In political science, a revolution is a fundamental and sudden change in political power and political organization which occurs when the population revolts against the government due to perceived oppression or political incompetence. In book V of the Politics, the Ancient Greek philosopher Aristotle described two types of political revolution: Complete change from one constitution to another Modification of an existing constitution. Revolutions have occurred through human history and vary in terms of methods and motivating ideology, their results include major changes in culture and socio-political institutions in response to perceived overwhelming autocracy or plutocracy. Scholarly debates about what does not constitute a revolution center on several issues. Early studies of revolutions analyzed events in European history from a psychological perspective, but more modern examinations include global events and incorporate perspectives from several social sciences, including sociology and political science.
Several generations of scholarly thought on revolutions have generated many competing theories and contributed much to the current understanding of this complex phenomenon. Notable revolutions during centuries include the creation of the United States through the American Revolutionary War, the French Revolution, the 1848 European Revolutions, the Russian Revolution in 1917, the Chinese Revolution of the 1940s, the Cuban Revolution in 1959; the word "revolucion" is known in French from the 13th century, "revolution" in English by the late fourteenth century, with regard to the revolving motion of celestial bodies. "Revolution" in the sense of representing abrupt change in a social order is attested by at least 1450. Political usage of the term had been well established by 1688 in the description of the replacement of James II with William III; this incident was termed the "Glorious Revolution". There are many different typologies of revolutions in social literature. Alexis de Tocqueville differentiated between.
One of several different Marxist typologies divides revolutions into. Mark Katz identified six forms of revolution. Revolution by osmosis, e.g. the gradual Islamization of several countries. These categories are not mutually exclusive. Katz cross-classified revolutions as follows. Aspiring revolutions, which follow the Central revolution subordinate or puppet revolutions rival revolutions, e.g. communist Yugoslavia, China after 1969A further dimension to Katz's typology is that revolutions are either against or for. In the latter cases, a transition period is necessary to decide on the direction taken. Other types of revolution, created for other typologies, include the social revolutions; the term revolution has been used to denote great changes outside the political sphere. Such revolutions are recognized as having transformed in society, culture and technology much more than political systems; some can be global. One of the classic examples of the usage of the word revolution in such context is the Industrial Revolution, or the Commercial Revolution.
Note that such revolutions fit the "slow revolution" definition of Tocqueville. A similar example is the Digital Revolution. Most the word "revolution" is employed to denote a change in social and political institutions. Jeff Goodwin gives two definitions of a revolution. First, a broad one, including any and all instances in which a state or a political regime is overthrown and thereby transformed by a popular movement in an irregular, extraconstitutional and/or violent fashion. Second, a narrow one, in which revolutions entail not only mass mobilization and regime change, but more or less rapid and fundamental social, economic and/or cultural change, during or soon after the struggle for state power. Jack Goldstone defines a revolution as an effort to transform the political institutions and the justifications for political authority in society, accompanied by formal or informal mass
Vladimir Ilyich Ulyanov, better known by the alias Lenin, was a Russian communist revolutionary and political theorist. He served as head of government of Soviet Russia from 1917 to 1922 and of the Soviet Union from 1922 to 1924. Under his administration and the wider Soviet Union became a one-party communist state governed by the Russian Communist Party. Ideologically a communist, he developed a variant of Marxism known as Leninism. Born to a moderately prosperous middle-class family in Simbirsk, Lenin embraced revolutionary socialist politics following his brother's 1887 execution. Expelled from Kazan Imperial University for participating in protests against the Russian Empire's Tsarist government, he devoted the following years to a law degree, he became a senior Marxist activist. In 1897, he was arrested for sedition and exiled to Shushenskoye for three years, where he married Nadezhda Krupskaya. After his exile, he moved to Western Europe, where he became a prominent theorist in the Marxist Russian Social Democratic Labour Party.
