Julio Argentino Roca
Alejo Julio Argentino Roca Paz was an army general who served as 8th President of Argentina from 12 October 1880 to 12 October 1886 and 13th from 12 October 1898 to 12 October 1904. Roca is the most important representatives of the Generation of'80 and is known for directing the "Conquest of the Desert", a series of military campaigns against the indigenous peoples of Patagonia. During his two terms as president, many important changes occurred major infrastructure projects of railroads and port facilities. Roca's main foreign policy concern was to set the limits with Chile, which had never been determined with precision. Roca took advantage of the fact that year of 1881, Chile was fighting the War of the Pacific against Bolivia and Peru, so for Chile it was strategically important not to have a second military front. Argentina gained territory by treaty with Chile. Roca was born in the northwestern city of San Miguel de Tucumán in 1843 into a prominent local family, he graduated from the National College in Entre Ríos.
Before he was 15, Roca joined the army of the Argentine Confederation, on 19 March 1858. While still an adolescent, he went to fight as a junior artillery officer in the struggle between Buenos Aires and the interior provinces, first on the side of the provinces and on behalf of the capital, he fought in the War of the Triple Alliance against Paraguay between 1865 and 1870. Roca rose to the rank of colonel serving in the war to suppress the revolt of Ricardo López Jordán in Entre Ríos. President Nicolás Avellaneda promoted him to General after his victory over rebel general José M. Arredondo in the battle of Santa Rosa, leading the loyalist forces. Roca saw the army "as an agent of national unification," and his experience in the army "broadened his understanding of Argentina and the provincial upper class." In 1878, during Avellaneda's presidency, he became Minister of War and it was his task to prepare a campaign that would bring an end to the "frontier problem" after the failure of the plan of Adolfo Alsina.
A number of indigenous groups defended their traditional territories and assaulted non-indigenous frontier settlements, taking horses and cattle, capturing women and children, who were enslaved or offered as brides to the warriors. Roca's approach to dealing with the Indian communities of the Pampas, was different from Alsina's, who had ordered the construction of a ditch and a defensive line of small fortresses across the Province of Buenos Aires. Roca saw no way to end native attacks but by putting under effective government control all land up to the Río Negro in a campaign that would "extinguish, subdue or expel" the Indians who lived there. "He began the campaign against the Ranqueles", which resulted in the "transfer of 35% of national territory from the Indians to local caudillos. This land conquest would strengthen Argentina's strategic position against Chile, he devised a "tentacle" move, with waves of 6,000 men cavalry units stemming coordinately from Mendoza, Córdoba, Santa Fé and Buenos Aires in July 1878 and April 1879 with an official toll of nearly 1,313 Native Americans killed and 15,000 taken as prisoners, is credited with the liberation of several hundred European hostages.
In mid-1879, after the death of Alsina, the most prestigious leader of the National Autonomous Party was General Roca, proposed as a candidate by Cordoba's governor Miguel Celman, in Buenos Aires by the doctor Eduardo Wilde. The April 11 elections for president, which came a sweeping victory for the voters of Roca, except in Buenos Aires and Corrientes. On June 13 the Electoral College met and elected President General Roca and Vice President Francisco Bernabé Madero, but in Buenos Aires it was brewing a revolution against the triumph of Roca. Four days the fighting began, which ended on June 25 with an agreement between the province and the nation. Shortly before the presidential inauguration Roca was passed in Congress federalization of Buenos Aires. Under his mandate the so-called "laicist laws" were passed, which nationalized a series of functions that were under the control of the Church, he created the so-called Registro Civil, an index of all births and marriages. President Roca made primary education free of charge by nationalizing education institutions run by the Church.
