Right-wing politics hold that certain social orders and hierarchies are inevitable, normal, or desirable supporting this position on the basis of natural law, economics, or tradition. Hierarchy and inequality may be viewed as natural results of traditional social differences or the competition in market economies; the term right-wing can refer to "the conservative or reactionary section of a political party or system". The political terms "Left" and "Right" were first used during the French Revolution and referred to seating arrangements in the French parliament: those who sat to the right of the chair of the parliamentary president were broadly supportive of the institutions of the monarchist Old Regime; the original Right in France was formed as a reaction against the "Left" and comprised those politicians supporting hierarchy and clericalism. The use of the expression la droite became prominent in France after the restoration of the monarchy in 1815, when it was applied to the Ultra-royalists.
The people of English-speaking countries did not apply the terms "right" and "left" to their own politics until the 20th century. Although the right-wing originated with traditional conservatives and reactionaries, the term extreme right-wing has been applied to movements including fascism and racial supremacy. From the 1830s to the 1880s, there was a shift in the Western world of social class structure and the economy, moving away from nobility and aristocracy towards capitalism; this general economic shift toward capitalism affected centre-right movements such as the British Conservative Party, which responded by becoming supportive of capitalism. In the United States, the Right includes both social conservatives. In Europe, economic conservatives are considered liberal and the Right includes nationalists, nativist opposition to immigration, religious conservatives, a significant presence of right-wing movements with anti-capitalist sentiments including conservatives and fascists who opposed what they saw as the selfishness and excessive materialism inherent in contemporary capitalism.
The political term right-wing was first used during the French Revolution, when liberal deputies of the Third Estate sat to the left of the president's chair, a custom that began in the Estates General of 1789. The nobility, members of the Second Estate sat to the right. In the successive legislative assemblies, monarchists who supported the Old Regime were referred to as rightists because they sat on the right side. A major figure on the right was Joseph de Maistre, who argued for an authoritarian form of conservatism. Throughout the 19th century, the main line dividing Left and Right in France was between supporters of the republic and supporters of the monarchy. On the right, the Legitimists and Ultra-royalists held counter-revolutionary views, while the Orléanists hoped to create a constitutional monarchy under their preferred branch of the royal family, a brief reality after the 1830 July Revolution; the centre-right Gaullists in post-World War II France advocated considerable social spending on education and infrastructure development as well as extensive economic regulation, but limited the wealth redistribution measures characteristic of social democracy.
In British politics, the terms "right" and "left" came into common use for the first time in the late 1930s in debates over the Spanish Civil War. The Right has gone through five distinct historical stages: the reactionary right sought a return to aristocracy and established religion; the meaning of right-wing "varies across societies, historical epochs, political systems and ideologies". According to The Concise Oxford Dictionary of Politics, in liberal democracies, the political right opposes socialism and social democracy. Right-wing parties include conservatives, Christian democrats, classical liberals, nationalists and on the far-right. Roger Eatwell and Neal O'Sullivan divide the right into five types: reactionary, radical and new. Chip Berlet argues that each of these "styles of thought" are "responses to the left", including liberalism and socialism, which have arisen since the 1789 French Revolution; the reactionary right looks toward the past and is "aristocratic and authoritarian".