In 1903, he took a key role in a RSDLP ideological split, leading the Bolshevik faction against Julius Martov's Mensheviks. Encouraging insurrection during Russia's failed Revolution of 1905, he campaigned for the First World War to be transformed into a Europe-wide proletarian revolution, which as a Marxist he believed would cause the overthrow of capitalism and its replacement with socialism. After the 1917 February Revolution ousted the Tsar and established a Provisional Government, he returned to Russia to play a leading role in the October Revolution, in which the Bolsheviks overthrew the new regime. Lenin's Bolshevik government shared power with the Left Socialist Revolutionaries, elected soviets, a multi-party Constituent Assembly, although by 1918 it had centralised power in the new Communist Party. Lenin's administration redistributed land among the peasantry and nationalised banks and large-scale industry, it withdrew from the First World War by signing a treaty with the Central Powers and promoted world revolution through the Communist International.
Opponents were suppressed in the Red Terror, a violent campaign administered by the state security services. His administration defeated right and left-wing anti-Bolshevik armies in the Russian Civil War from 1917 to 1922 and oversaw the Polish–Soviet War of 1919–1921. Responding to wartime devastation and popular uprisings, in 1921 Lenin encouraged economic growth through the market-oriented New Economic Policy. Several non-Russian nations secured independence after 1917, but three re-united with Russia through the formation of the Soviet Union in 1922. In poor health, Lenin died at his dacha in Gorki, with Joseph Stalin succeeding him as the pre-eminent figure in the Soviet government. Considered one of the most significant and influential figures of the 20th century, Lenin was the posthumous subject of a pervasive personality cult within the Soviet Union until its dissolution in 1991, he became an ideological figurehead behind Marxism–Leninism and thus a prominent influence over the international communist movement.
A controversial and divisive individual, Lenin is viewed by supporters as a champion of socialism and the working class, while critics on both the left and right emphasize his role as founder and leader of an authoritarian regime responsible for political repression and mass killings. Lenin's father, Ilya Nikolayevich Ulyanov, was from a family of serfs. Despite this lower-class background he had risen to middle-class status, studying physics and mathematics at Kazan Imperial University before teaching at the Penza Institute for the Nobility. Ilya married Maria Alexandrovna Blank in mid-1863. Well educated and from a prosperous background, she was the daughter of a wealthy German–Swedish Lutheran mother, a Russian Jewish father who had converted to Christianity and worked as a physician, it is that Lenin was unaware of his mother's half-Jewish ancestry, only discovered by his sister Anna after his death. Soon after their wedding, Ilya obtained a job in Nizhny Novgorod, rising to become Director of Primary Schools in the Simbirsk district six years later.
Five years after that, he was promoted to Director of Public Schools for the province, overseeing the foundation of over 450 schools as a part of the government's plans for modernisation. His dedication to education earned him the Order of St. Vladimir, which bestowed on him the status of hereditary nobleman. Lenin was baptised six days later, he was one of eight children, having two older siblings and Alexander. They were followed by three more children, Olga and Maria. Two siblings died in infancy. Ilya was a devout member of the Russian Orthodox Church and baptised his children into it, although Maria—a Lutheran by upbringing—was indifferent to Christianity, a view that influenced her children. Both parents were monarchists and liberal conservatives, being committed to the emancipation reform of 1861 introduced by the reformist Tsar Alexander II; every summer they holidayed at a rural manor in Kokushkino. Among his siblings, Lenin was closest to his sister Olga, whom he bossed around.
A paramilitary is a semi-militarized force whose organizational structure, training and function are similar to those of a professional military, but, formally not part of a government's armed forces. Under the law of war, a state may incorporate a paramilitary organization or armed agency into its combatant armed forces; the other parties to a conflict have to be notified thereof. Though a paramilitary is not a military force, it is equivalent to a military's light infantry force in terms of intensity and organizational structure. A paramilitary may commonly fall under the command of a military despite not being part of the military or play an assisting role for the military in times of war. Depending on the definition adopted, "paramilitaries" may include: Irregular military forces: militias, insurgents, etc; the auxiliary forces of a state's military: national guard, presidential guard, republican guard, state defense force, home guard, royal guard, imperial guard Some police forces or auxiliary police: Indonesia's Mobile Brigade Corps, Detachment 88, India's Assam Rifles, Central Reserve Police Force, Border Security Force, etc.