This led to a break in relations with the Vatican. Roca presided over an era of rapid economic development fueled by large scale European immigration, railway construction, booming agricultural exports. In May 1886 Roca was the subject of a failed assassination attempt. Roca himself had put forward Juárez Celman as his successor, his brother-in-law. However, Celman distanced himself from Roca. Celman's government was tarnished by the Baring crisis and corruption allegations. Roca did not participate in the 1890 revolution attempt against Celman, instigated by Leandro N. Alem and Bartolomé Mitre. However, he was pleased in the resulting weakness of Miguel Juárez Celman. After his first presidency Roca remained important politically, becoming a senator and Minister of the Interior under Carlos Pellegrini. After President Luis Sáenz Peña resigned in January 1895, José Evaristo Uriburu took over the presidenc
General Confederation of Labour (Argentina)
The General Confederation of Labor of the Argentine Republic is a national trade union federation in Argentina founded on September 27, 1930, as the result of the merger of the USA and the COA trade unions. Nearly one out of five employed - and two out of three unionized workers in Argentina - belong to the CGT, one of the largest labor federations in the world; the CGT was founded on September 27, 1930, the result of an agreement between the Socialist Confederación Obrera Argentina and the Revolutionary Syndicalist Unión Sindical Argentina, which had succeeded to the FORA IX. The COA, which included the two unions covering rail transport in Argentina, was the larger of the two with 100,000 members. During the Infamous Decade of the 1930s and subsequent industrial development, the CGT began to form itself as a strong union, competing with the anarchist FORA V. Centered around the railroad industry, the CGT was headed in the 1930s by Luis Cerruti and José Domenech; the CGT became the Argentine affiliate of the International Federation of Trade Unions.
The CGT split in 1935 over a conflict between Socialists and Revolutionary Syndicalists, leading to the creation of the CGT-Independencia and the CGT-Catamarca. The latter reestablished the Unión Sindical Argentina in 1937; the CGT again split in 1942, creating the CGT n°1, headed by the Socialist railroader José Domenech and opposed to Communism. After the coup d'état of 1943, its leaders embraced the pro-working class policies of the Labour Minister, Col. Juan Perón; the CGT was again unified, due to the incorporation of many unionists who were members of the CGT n°2, dissolved in 1943 by the military government. When Perón was separated from the government and confined on Martín García Island, the CGT called for a major popular demonstration at the Plaza de Mayo, on October 17, 1945, succeeding in releasing Perón from prison and in the call for elections. Founding on the same day the Labour Party, the CGT was one of the main support of Perón during the February 1946 elections; the Labor Party merged into the Peronist Party in 1947, the CGT became one of the strongest arms of the Peronist Movement, as well as the only trade union recognized by Perón's government.
Two CGT delegates, the Socialist Ángel Borlenghi and Juan Atilio Bramuglia were nominated Minister of Interior and Minister of Foreign Affairs, respectively. Colonel Domingo Mercante, the military officer with the closest ties to labor, was elected Governor of Buenos Aires; the number of unionized workers grew markedly during the Perón years, from 520,000 to over 2.5 million. His administration enacted or extended numerous landmark social reforms supported by the CGT, including: minimum wages. After the Revolución Libertadora military coup in 1955, which ousted Perón and outlawed Peronism, the CGT was banned from politics and its leadership replaced with government appointees. In response, the CGT began a destabilization campaign to end Perón's proscription and to obtain his return from exile. Amid ongoing strikes over both declining real wages and political repression, AOT textile workers' leader Andrés Framini and President Arturo Frondizi negotiated an end to six years of forced government receivership over the CGT in 1961.