The moderate right, typified by the writings of Edmund Burke, is tolerant of change, provided it is gradual and accepts some aspects of liberalism, including the rule of law and capitalism, although it sees radical laissez-faire and individualism as harmful to society. The moderate right promotes nationalism and social welfare policies. Radical right is a term developed after World War II to describe groups and ideologies such as McCarthyism, the John Birch Society and the Republikaner Party. Eatwell stresses that this use has "major typological problems" and that the term "has been applied to democratic developments"; the radical right includes various other subtypes. Eatwell argues that the extreme right' has four traits: "1) anti-democracy; the New Right consists of the liberal conservatives, who stress small government, free markets and individual initiative. Other authors make a distinction between the cent
Georg von der Decken
Count Georg Friedrich Armand von der Decken was owner of Castle Ringelheim and a member of the German Reichstag. Decken was the son of Louise von Wallmoden, he married in 1866 in Schlobitten Marie zu Dohna-Schlodien. She grew up in Mallmitz in Silesia; the couple had five children. Before 1890 count von der Decken was attaché at the Hanoverian Embassy in Paris. Here he had the opportunity to deepen his technic in painting, he was party leader of the German-Hanoverian Party since 1890 and distinguished as a political opponent of Otto von Bismarck and the Prussian supremacy in the German Reich. From 1890 until his death he was a member of the German Parliament for the Province of Hanover, he was musical, painted large-scale oil paintings and created wooden sculptures. His motives were in accordance with the prevailing taste, romantic landscapes and figures from Greek heroic legend. In the church of Ringelheim there are still his oil paintings: the altar piece and the twelve disciples of Christ in life-size
Social Democratic Party of Germany
The Social Democratic Party of Germany, or SPD, is a social-democratic political party in Germany. Led by Andrea Nahles since 2018, the party is one of the two major contemporary political parties in Germany along with the Christian Democratic Union; the Social Democrats have governed at the federal level in Germany as part of a grand coalition with the CDU and the Christian Social Union since December 2013 following the results of the 2013 and 2017 federal elections. The party participates in 14 state governments and 7 of them are governed by SPD Minister-Presidents; the SPD is a member of the Party of European Socialists and initiated the founding of the Progressive Alliance international for social-democratic parties on 22 May 2013 after criticising the Socialist International for its acceptance of authoritarian parties. Established in 1863, the SPD is by far the oldest extant political party represented in the German Parliament and was one of the first Marxist-influenced parties in the world.
The General German Workers' Association founded in 1863 and the Social Democratic Workers' Party founded in 1869 merged in 1875 under the name Socialist Workers' Party of Germany. From 1878 to 1890, any grouping or meeting that aimed at spreading socialist principles was banned under the Anti-Socialist Laws, but the party still gained support in elections. In 1890, when the ban was lifted and it could again present electoral lists the party adopted its current name. In the years leading up to World War I, the party remained ideologically radical in official principle, although many party officials tended to be moderate in everyday politics. By 1912, the party claimed the most votes of any German party. Despite the agreement of the Second International to oppose World War I, the Social Democrats voted in favor of war in 1914. In response to this and the Bolshevik Revolution, members of the left-wing and of the far-left of the SPD formed alternative parties, first the Spartacus League the Independent Social Democratic Party of Germany while the more conservative faction was known as the Majority Social Democratic Party of Germany.
After 1918, the SPD played an important role in the political system of the Weimar Republic, although it took part in coalition governments only in few years. Adolf Hitler prohibited the party in 1933 under the Enabling Act and party officials were imprisoned, killed or went into exile. In exile, the party used the name Sopade; the Social Democrats had been the only party to vote against the Enabling Act while the Communist Party was blocked from voting. In 1945, the Allied occupants in the Western zones allowed four parties to be established, which led to the Christian Democratic Union, the Free Democratic Party, the Communist Party and the SPD being established. In the Soviet zone of occupation, the Soviets forced the Social Democrats to form a common party with the Communists. In the Western zones, the Communist Party was banned by West Germany's Federal Constitutional Court in 1956. Since 1949, the SPD has been one of the two major parties in the Federal Republic of Germany, with the other being the Christian Democratic Union.
From 1969 to 1982 and 1998 to 2005, the Chancellors of Germany were Social Democrats whereas the other years the Chancellors were Christian Democrats. Shortly before the reunification of Germany in 1990, the East German Social Democratic Party merged into the West German SPD; the SPD was established as a Marxist party in 1875. However, the Social Democrats underwent a major shift in policies reflected in the differences between the Heidelberg Program of 1925 which "called for the transformation of the capitalist system of private ownership of the means of production to social ownership" and the Godesberg Program of 1959 which aimed to broaden its voter base and move its political position toward the centre. After World War II, under the leadership of Kurt Schumacher the SPD re-established itself as a socialist party representing the interests of the working class and the trade unions. However, with the Godesberg Program the party evolved from a socialist working-class party to a modern social-democratic party working within liberal capitalism.