Semi-militarized law enforcement personnel within normal police forces, such as SWAT teams in the United States and a number of other countries Gendarmeries, such as Egyptian Central Security Forces and Russia's National Guard Border guards, such as Russia's Border Guard Service, Australian Border Force, India's Border Security Force The United States' Federal Protective Forces Security forces of ambiguous military status: internal troops, railroad guards, or railway troops Volunteer Defence Corps, such as Volunteer Defence Corps in Thailand, Volunteer Defence Corps in Australia, Shanghai Volunteer Corps, Royal Hong Kong Regiment The fire departments of many countries and locales, although unarmed, are organized in a manner similar to military or police forces. List of paramilitary organizations List of defunct paramilitary organizations Category:Rebel militia groups Weimar paramilitary groups List of Serbian paramilitary formations Militarization of police Panamanian Public Forces Fourth-generation warfare Private army Private Military Companies Death squad Violent non-state actor List of countries by number of military and paramilitary personnel Golkar, Saeid.
Paramilitarization of the Economy: the Case of Iran's Basij Militia, Armed Forces & Society, Vol. 38, No. 4 Golkar, Saeid.. Organization of the Oppressed or Organization for Oppressing: Analysing the Role of the Basij Militia of Iran. Politics, Religion & Ideology, Dec. 37–41. Doi:10.1080/21567689.2012.725661 Mexico's Plan to Create a Paramilitary Force Global Security
Enver Halil Hoxha was an Albanian communist politician who served as the head of state of Albania from 1944 until his death in 1985, as the First Secretary of the Party of Labour of Albania. He was chairman of the Democratic Front of Albania and commander-in-chief of the armed forces from 1944 until his death, he served as the 22nd Prime Minister of Albania from 1944 to 1954 and at various times served as foreign minister and defence minister as well. Born in Gjirokastër in 1908, Hoxha became a teacher in grammar school in 1936. Following Italy's invasion of Albania, he entered into the Party of Labour of Albania at its creation in 1941. Hoxha was elected First Secretary in March 1943 at the age of 34; the Yugoslav Partisans assisted the Albanians. Less than two years after the liberation of the country, the monarchy was abolished, King Zog was deposed and Hoxha rose to power as the head of state of Albania. During his 40-year-rule, he focused on rebuilding the country, left in ruins after World War II, building Albania's first railway line, raising the adult literacy rate from 5% to 98%, wiping out epidemics, electrifying the country and leading Albania towards becoming agriculturally self-sufficient.
However, detractors criticize him for a series of political repressions which included the establishment and use of forced labor camps, extrajudicial killings and executions that targeted and eliminated anti-communists, a large number of, carried out by the Sigurimi secret police. Hoxha's government was characterized by his proclaimed firm adherence to anti-revisionist Marxism–Leninism from the mid-1970s onwards. After his break with Maoism in the 1976–1978 period, numerous Maoist parties around the world declared themselves Hoxhaist; the International Conference of Marxist–Leninist Parties and Organizations is the best-known association of these parties today. Hoxha was born in Gjirokastër, a city in southern Albania, the son of Halil Hoxha, a Muslim Tosk cloth merchant who travelled across Europe and the United States, Gjylihan Hoxha née Çuçi; the Hoxha family was attached to the Bektashi Order. After the maktab, he followed his studies in the city senior high school "Liria", he started his studies at the Gjirokastër Lyceum in 1923.