This concession, as well as the lifting of the Peronists' electoral ban in 1962, led to Frondizi's overthrow, however. During the 1960s, the leaders of the CGT attempted to create a "Peronism without Perón" - that is, a form of Peronism that retained the populist ideals set forth by Juan Perón, but rejected the personality cult that had developed around him in the 1940s and 1950s; the chief exponents of this strategy were the Unión Popular, founded by former Foreign Minister Juan Atilio Bramuglia, UOM steelworkers' leader Augusto Vandor, who endorsed the CGT's active participation in elections against Perón's wishes and became the key figure in this latter movement. Vandor and Perón both supported President Arturo Illia's overthrow in 1966, but failed to reach an agreement with dictator Juan Carlos Onganía afterward. While membership in CGT unions remained well below their peak before Perón's 1955 overthrow, they enjoyed unprecedented resources during the 1960s; the CGT diversified their assets through investment
Rise of the Argentine Republic
The rise of the Argentine Republic was a process that took place in the first half of the 19th century in South America. The Republic has its origins in the Viceroyalty of the Río de la Plata, a colony of the Spanish Empire; the King of Spain appointed a viceroy to oversee the governance of the colony. The 1810 May Revolution deposed the viceregal representative and, along with the Argentine war of independence, started a process to replace the foreign monarchy with an indigenous republican state. All proposals to organize a local monarchy failed, no local monarch was crowned; the national organization saw disputed about the type of relation that Buenos Aires should maintain with the other provinces, either as a centralised government or as a federation. The supporters of each project would wage the Argentine Civil Wars as the Federals; some provinces of the former viceroyalty tried to secede, some of them remained as independent countries up to modern day and others would rejoin Argentina. Two unitarian constitutions were promulgated and rejected.
The first political event that shaped the future country of Argentina was the creation of the Viceroyalty of the Río de la Plata. So far, the territories in it were neglected provinces of the Viceroyalty of Peru: as the La Plata Basin did not have any precious metals or organized indigenous populations to exploit, all ships commerced with Peru and Mexico instead; the Viceroyalty sought to complement the existing trade routes with new ones, entering South America though the Río de la Plata. The new system would not work as expected, as Spain soon diverted most of its resources to the Napoleonic wars. Trade with the Americas was lowered, when Britain got a clear naval supremacy with the battle of Trafalgar, it ended; the American and French Revolutions gave room to the Age of Enlightenment, a new era of ideas that rejected the absolute monarchies and favored liberalism instead. Spain sought to prevent the expansion of the new ideas across its territories, but many criollos came into contact with them during their university studies, either at the University of Chuquisaca or at Spain itself.
Both in Spain and the Americas, people longed for a new type of government, such as a Constitutional monarchy. The ill-fated British invasions of the Río de la Plata set a precedent in weakening the monarchic authority; the viceroy Rafael de Sobremonte fled to Córdoba during the conflict, but could not return to Buenos Aires after the liberation: an open cabildo gave Santiago de Liniers the military authority over the city, while it prepared for a British counter-attack, ordered Sobremonte to stay out. Liniers would be appointed viceroy and this appointment would be confirmed by the Spanish king afterwards; this was the first time that the viceroy was deposed by local institutions, not by the Spanish king himself. The 1808 Peninsular War was trigered by an event of huge political weight: the king of Spain, Ferdinand VII, was captured and imprisoned by the French armies of Napoleon; the Supreme Central and Governing Junta of the Kingdom claimed sovereignty, waged the war against the French. The viceroyalty was divided in political factions with different political opinions about the legitimacy of the Junta.
Conservatives thought that, in political terms, the Junta should be acknowledged as the king would be, the remainder of the political organization of the Spanish Empire should stay unchanged. A group influenced by the French ideas thought instead that the Junta lacked the king's authority, each province should be free to appoint their own government Junta; the first one to take this ideas into action was Francisco Javier de Elío, governor of the Banda Oriental, with an enmity with viceroy Liniers. Elío appointed himself as the head of a Junta in Montevideo. However, he did not declare the independence of the Banda Oriental, nor rejected Liniers' authority, he was allied with Martín de Álzaga in Buenos Aires. His project was to replace Liniers with a Junta, ruling nominally in the name of Ferdinand VII, declare independence once Spain was invaded by the French forces; the mutiny, was defeated by military bodies supporting Liniers, who stayed in power. The failed mutiny increased the power of criollos in the society: the peninsular military bodies, who supported the mutiny, were disbanded, the only remaining ones were those of criollos.