The current party platform of the SPD espouses the goal of social democracy, seen as a vision of a societal arrangement in which freedom and social justice are paramount. According to the party platform, freedom and social solidarity form the basis of social democracy; the coordinated social market economy should be strengthened and its output should be distributed fairly. The party sees that economic system as necessary in order to ensure the affluence of the entire population; the SPD tries to protect the society's poor with a welfare state. Concurrently, it advocates a sustainable fiscal policy that does not place a burden on future generations while eradicating budget deficits. In social policy, the Social Democrats stand for political rights in an open society. In foreign policy, the party aims at ensuring global peace by balancing global interests with democratic means, thus European integration is one of the main priorities of the party; the SPD supports economic regulations to limit potential losses for people.
They support a common European economic and financial policy and to prevent speculative bubbles as well as environmentally sustainable growth. The SPD is composed of members belonging to either of the two main wings, namely the Keynesian social democrats and Third Way mod
Province of Hanover
The Province of Hanover was a province of the Kingdom of Prussia and the Free State of Prussia from 1868 to 1946. During the Austro-Prussian War, the Kingdom of Hanover had attempted to maintain a neutral position, along with some other member states of the German Confederation. After Hanover voted in favour of mobilising confederation troops against Prussia on 14 June 1866, Prussia saw this as a just cause for declaring war; the private wealth of the dethroned House of Hanover was used by Otto von Bismarck to finance his continuing efforts against Ludwig II of Bavaria. In 1946, the British military administration recreated the Land of Hanover based on the former Kingdom of Hanover. Hanover was subdivided into six regions first called Landdrostei, which were reorganised into Prussian standard Regierungsbezirke on 1 April 1885. Aurich Osnabrück Stade Lüneburg Hildesheim Hanover On 1 April 1885 the six Landdrosteien were turned into regional administrative districts called Regierungsbezirke: The Regierungsbezirke were subdivided into new urban and rural counties, the old Amt structure being disbanded.
Where the name of the county town differs from that of the county, it is shown in brackets: Emden Wilhelmshaven Aurich Emden Leer Norden Weener Wittmund Hamelin Hanover Linden Grafschaft Diepholz Grafschaft Hoya Grafschaft Schaumburg Hameln-Pyrmont Hanover Linden Neustadt am Rübenberge Nienburg/Weser Springe Stolzenau Sulingen Syke Göttingen Goslar Hildesheim Alfeld Duderstadt Einbeck Göttingen Goslar Gronau Hildesheim Holzminden Ilfeld Marienburg i. Hann. Münden Northeim Osterode am Harz Peine Uslar Zellerfeld Celle Harburg Harburg-Wilhelmsburg Lüneburg Wilhelmsburg Bleckede Burgdorf Celle Fallingbostel Gifhorn Harburg Isenhagen Lüchow-Dannenberg Lüneburg Soltau Uelzen Winsen Osnabrück Aschendorf-Hümmling Landkreis Bersenbrück Grafschaft Bentheim Iburg Lingen Melle Meppen Osnabrück Wittlage Cuxhaven Geestemünde Lehe Wesermünde Achim Blumenthal Bremervörde Hadeln Jork Kehdingen Land Hadeln Neuhaus an der Oste Osterholz Rotenburg i. Hann. Stade Verden Wesermünde Zeven The heads of the provinces, appointed by the central Prussian government, were called Oberpräsident.