After the lyceum was closed, thanks to the intervention of Eqrem Libohova Hoxha was awarded a state scholarship for the continuation of his studies in Korçë, at the French language Albanian National Lyceum until 1930. In 1930, Hoxha went to study at the University of Montpellier in France on a state scholarship for the faculty of natural science, he never took an exam staying four years in Montpellier, against the Albanian laws of the time. He never returned the scholarship, he went to Paris, where he presented himself to anti-Zogist immigrants as the brother-in-law of Bahri Omari. In the years 1935 to 1936, he was employed as a secretary at the Albanian consulate in Brussels. After returning to Albania, he worked as a contract teacher in the Gymnasium of Tirana. Hoxha taught morals in the Korça Liceum from 1937 to 1939 and served as the caretaker of the school library. On 7 April 1939, Albania was invaded by Fascist Italy; the Italians established the Albanian Kingdom, under Shefqet Vërlaci. Hoxha was indifferent regarding the invasion.
In the summer of 1939 he went to Italy on vacation. At the end of 1939, he was transferred to the Gjirokastra Gymnasium, he was helped by his best friend, Esat Dishnica, who introduced Hoxha to Dishnica's cousin Ibrahim Biçakçiu. Hoxha started to sleep in Biçakçiu's tobacco factory "Flora", after a while Dishnica opened a shop with the same name, where Hoxha started to work, he was a sympathizer of Korça's Communist Group. On 8 November 1941, the Communist Party of Albania was founded. Hoxha was chosen from the "Korca group" as a Muslim representative by the two Yugoslav envoys as one of the seven members of the provisional Central Committee; the First Consultative Meeting of Activists of the Communist Party of Albania was held in Tirana from April 8 to 11, 1942, with Hoxha himself delivering the main report on 8 April 1942. In July 1942, Hoxha wrote "Call to the Albanian Peasantry", issued in the name of the Communist Party of Albania; the call sought to enlist support in Albania for the war against the fascists.
The peasants were encouraged to hoard their grain and refuse to pay taxes or livestock levies brought by the government. After the September 1942 Conference at Pezë, the National Liberation Movement was founded with the purpose of uniting the anti-fascist Albanians, regardless of ideology or class. By March 1943, the first National Conference of the Communist Party elected Hoxha formally as First Secretary. During World War II, the Soviet Union's role in Albania was negligible. On 10 July 1943, the Albanian partisans were organised in regular units of companies and brigades and named the Albanian National Liberation Army; the organization received military support from the British intelligence service, SOE. The General Headquarters was created, with Spiro Moisiu as the commander and Hoxha as political commissar; the Yugoslav Partisans had a much more practical role, helping to plan attacks and exchanging supplies, but communication between them and the Albanians was limited and letters would arrive late, sometimes well after a plan had been agreed upon by the National Liberation Army without consultation from the Yugoslav partisans.
Within Albania, repeated attempts were made during the war to remedy the communications dif
Marxism is a theory and method of working class self-emancipation. As a theory, it relies on a method of socioeconomic analysis that views class relations and social conflict using a materialist interpretation of historical development and takes a dialectical view of social transformation, it originates from the works of 19th-century German philosophers Friedrich Engels. Marxism uses a methodology, now known as historical materialism, to analyze and critique the development of class society and of capitalism as well as the role of class struggles in systemic economic and political change. According to Marxist theory, in capitalist societies, class conflict arises due to contradictions between the material interests of the oppressed and exploited proletariat—a class of wage labourers employed to produce goods and services—and the bourgeoisie—the ruling class that owns the means of production and extracts its wealth through appropriation of the surplus product produced by the proletariat in the form of profit.
This class struggle, expressed as the revolt of a society's productive forces against its relations of production, results in a period of short-term crises as the bourgeoisie struggle to manage the intensifying alienation of labor experienced by the proletariat, albeit with varying degrees of class consciousness. In periods of deep crisis, the resistance of the oppressed can culminate in a proletarian revolution which, if victorious, leads to the establishment of socialism—a socioeconomic system based on social ownership of the means of production, distribution based on one's contribution and production organized directly for use; as the productive forces continued to advance, Marx hypothesized that socialism would be transformed into a communist society: a classless, humane society based on common ownership and the underlying principle: "From each according to his ability, to each according to his needs". Marxism has developed into many different branches and schools of thought, with the result that there is now no single definitive Marxist theory.