Carlota Joaquina, sister of Ferdinand VII, was the wife of the Portuguese prince regent. As she avoided the capture of the Spanish royal family, she attempted to take charge of the Spanish viceroyalties as regent; this political project, known as Carlotism, was begun in hopes of preventing a French invasion of the Americas. A small secret society of criollos, composed of politicians such as Manuel Belgrano and Juan José Castelli, military as Antonio Beruti and Hipólito Vieytes, supported this project, they considered it an opportunity to get a local government instead of a European one, or a step towards a potential declaration of independence. The project was resisted by Viceroy Liniers, most peninsulars, some criollos, including Mariano Moreno, Juan José Paso, Cornelio Saavedra, they suspected. The supporters of Carlota Joaquina intended her to head a constitutional monarchy, whereas she wa
French blockade of the Río de la Plata
The French blockade of the Río de la Plata was a two-year-long naval blockade imposed by France on the Argentine Confederation ruled by Juan Manuel de Rosas. It closed Buenos Aires to naval commerce, it was imposed in 1838 to support the Peru–Bolivian Confederation in the War of the Confederation, but continued after the end of the war. France didn't land ground forces, but instead took advantage of the Uruguayan Civil War and the Argentine Civil Wars, supporting Fructuoso Rivera and Juan Lavalle against Manuel Oribe and Rosas. After two years without the expected results, France signed the Mackau-Arana treaty with the Argentine Confederation, ending the hostilities; the Supreme Protector of the Confederation Andrés de Santa Cruz supported free trade with Europeans, as well as the Unitarians, whereas Rosas was leader of the Federales. Rosas would declare war against the Confederation for harboring Unitarian leaders, however, it did not develop favorably for Argentina, the French consul Aimé Roger moved to Buenos Aires to request the capitulation of Argentina.
He demanded. Those were César Hipólito Bacle, who had sold Argentine cartography to Bolivia, Pedro Lavié, who had stolen from a regiment in Dolores, it was demanded that another pair were exempted from military service, that France received the condition of "most favoured nation". This designation would provide commercial privileges, similar to those granted by Bernardino Rivadavia to Britain. Although the requests were light, Rosas considered that they would only provide precedent for further French interference in the internal affairs of Argentina, refused to comply; as a result, France started a naval blockade over Buenos Aires. The French admiral Louis François Jean Leblanc started it on March 28, 1838. Rosas took advantage of the British interests in the zone; the minister Manuel Moreno pointed to the Foreign Office that the commerce between Argentina and Britain was being harmed by the French blockade, that it would be a mistake for Britain to support it. France underestimated the chance of having such problems with its European ally, counting on that the blockade would be short and Rosas would be forced to leave the government in a short time.
They judged that the people would seize the opportunity to stand against Rosas, but underestimated his popularity. With the nation being threatened by both two European powers and two neighbour countries allied with them, the patriotic loyalty increased to the point that some notable Unitarians who had fled to Montevideo returned to the country to offer their military help, such as Soler and Espinosa. José de San Martín, living in France, wrote a letter to Rosas giving him his full support. San Martín repudiated the Unitarians that allied themselves with a foreign country against their own nation, saying that "such felony, not the tomb can make it disappear", he offered his service to Rosas in the war, who declined it because San Martín was more than sixty years old. Things became more complicated for France as time passed: Andrés Santa Cruz was weakening, the strategy employed by Moreno was bearing fruit, the French themselves started to doubt about keeping a conflict that they had counted to be quite short.
More, Britain would not allow the French to deploy troops, as they did not want a European competitor gaining territorial strength in the zone. Domingo Cullen, governor of Santa Fe replacing the ill López, considered that Rosas had nationalized a conflict that involved just Buenos Aires, proposed the French to secede Santa Fe, Córdoba, Entre Ríos and Corrientes, making a new country that would obey them, if the naval blockade was spared to this new country. To complete the pincer movement, France would need another army attacking Rosas from the east. For this purpose France aided Fructuoso Rivera against the Uruguayan president Manuel Oribe, forced to resign. Oribe escaped to Buenos Aires, Rosas received him as the legitimate president of Uruguay, denying such recognition to Rivera. France took control of the strategic island Martín García; the alliance between Cullen and Rivera did not take place, as Juan Pablo López, brother of Estanislao López, defeated Cullen and drove him away from the province.