The provincial executive, the Landesdirektor, was elected by the provincial parliament. Otto Graf zu Stolberg-Wernigerode 1867–1873 Botho Wendt August Graf zu Eulenburg 1873–1878 Adolf Hilmar von Leipziger 1878–1888 Rudolf von Bennigsen 1888–1897 Konstantin Graf zu Stolberg-Wernigerode 1898–1902 Richard von Wentzel 1902–1914 Ludwig Hubert von Windheim 1914–1917 Ernst von Richter 1917–1920 Gustav Noske 1920–1933 Viktor Lutze 1933–1941 Hartmann Lauterbacher 1941–1945 Hinrich Wilhelm Kopf 1946 Kingdom of Hanover, for rulers of Hanover before the Prussian annexation
Independent Social Democratic Party of Germany
The Independent Social Democratic Party of Germany was a short-lived political party in Germany during the German Empire and the Weimar Republic. The organization was established in 1917 as the result of a split of left wing members of the Social Democratic Party of Germany; the organization attempted to chart a centrist course between electorally oriented revisionism on the one hand and bolshevism on the other. The organization was terminated in 1931 through merger with the Socialist Workers' Party of Germany. On December 21, 1915, several SPD members in the Reichstag, the German parliament, voted against the authorization of further credits to finance World War I, an incident that emphasized existing tensions between the party's leadership and the left-wing pacifists surrounding Hugo Haase and led to the expulsion of the group from the SPD on March 24, 1916. To be able to continue their parliamentary work, the group formed the Sozialdemokratische Arbeitsgemeinschaft. On April 6, 1917, the USPD was founded at a conference in Gotha, with Hugo Haase as the party's first chairman.
To avoid confusion, the existing SPD was called the Majority Social Democratic Party of Germany from on. Luise Zietz was one of the main agitators in favor of a split in the party in 1917, she became a leader in the creation of the USPD's women's movement. Following the Januarstreik in January 1918, a strike demanding an end to the war and better food provisioning, organized by revolutionaries affiliated with the USPD and supported by the party, the USPD rose to about 120,000 members; the agreement did not last long, for on December 29, 1918, Wilhelm Dittmann and Emil Barth left the council again to protest the SPD's actions during the soldier mutiny in Berlin on November 23, 1918. At the same time, the Spartakusbund, led by Rosa Luxemburg and Karl Liebknecht, separated from the USPD again as well to merge with other left wing groups and form the KPD. During the elections for the national assembly on January 19, 1919, from which the SPD emerged as the strongest party with 37.9% of the votes, the USPD only managed to attract 7.6%.
In 1920, four delegates from the USPD attended the 2nd World Congress of the Comintern, Ernst Däumig, Arthur Crispien, Walter Stoecker and Wilhelm Dittmann to discuss participating in the Comintern. Whilst Däumig and Stoecker agreed with the International's 21 conditions of entry and Dittmann opposed them, leading to a controversial debate over joining the Comintern to break out in the USPD; the proposition to join the Comintern was approved at a party convention in Halle in October 1920 by 237 votes to 156, with various international speakers including Julius Martov, Jean Longuet and Grigory Zinoviev. The USPD split up in the process, with both groups seeing themselves as the rightful USPD and the other one as being outcast. On December 4, 1920, the left wing of the USPD, with about 400,000 members, merged into the KPD, forming the VKPD, while the other half of the party, with about 340,000 members and including three quarters of the 81 Reichstag members, continued under the name USPD; the USPD was instrumental in the creation of the 2½ International in 1921.
Over time, the political differences between SPD and USPD dwindled, following the assassination of foreign minister Walther Rathenau by right-wing extremists in June 1922, the two parties' factions in the Reichstag formed a common working group on July 14, 1922. The USPD continued as an independent party by Georg Ledebour and Theodor Liebknecht, who refused to work with the SPD, but it never attained any significance again and merged into the Sozialistische Arbeiterpartei Deutschland in 1
German Revolution of 1918–19
The German Revolution or November Revolution was a civil conflict in the German Empire at the end of the First World War that resulted in the replacement of the German federal constitutional monarchy with a democratic parliamentary republic that became known as the Weimar Republic. The revolutionary period lasted from November 1918 until the adoption in August 1919 of the Weimar Constitution; the causes of the revolution were the extreme burdens suffered by the population during the four years of war, the strong impact of the defeat on the German Empire and the social tensions between the general population and the elite of aristocrats and bourgeoisie who held power and had just lost the war. The roots of the revolution lay in the German Empire's defeat in the First World War and the social tensions that came to a head shortly thereafter; the first acts of revolution were triggered by the policies of the German Supreme Command of the Army and its lack of coordination with the Naval Command.