Different Marxian schools place a greater emphasis on certain aspects of classical Marxism while rejecting or modifying other aspects. Many schools of thought have sought to combine Marxian concepts and non-Marxian concepts, which has led to contradicting conclusions; however there is movement toward the recognition that historical materialism and dialectical materialism remains the fundamental aspect of all Marxist schools of thought. Marxism has had a profound impact on global academia and has influenced many fields such as archaeology, media studies, political science, history, art history and theory, cultural studies, economics, criminology, literary criticism, film theory, critical psychology and philosophy; the term "Marxism" was popularized by Karl Kautsky, who considered himself an "orthodox" Marxist during the dispute between the orthodox and revisionist followers of Marx. Kautsky's revisionist rival Eduard Bernstein later adopted use of the term. Engels did not support the use of the term "Marxism" to describe either his views.
Engels claimed that the term was being abusively used as a rhetorical qualifier by those attempting to cast themselves as "real" followers of Marx while casting others in different terms, such as "Lassallians". In 1882, Engels claimed that Marx had criticized self-proclaimed "Marxist" Paul Lafargue, by saying that if Lafargue's views were considered "Marxist" "one thing is certain and, that I am not a Marxist". Marxism analyzes the material conditions and the economic activities required to fulfill human material needs to explain social phenomena within any given society, it assumes that the form of economic organization, or mode of production, influences all other social phenomena—including wider social relations, political institutions, legal systems, cultural systems and ideologies. The economic system and these social relations form a superstructure; as forces of production, i.e. technology, existing forms of organizing production become obsolete and hinder further progress. As Karl Marx observed: "At a certain stage of development, the material productive forces of society come into conflict with the existing relations of production or—this expresses the same thing in legal terms—with the property relations within the framework of which they have operated hitherto.
From forms of development of the productive forces these relations turn into their fetters. Begins an era of social revolution"; these inefficiencies manifest themselves as social contradictions in society which are, in turn, fought out at the level of the class struggle. Under the capitalist mode of production, this struggle materializes between the minority who own the means of production and the vast majority of the population who produce goods and services. Starting with the conjectural premise that social change occurs because of the struggle between different classes within society who are under contradiction against each other, a Marxist would conclude that capitalism exploits and oppresses the proletariat, therefore capitalism will lead to a proletarian revolution. Marxian economics and its proponents view capitalism as economically unsustainable and incapable of improving the living standards of the population due to its need to compensate for falling rates of profit by cutting employee's wages, social benefits and pursuing military aggression.
The socialist system would succeed capitalism as humanity's mode of production through workers' revolution. According to Marxian crisis theory, socialism is not an economic necessity. In a sociali
Manuel Rubén Abimael Guzmán Reynoso known by the nom de guerre Chairman Gonzalo, is the former leader of the Shining Path during the Maoist insurgency known as the internal conflict in Peru. He was captured by the Peruvian government in 1992 and sentenced to life imprisonment for terrorism and treason. In the 1960s and 1970s Guzmán was a professor of philosophy active in left-wing politics and influenced by Marxism and Maoism, he developed an ideology of armed struggle stressing the empowerment of the indigenous people. He went underground in the mid 1970s to become the leader of the Shining Path movement, which began what it called "the armed struggle" on 17 May 1980; the Shining Path organization, under its leadership, was characterized for its violence against peasants, trade union organizers, elected officials, which were deemed by the group to be collaborating with the Peruvian state. It's recognized by the U. S. Department of State as "Designated Foreign Terrorist Organization"; the European Union and the Peruvian Government describe Shining Path as a terrorist group.
