Modern sculptures are found in prominent locations on several American university campuses. For example, in the United States: there is a well-known bronze statue of Alma Mater by Daniel Chester French situated on the steps of Columbia University's Low Library. An altarpiece mural in Yale University's Sterling Memorial Library, painted in 1932 by Eugene Savage, depicts the Alma Mater as a bearer of light and truth, standing in the midst of the personified arts and sciences.
Outside the United States, there is an Alma Mater sculpture on the steps of the monumental entrance to the Universidad de La Habana, in Havana, Cuba. The statue was cast in 1919 by Mario Korbel, with Feliciana Villalón Wilson as the inspiration for Alma Mater, it was installed in its current location in 1927, at the direction of architect Raul Otero. Media related to Alma mater at Wikimedia Commons The dictionary definition of alma mater at Wiktionary Alma Mater Europaea website