In the face of defeat, the Naval Command insisted on trying to precipitate a climactic battle with the British Royal Navy by means of its naval order of 24 October 1918. The battle never took place. Instead of obeying their orders to begin preparations to fight the British, German sailors led a revolt in the naval ports of Wilhelmshaven on 29 October 1918, followed by the Kiel mutiny in the first days of November; these disturbances spread the spirit of civil unrest across Germany and led to the proclamation of a republic on 9 November 1918. Shortly thereafter, Emperor Wilhelm II fled the country; the revolutionaries, inspired by socialist ideas, did not hand over power to Soviet-style councils as the Bolsheviks had done in Russia, because the leadership of the Social Democratic Party of Germany opposed their creation. The SPD opted instead for a national assembly that would form the basis for a parliamentary system of government. Fearing an all-out civil war in Germany between militant workers and reactionary conservatives, the SPD did not plan to strip the old German upper classes of their power and privileges.
Instead, it sought to integrate them into the new social democratic system. In this endeavour, SPD leftists sought an alliance with the German Supreme Command; this allowed the army and the Freikorps to quell the communist Spartacist uprising of 4–15 January 1919 by force. The same alliance of political forces succeeded in suppressing uprisings of the left in other parts of Germany, with the result that the country was pacified by late 1919. Elections for the new Weimar National Assembly were held on 19 January 1919; the revolution ended on 11 August 1919. In the decade after 1900, the Social Democratic Party of Germany was the leading force in Germany's labour movement. With 35% of the national votes and 110 seats in the Reichstag elected in 1912, the Social Democrats had grown into the largest political party in Germany. Party membership was around one million, the party newspaper attracted 1.5 million subscribers. The trade unions had 2.5 million members, most of whom supported the Social Democrats.
In addition, there were numerous co-operative societies, other organizations directly linked to the SPD and the labor unions, or else adhering to Social Democratic ideology. Other notable parties in the Reichstag of 1912 were the Catholic Centre Party, the German Conservative Party, the National Liberal Party, the Progressive People's Party, the Polish Party, the German Reich Party, the Economic Union, the Alsace-Lorraine Party. At the congresses of the Second Socialist International, the SPD had always agreed to resolutions asking for combined action of Socialists in case of a war. Following the assassination of Archduke Franz Ferdinand in Sarajevo, the SPD, like other socialist parties in Europe, organised anti-war demonstrations during the July Crisis. After Rosa Luxemburg called for disobedience and rejection of war in the name of the entire party as a representative of the left wing of the party, the Imperial government planned to arrest the party leaders at the onset of war. Friedrich Ebert, one of the two party leaders since 1913, travelled to Zürich with Otto Braun to save the party's funds from being confiscated.
After Germany declared war on the Russian Empire on 1 August 1914, the majority of the SPD newspapers shared the general enthusiasm for the war because they viewed the Russian Empire as the most reactionary and anti-socialist power in Europe. In the first days of August, the editors believed themselves to be in line with the late August Bebel, who had died the previous year. In 1904, he declared in the Reichstag that the SPD would support an armed defence of Germany against a foreign attack. In 1907, at a party convention in Essen, he promised that he himself would "shoulder the gun" if it was to fight against Russia, the "enemy of all culture and all the suppressed". In the face of the general enthusiasm for the war among the population, which foresaw an attack by the Entente powers, many SPD deputies worried they might lose many of their voters with their consistent pacifism. In addition, the government of Imperial Chancellor Theobald von Bethmann-Hollweg threatened to outlaw all parties in case of war.
On the other hand, the chancellor exploited the anti-Russian stance of the SPD to procure the party's approval for the war. The party leadership and the party's deputies were split on the issue of support for the war: 96 deputies, including Friedrich Ebert, approved the war bonds demanded by the Imperial government. There we
Kingdom of Prussia
The Kingdom of Prussia was a German kingdom that constituted the state of Prussia between 1701 and 1918. It was the driving force behind the unification of Germany in 1871 and was the leading state of the German Empire until its dissolution in 1918. Although it took its name from the region called Prussia, it was based in the Margraviate of Brandenburg, where its capital was Berlin; the kings of Prussia were from the House of Hohenzollern. Prussia was a great power from the time it became a kingdom, through its predecessor, Brandenburg-Prussia, which became a military power under Frederick William, known as "The Great Elector". Prussia continued its rise to power under the guidance of Frederick II, more known as Frederick the Great, the third son of Frederick William I. Frederick the Great was instrumental in starting the Seven Years' War, holding his own against Austria, Russia and Sweden and establishing Prussia's role in the German states, as well as establishing the country as a European great power.