Guzmán was born in the village of Tambo near Mollendo, a port town in the province of Islay, in the region of Arequipa, about 1,000 km south of Lima. He was the illegitimate son of a well-off merchant, the winner of the national lottery who had six children by three different women. Guzmán's mother, Berenice Reynoso, died. From 1939 to 1946 Guzmán lived with his mother's family. After 1947 he lived with his father and his father's wife in the city of Arequipa, where he studied at Colegio De La Salle, a private Catholic secondary school. At the age of 19 he became a student at the Social Studies department of San Agustín National University, in Arequipa, his classmates at the university described him as shy, disciplined and ascetic. Attracted by Marxism, his political thinking was influenced by the book Seven Essays on the Interpretation of the Peruvian Reality of José Carlos Mariátegui, the founder of the Communist Party of Peru. At Arequipa, Guzmán completed bachelor's degrees in law, his dissertations were entitled The Kantian Theory of The Bourgeois Democratic State.
In 1962, Guzmán was recruited as a professor of philosophy by the rector of San Cristóbal of Huamanga University in Ayacucho, a city in the central Peruvian Andes. The rector was Dr. Efraín Morote Best, an anthropologist who some believe became the true intellectual leader of the "Shining Path movement." Encouraged by Morote, Guzmán studied Quechua, the language spoken by Peru's indigenous population, became active in left-wing political circles. He attracted several like-minded young academics committed to bringing about revolution in Peru. Guzmán was arrested twice during the 1970s because of his participation in violent riots in the city of Arequipa against the government of presidents Velasco Alvarado and Belaunde Terry, he visited the People's Republic of China with his wife Augusta La Torre for the first time in 1965. After serving as the head of personnel for San Cristóbal of Huamanga University, Guzmán left the institution in the mid-1970s and went underground. In the 1960s, the Peruvian Communist Party had splintered over personal disputes.
Guzmán, who had taken a pro-Chinese rather than pro-Soviet line, emerged as the leader of the faction which came to be known as the "Shining Path". Guzmán adopted the nom de guerre Presidente or Comrade Gonzalo and began advocating a peasant-led revolution on the Maoist model, his followers declared Guzmán, who cultivated anonymity, to be the "Fourth Sword of Communism". In his political declarations, Guzmán praised Mao's development of Lenin's thesis regarding "the role of imperialism" in propping up the "bourgeois capitalist system", he claimed that imperialism "creates disruption and is unsuccessful, it will end up in ruins in the next 50 to 100 years". Guzmán applied this criticism not only to U. S. imperialism, but Soviet imperialism, to what he termed as "social-imperialism". In February 1964 he married Augusta la Torre, instrumental in founding Sendero Illuminoso, who died under unclear circumstances in 1988, it has been rumored that she was murdered by Elena Iparraguirre, Guzmán's lover, with his complicity.
Both have refused to talk about La Torre's fate since their imprisonment. In the fall of 2006, while in prison, Guzmán proposed to Iparraguirre, one of his long-time lieutenants, serving a life sentence in a separate prison. After fighting for the permission to marry with a hunger strike, the couple wed in late August 2010. About his religion, Guzmán has always been an atheist, he agreed with Karl Marx about religion as the "opium of the people", viewed it as a "social phenomena product of the exploitation and that will extinguish while exploitation finishes to be swept and a new society arise". However, he pleaded respect for religious diversity and claimed religion would not be an obstacle for the armed struggle; the Shining Path movement was at first confined to academic circles in Peruvian universities. In the late 1970s, the movement developed into a guerrilla group centered around Ayacucho. In May 1980, the group launched its war against the government of Peru by burning the ballot boxes in Chuschi, a village near Ayacucho, in an effort to disrupt the first democratic elections in the country since 1964.
Shining Path grew to control vast rural territories in central and southern Peru and achieved a presence in the outskirts of Lima, w
Anti-revisionism is a position within Marxism–Leninism which emerged in the 1950s in opposition to the reforms of Soviet leader Nikita Khrushchev. Where Khrushchev pursued an interpretation of Leninism that differed from his predecessor Joseph Stalin, the anti-revisionists within the international communist movement remained dedicated to Stalin's ideological legacy and criticized the Soviet Union under Khrushchev and his successors as state capitalist and social imperialist due to its hopes of achieving peace with the United States; the term "Stalinism" is used to describe these positions, but it is not used by its supporters who opine that Stalin synthesized and practiced Leninism. Marxism–Leninism is a political ideology based on the theories of Karl Marx, Friedrich Engels and Vladimir Lenin, it holds that capitalism divides society into two classes – the bourgeoisie or property-owning class, the proletariat or labouring class. On top of this, it claims the proletariat is divided into a labour aristocracy of powerful imperialist nations, granted some economic and political power, the superexploited colonial or neo-colonial proletariat.