Cullen escaped to Córdoba and to Santiago del Estero, but the governor Felipe Ibarra wanted to stay with good relations with Rosas, so he captured Cullen for him. In the north, Andrés Santa Cruz was defeated by the Chilean army at the Battle of Yungay, the Peru–Bolivian Confederation ceased to exist. Now Rosas was free to focus all his attention towards Rivera. Rivera was urged by France to take military action against Rosas, but he was reluclant to do so, considering that the French underestimated his strength more after Santa Cruz's defeat. In paper, Rivera was supposed to cross the Parana with 600 men, Entre Ríos would join the resistance against Rosas and the army would grow to 6.000 men, the same would happen in Santa Fe and the size of the army would be duplicated, it would attack Buenos Aires with support of the French navy, whose population would revolt against Rosas. The French and Unitarians believed in this scenario, but Rivera was aware that the popular support to Rosas was genuine, so sending a small army to Buenos Aires would be doomed to failure.
As Rivera did not take action, they elected Juan Lavalle to lead the attack, who shared the unitariam optimism on the fate of a small army. He requested not to share command with Rivera, as a result they led both their own armies, his imminent attack was backed up by conspiracies in Buenos Aires, led by former members of the May Association. The most notable member of the conspiration was Ramón Maza, son of the former
Bernardino de la Trinidad González Rivadavia y Rivadavia was the first President of Argentina called the United Provinces of Rio de la Plata, from February 8, 1826 to June 27, 1827. He was left without finishing his studies. During the British Invasions he served as Third Lieutenant of the Galicia Volunteers, he participated in the open Cabildo on May 1810 voting for the deposition of the viceroy. He had a strong influence on the First Triumvirate and shortly after he served as Minister of Government and Foreign Affairs of the Province of Buenos Aires. Although there was a General Congress intended to draft a constitution, the beginning of the War with Brazil led to the immediate establishment of the office of President of Argentina. Argentina's Constitution of 1826 was promulgated but was rejected by the provinces. Contested by his political party, Rivadavia resigned and was succeeded by Vicente López y Planes. Rivadavia retired to Spain, where he died in 1845, his remains were repatriated to Argentina in 1857.
Today his remains rest in a mausoleum located in Plaza Miserere, adjacent to Rivadavia Avenue, named after him. Rivadavia was born in Buenos Aires on May 20, 1780, the fourth son of Benito Bernardino González de Rivadavia, a wealthy Spanish lawyer, his first wife María Josefa de Jesús Rodríguez de Rivadeneyra. On December 14, 1809, he married Juana del Pino y Vera Mujica, daughter of the viceroy of the Río de la Plata, Joaquín del Pino and his second wife, the vicereine Rafaela Francisca de Vera Mujica y López Pintado, his military appointment was rejected by Mariano Moreno. Rivadavia was active in both the Argentine resistance to the British invasion of 1806 and in the May Revolution movement for Argentine Independence in 1810. In 1811, Rivadavia became the dominant member of the governing triumvirate as Secretary of the Treasury and Secretary of War; until its fall in October 1812, this government focused on creating a strong central government, moderating relations with Spain, organizing an army.