After the might of Prussia was revealed it was considered as a major power among the German states. Throughout the next hundred years Prussia went on to win many battles, many wars; because of its power, Prussia continuously tried to unify all the German states under its rule, although whether Austria would be included in such a unified German domain was an ongoing question. After the Napoleonic Wars led to the creation of the German Confederation, the issue of more unifying the many German states caused revolution throughout the German states, with each wanting their own constitution. Attempts at creation of a federation remained unsuccessful and the German Confederation collapsed in 1866 when war ensued between its two most powerful member states and Austria; the North German Confederation, which lasted from 1867 to 1871, created a closer union between the Prussian-aligned states while Austria and most of Southern Germany remained independent. The North German Confederation was seen as more of an alliance of military strength in the aftermath of the Austro-Prussian War but many of its laws were used in the German Empire.
The German Empire lasted from 1871 to 1918 with the successful unification of all the German states under Prussian hegemony, this was due to the defeat of Napoleon III in the Franco-Prussian War of 1870–71. The war united all the German states against a common enemy, with the victory came an overwhelming wave of nationalism which changed the opinions of some of those, against unification. In 1871, Germany unified into a single country, minus Austria and Switzerland, with Prussia the dominant power. Prussia is considered the legal predecessor of the unified German Reich and as such a direct ancestor of today's Federal Republic of Germany; the formal abolition of Prussia, carried out on 25 February 1947 by the fiat of the Allied Control Council referred to an alleged tradition of the kingdom as a bearer of militarism and reaction, made way for the current setup of the German states. However, the Free State of Prussia, which followed the abolition of the Kingdom of Prussia in the aftermath of World War I, was a major democratic force in Weimar Germany until the nationalist coup of 1932 known as the Preußenschlag.
The Kingdom left a significant cultural legacy, today notably promoted by the Prussian Cultural Heritage Foundation, which has become one of the largest cultural organisations in the world. In 1415 a Hohenzollern Burgrave came from the south to the March of Brandenburg and took control of the area as elector. In 1417 the Hohenzollern was made an elector of the Holy Roman Empire. After the Polish wars, the newly established Baltic towns of the German states, including Prussia, suffered many economic setbacks. Many of the Prussian towns could not afford to attend political meetings outside of Prussia; the towns were poverty stricken, with the largest town, having to borrow money from elsewhere to pay for trade. Poverty in these towns was caused by Prussia's neighbours, who had established and developed such a monopoly on trading that these new towns could not compete; these issues led to feuds, trade competition and invasions. However, the fall of these towns gave rise to the nobility, separated the east and the west, allowed the urban middle class of Brandenburg to prosper.
It was clear in 1440 how different Brandenburg was from the other German territories, as it faced two dangers that the other German territories did not, partition from within and the threat of invasion by its neighbours. It prevented partition by enacting the Dispositio Achillea, which instilled the principle of primogeniture to both the Brandenburg and Franconian territories; the second issue was resolved through expansion. Brandenburg was surrounded on every side by neighbours whose boundaries were political. Any neighbour could consume Brandenburg at any moment; the only way to defend herself was to absorb her neighbours. Through negotiations and marriages Brandenburg but expanded her borders, absorbing neighbours and eliminating the threat of attack; the Hohenzollerns were made rulers of the Margraviate of Brandenburg in 1518. In 1529 the Hohenzollerns secured the reversion of the Duchy of Pomerania after a series of conflicts, acquired its eastern part following the Peace of Westphalia. In 1618 the Hohenzollerns inherited the Duchy of Prussia, since 1511 ruled by Hohenzollern Albrecht of Brandenburg Prussia, who in 1525 converted the Teutonic Order ruled state to a Protestant Duchy by accepting fiefdom of the crown of Poland.
It was ruled in a personal union with Brandenburg