Marxist–Leninists advocate the most class conscious members of the proletariat form vanguard parties based around the principle of democratic centralism which will lead revolutionary movements towards the creation of single-party states which will progress to socialism and global communism. Anti-revisionism is a position within Marxism–Leninism based on its interpretation by Joseph Stalin called Stalinism. Stalin advocated strict totalitarian rule by vanguard parties and fast-paced economic transformation in the short-term, violent confrontation with capitalist powers; the emergence of the Khrushchevist interpretation lead to a reaction from pro-Stalin Marxist–Leninists, who formed the anti-revisionist movement. Anti-revisionists rejected the Soviet Union's leadership of the Marxist–Leninist movement, believing it had become state capitalist and social imperialist. Despite this, the lines between the two camps in Marxism–Leninism were blurry; the Korean Workers' Party, for instance, was pro-Soviet, but defended Stalin's legacy and was engaged in violent struggle against the capitalist South Korea and its American backers.
Due to this, the global anti-revisionist movement tended to support it and continues to do so to this day despite its ideological departure from Marxism–Leninism. The Cuban Communist Party and Vietnamese Communist Party received critical support from many anti-revisionists despite being pro-Soviet, due to their violent struggles against the US; the Cuban Communists provided material support to the American anti-revisionist Black Panther Party. The Chinese Communist Party is anti-revisionist; the term "Dengism" is used to describe this perceived revisionist tendency in Marxism–Leninism, despite official claims that it is an adaptation of Marxism–Leninism to contemporary Chinese material conditions, rather than a revision. Despite agreeing that he had a revisionist turn in his life, most contemporary anti-revisionists hold particular interest in the theories of Chinese leader Mao Zedong. Mao, amongst other things, claimed that socialist movements in the neo-colonial world could temporarily ally with the nationalist movements of the local petite bourgeoisie, that the implementation of a "mass line" policy will prevent a vanguard from becoming revisionist.
Departing from anti-revisionist Marxism–Leninism, many today instead believe in a separate ideology known as Marxism–Leninism–Maoism, which views the early theories of Mao as a higher stage of Leninist ideology, just as Leninism is a higher stage of Marxism. Among both Marxist–Leninist–Maoists and anti-revisionist Marxist–Leninists with a tendency towards Mao's theories exists the Maoist tendency which claims the labour aristocracy has no immediate revolutionary potential, may claim it experiences no exploitation at all. Self-proclaimed anti-revisionists oppose the reforms initiated in Communist countries by leaders like Nikita Khrushchev in the Soviet Union and Deng Xiaoping in China, they refer to such reforms and states as state capitalist and social imperialist. They reject Trotskyism and its "Permanent Revolution" as "hypocritical" by arguing that Leon Trotsky had at one time thought it acceptable that socialism could work in a single country as long as that country was industrialized, but that Trotsky had considered Russia too backward to achieve such industrialization – what it in fact did achieve through his archenemy Joseph Stalin's Five Year Plans.
In their own right, anti-revisionists acknowledge that the Soviet Union contained a "new class" or "'red' bourgeoisie", but they place the blame for the formation of that class on Khrushchev and his successors, not on Stalin. Therefore, in anti-revisionist circles, there is little talk of class conflict in the Soviet Union before 1956, except when talking about specific contexts such as the Russian Civil War and World War II. During the Sino-Soviet split, the governments of the People's Republic of China under Mao Zedong and the People's Republic of Albania under Enver Hoxha proclaimed themselves to be taking an anti-revisionist line and denounced Khrushchev's policies in the Soviet Union. In the United Sta