By 1814 the Spanish King Ferdinand VII had returned to the throne and started the Absolutist Restoration, which had grave consequences for the governments in the Americas. Manuel Belgrano and Rivadavia were sent to Europe to seek support for the United Provinces from both Spain and Britain, they sought to promote the crowning of Francisco de Paula, son of Charles IV of Spain, as regent of the United Provinces, but in the end he refused to act against the interests of the King of Spain. The diplomatic mission was a failure, both in Britain, he visited France as well, returned to Buenos Aires in 1821, at their friends' request. During his stay in Britain, Rivadavia saw the growing development of the Industrial Revolution, the rise of Romanticism, he sought to promote a similar development in Buenos Aires, invited many people to move to the city. He convinced Aimé Bonpland to visit the country. In June 1821, he was named minister of government to Buenos Aires by governor Martín Rodríguez. Over the next five years, he exerted a strong influence, focused on improving the city of Buenos Aires at the expense of greater Argentina.
To make the former look more European, Rivadavia constructed large avenues, schools and lighted streets. He founded the University of Buenos Aires, as well as the Theatre and Medicine Academies and the continent's first museum of natural science, he persuaded the legislature to authorize a one-million pound loan for public works that were never undertaken. The provincial bonds were sold in London through the Baring Brothers Bank and Buenos Aires-based British traders acting as financial intermediaries; the borrowed money was in turn lent to these businessmen. Of the original million pounds the Buenos Aires government received only £552,700; the province's foreign debt was transferred to the nation in 1825, its final repayment being made in 1904. A strong supporter of a powerful, centralized government in Argentina, Rivadavia faced violent resistance from the opposition federalists. In 1826, Rivadavia was elected the first President of Argentina. During his term he founded many museums, expanded the national library.
His government had many problems an ongoing war with Brazil over territory in modern Uruguay and resistance from provincial authorities. Faced with the rising power of the Federalist Party and with several provinces in open revolt, Rivadavia submitted his resignation on June 27, 1827, he was succeeded by Vicente López y Planes. At first he returned to private life, but fled to exile in Europe in 1829. Rivadavia returned to Argentina in 1834 to confront his political enemies, but was sentenced again to exile, he went first to Brazil and to Spain, where he died on September 2, 1845. He asked. Rivadavia is recognized as the first president of Argentina though his rule was accepted only in Buenos Aires, he did not complete a full mandate, there was no constitution for more than half of his rule, did not start a presidential succession line; the chair of the President of Argentina is known as the "chair of Rivadavia", but only metaphorically: Rivadavia took everything when he left office, including the chair, which could never be retrieved.
Liberal historians praise Rivadavia as a great historical man, for his work improving education and separation of church and state. Revisionist authors condemn his Anglophilia, the weak customs barriers that allowed the entry of big British imports, harming the weak Argent
Raúl Ricardo Alfonsín Foulkes was an Argentine lawyer and statesman who served as the President of Argentina from 10 December 1983 to 8 July 1989. Alfonsín was the first democratically elected president after more than seven years of military dictatorship and is considered the "father of modern democracy in Argentina". Born in Chascomús, Buenos Aires Province, he began his studies of law at the National University of La Plata and was a graduate of the University of Buenos Aires, he was affiliated with the Radical Civic Union, joining the faction of Ricardo Balbín after the party split. He was elected a deputy in the legislature of the Buenos Aires province in 1958, during the presidency of Arturo Frondizi, a national deputy during the presidency of Arturo Umberto Illia, he opposed both sides of the Dirty War, several times filed a writ of Habeas corpus, requesting the freedom of victims of forced disappearances, during the National Reorganization Process. He denounced the crimes of the military dictatorship of other countries, opposed the actions of both sides in the Falklands War as well.
He became the leader of the UCR after Balbín's death, was the Radical candidate for the presidency in the 1983 elections, which he won. When he became president, he sent a bill to the Congress to revoke the self-amnesty law established by the military, he established the National Commission on the Disappearance of Persons to investigate the crimes committed by the military, which led to the Trial of the Juntas and resulted in the sentencing of the heads of the former regime. Discontent within the military led to the mutinies of the Carapintadas, leading Alfonsín to appease them with the full stop law and the law of Due Obedience, he had conflicts with the unions, which were controlled by the opposing Justicialist Party. He resolved the Beagle conflict, increased trade with Brazil, proposed the creation of the Contadora support group to mediate between the United States and the Nicaraguan Contras, he passed the first divorce law of Argentina. He initiated the Austral plan to improve the national economy, but that plan, as well as the Spring plan, failed.
The resulting hyperinflation and riots led to his party's defeat in the 1989 presidential elections, won by Peronist Carlos Menem. He continued as the leader of the UCR, opposed the presidency of Carlos Menem, he initiated the Pact of Olivos with Menem in order to negotiate the terms for the 1994 amendment of the Argentine Constitution. Fernando de la Rúa led a faction of the UCR that opposed the pact, became president in 1999. De la Rúa resigned during the December 2001 riots, Alfonsín's faction provided the support needed for the Peronist Eduardo Duhalde to be appointed president by the Congress. Alfonsín died of lung cancer on 31 March 2009, at the age of 82, was given a large state funeral. Raúl Alfonsín was born on 12 March 1927, in the city of Chascomús, 123 km south of Buenos Aires, his parents were Ana María Foulkes. His father was of Spanish and German descent, his mother was the daughter of Welsh immigrant Ricardo Foulkes and Falkland Islander María Elena Ford. Following his elementary schooling, Raúl Alfonsín enrolled at the General San Martín Military Lyceum, graduating after five years as a second lieutenant.
He did not pursue a military career, began studying law instead. He began his studies at the National University of La Plata, completed them at the University of Buenos Aires, graduating at the age of 23, he married María Lorenza Barreneche, whom he met in the 1940s at a masquerade ball, in 1949. They moved to Mendoza, La Plata, returned to Chascomús, they had six sons, of whom only Ricardo Alfonsín would follow a political career. Alfonsín bought a local newspaper, he joined the Radical Civic Union in 1946, as a member of the Intransigent Renewal Movement, a faction of the party that opposed the incorporation of the UCR into the Democratic Union coalition. He was appointed president of the party committee in Chascomús in 1951, was elected to the city council in 1954, he was detained for a brief time, during the reaction of the government of Juan Perón to the bombing of Plaza de Mayo. The Revolución Libertadora ousted Perón from the national government; the UCR broke up into two parties: the Intransigent Radical Civic Union, led by Arturo Frondizi, the People's Radical Civic Union, led by Ricardo Balbín and Crisólogo Larralde.
Alfonsín did not like the split, but opted to follow the UCRP. Alfonsín was elected deputy for the legislature of the Buenos Aires province in 1958, on the UCRP ticket, was reelected in 1962, he moved to capital of the province, during his tenure. President Frondizi was ousted by a military coup on 29 March 1962, which closed the provincial legislature. Alfonsín returned to Chascomús; the UCRP prevailed over the UCRI the following year, leading to the presidency of Arturo Umberto Illia. Alfonsín was elected a national deputy, vice president of the UCRP bloc in the congress. In 1963 he was appointed president of the party committee for the province of Buenos Aires. Illia was deposed by a new military coup in the Argentine Revolution. Alfonsín was detained while trying to hold a political rally in La Plata, a second time when he tried to re-open the UCRP committee, he was forced to resign as deputy in November 1966. He was detained a third time in 1968 after a political rally in La Plata, he wrote opinion articles in newspapers, under the pseudonyms Alfonso Carrido Lura and Serafín Feijó.
The Dirty War began during this time, as many guerrilla groups rejected both the right-wing mi
The Inca Empire known as the Incan Empire and the Inka Empire, was the largest empire in pre-Columbian America. Its political and administrative structure is considered by most scholars to have been the most developed in the Americas before Columbus' arrival; the administrative and military center of the empire was located in the city of Cusco. The Inca civilization arose from the Peruvian highlands sometime in the early 13th century, its last stronghold was conquered by the Spanish in 1572. From 1438 to 1533, the Incas incorporated a large portion of western South America, centered on the Andean Mountains, using conquest and peaceful assimilation, among other methods. At its largest, the empire joined Peru, southwest Ecuador and south central Bolivia, northwest Argentina, northern Chile and a small part of southwest Colombia into a state comparable to the historical empires of Eurasia, its official language was Quechua. Many local forms of worship persisted in the empire, most of them concerning local sacred Huacas, but the Inca leadership encouraged the sun worship of Inti – their sun god – and imposed its sovereignty above other cults such as that of Pachamama.
The Incas considered their king, the Sapa Inca, to be the "son of the sun."The Inca Empire was unique in that it lacked many features associated with civilization in the Old World. In the words of one scholar, The Incas lacked the use of wheeled vehicles, they lacked animals to ride and draft animals that could pull wagons and plows... lacked the knowledge of iron and steel... Above all, they lacked a system of writing... Despite these supposed handicaps, the Incas were still able to construct one of the greatest imperial states in human history. Notable features of the Inca Empire include its monumental architecture stonework, extensive road network reaching all corners of the empire, finely-woven textiles, use of knotted strings for record keeping and communication, agricultural innovations in a difficult environment, the organization and management fostered or imposed on its people and their labor; the Incan economy has been described in contradictory ways by scholars:... feudal, socialist The Inca empire functioned without money and without markets.
Instead, exchange of goods and services was based on reciprocity between individuals and among individuals and Inca rulers. "Taxes" consisted of a labour obligation of a person to the Empire. The Inca rulers reciprocated by granting access to land and goods and providing food and drink in celebratory feasts for their subjects; the Inca referred to their empire as Tawantinsuyu, "the four suyu". In Quechua, tawa is four and -ntin is a suffix naming a group, so that a tawantin is a quartet, a group of four things taken together, in this case representing the four suyu whose corners met at the capital; the four suyu were: Chinchaysuyu, Antisuyu and Kuntisuyu. The name Tawantinsuyu was, therefore, a descriptive term indicating a union of provinces; the Spanish transliterated the name as Tahuatinsuyu. The term Inka means "ruler" or "lord" in Quechua and was used to refer to the ruling class or the ruling family; the Incas were a small percentage of the total population of the empire numbering only 15,000 to 40,000, but ruling a population of around 10 million people.
The Spanish adopted the term as an ethnic term referring to all subjects of the empire rather than the ruling class. As such, the name Imperio inca referred to the nation that they encountered and subsequently conquered; the Inca Empire was the last chapter of thousands of years of Andean civilizations. The Andean civilization was one of five civilizations in the world deemed by scholars to be "pristine", indigenous and not derivative from other civilizations; the Inca Empire was preceded by two large-scale empires in the Andes: the Tiwanaku, based around Lake Titicaca and the Wari or Huari centered near the city of Ayacucho. The Wari occupied the Cuzco area for about 400 years. Thus, many of the characteristics of the Inca Empire derived from earlier multi-ethnic and expansive Andean cultures. Carl Troll has argued that the development of the Inca state in the central Andes was aided by conditions that allows for the elaboration of the staple food chuño. Chuño, which can be stored for long periods, is made of potato dried at the freezing temperatures that are common at nighttime in the southern Peruvian highlands.
Such link between the Inca state and chuño may be questioned as potatoes and other crops such as maize can be dried with only sunlight. Troll did argue that llamas, the Inca's pack animal, can be found in its largest numbers in this same region, it is worth considering the maximum extent of the Inca Empire coincided with the greatest distribution of llamas and alpacas in Pre-Hispanic America. The link between the Andean biomes of puna and páramo and the Inca state is a matter of research; as a third point Troll pointed out irrigation technology as advantageous to the Inca state-building. While Troll theorized environmental influences on the Inca Empire he opposed environmental determinism arguing that culture lay at the core of the Inca civilization; the Inca people were a pastoral tribe in the Cusco area around the 12th century. Incan oral history tells an origin story of three caves; the center cave at Tampu T'uqu was named Qhapaq T'uqu. The other