Ali Fallahian, is an Iranian politician and cleric. He served as intelligence minister from 1989 to 1997 under the presidency of Ali Akbar Rafsanjani. Fallahian was born in Najafabad, Iran, in 1945, he is a graduate of Haqqani school in Qom. In 1987 Fallahian was appointed by Ruhollah Khomeini as chief prosecutor of the Special Court for the Clergy and led the trial against Mehdi Hashemi. Fallahian served as a member of the 3rd Assembly of Experts of the Islamic Republic of Iran, he was the minister of intelligence in the cabinet of President Rafsanjani from 1989 to 1997. After Fallahian left office, his senior deputy, Saeed Emami, was arrested for the murders of four dissidents in 1998 and 1999, Emami subsequently died in prison in what the authorities declared a suicide. Fallahian began to work in the office of Ali Khamenei. Fallahian was a candidate in the 2001 presidential election, won by incumbent reformist Mohammad Khatami. Fallahian came in sixth place. On 19 February 2013, in Birjand, Fallahian announced his candidacy for the Iranian presidential election, saying that "people's requests to me reached a threshold".
Running with the campaign slogan of "Advanced Islamic Country", he said that his top priority would be the economy, focusing on fighting inflation and lowering the unemployment rate. He specified that he planned on continuing the subsidy reform plan, which many experts fault for undermining local businesses and the economy. Regarding diplomatic relations with the United States, he implied that he would seek improved ties suggesting to put an end to the uranium enrichment program, saying "enough of nuclear", as Iran had "already mastered its knowledge", he added that he envisioned a "bright horizon" for cooperation between the two countries in creating stability in Afghanistan, Iraq and Egypt. His nomination was rejected by the Guardian Council. Fallahian is on the official wanted list of Interpol in connection with the bombing of the Asociación Mutual Israelita Argentina, a Jewish Community Center in Buenos Aires, Argentina, on 18 July 1994, that killed 85 people; the Interpol issued a red notice for him and other suspects for their alleged roles in the attack in March 2007.
The arrest warrant is based on the allegation that senior Iranian officials planned the attack in an August 1993 meeting, including Khamanei, the Supreme Leader, Mohammad Hejazi, the Khamanei's intelligence and security advisor, Rafsanjani president, Fallahian intelligence minister, Ali Akbar Velayati foreign minister. In addition, he was the subject of an international arrest warrant issued in 1997 in connection with the murder of three Kurdish-Iranian opposition leaders in the Mykonos restaurant assassinations. Fallahian is under an international warrant issued in 1996 by German court because of his role in the assassinations. Sadeq Sharafkandi from Kurdistan Democratic Party of Iran and three of his colleagues were assassinated September 1992 in Berlin by Iranian-Lebanese agents. Fallahian was the most prominent member of a group of five Iranians and Lebanese for whom international arrest warrants issued in March 2007, he was named by investigative reporter Akbar Ganji as the "master key" of the 1998 "Chain Murders" of four dissident Iranian intellectuals.
In December 2000, appearing before an Islamic Revolutionary Court, investigative reporter Akbar Ganji "ending months of guessing and expectations from both the authorities and the public" when he announced the "Master Key" to the chain murders of four dissident Iranian intellectuals was Fallahian. Fallahian is charged by a Swiss court with masterminding the assassination of Kazem Rajavi, a brother of Mujahedin-e Khalq leader Massoud Rajavi, near Geneva in broad daylight by several agents on 24 April 1990. An international arrest warrant has been issued against him and as a result, he is unable to leave the country. Former intelligence minister Ali Fallahian under house arrest Iran's State of Terror
Ghorbanali Dorri-Najafabadi is an Iranian politician and cleric the Minister of Intelligence of Islamic Republic of Iran. He is the current head of Supreme Administrative Court. Dorri-Najafabadi was the minister of intelligence in the cabinet of president Mohammad Khatami. During his term of ministership, some journalists and reformist politicians were murdered by security agents, for which the Iranian government charged his deputy, Saeed Emami, with orchestrating, claiming he had organized them independently. Dorri-Najafabadi was succeeded by Ali Younessi; the events were named the "Chained Murders" by the reformist cabinet of President Mohammad Khatami. After Mohammad Ismaeil Shooshtari, in 2005, he was the attorney-general of the Islamic Republic of Iran, he was succeeded by Jamal Karimi-Rad in the post. In 2008, he said that toys such as the Barbie doll are "destructive culturally and a social danger." Haghani Circle List of Ayatollahs
Gholam-Hossein Mohseni-Eje'i is an Iranian conservative politician and prosecutor who serves as the second-highest official in the Judicial system of Iran. He was the minister of intelligence from 2005 to July 2009, he has held a number of governmental posts since 1984. He is the first deputy of the Chief Justice of Iran. Gholam Hossein Mohseni-Ejehei was born in Ezhiyeh, Iran in 1956, he is a graduate of the Haqqani school in Qom and one of his teachers was Mesbah Yazdi. He received a master's degree in international law from the Haqqani school. Mohseni-Eje'i served as Head of the Ministry of Intelligence's Select Committee from 1984 to 1985, he was Representative of the Head of Judiciary to the Ministry of Intelligence. From 1989 to 1990, he served as Head of the Prosecutor’s Office for economic affairs. Next, he held the post of Representative of the Head of Judiciary to the Ministry of Intelligence, from 1991 to 1994, his next post was Prosecutor of the Special Clerical Court, which he held from 1995 to 1997.
He was appointed Minister of Intelligence on 24 August 2005 after securing 217 votes in his favor at the Majlis. He was in office until 26 July 2009. No reason was given for his dismissal, but it was thought to be connected to his opposition to the appointment of Esfandiar Rahim Mashaei as first vice-president. Shortly after his dismissal, on 24 August 2009, he was appointed Prosecutor general of Iran by the Head of Judiciary, Ayatollah Sadeq Larijani, replacing Ghorbanali Dorri-Najafabadi. On 15 July 2009, Mohseni-Ejehei told reporters that his ministry might publicize confessions made by people held for weeks without access to lawyers, he said "The confessions obtained from those arrested could be made public, should the Judiciary decide to air their remarks." Human rights activists raised concerns that "these so-called confessions are obtained under duress."After his dismissal, president Mahmoud Ahmadinejad praised Mohsen-Eje'i as a good human being but said his removal was necessary as the ministry needed huge changes to cope with the situation.
He further said if the ministry had done its job properly, there would not have been post-election bloody riots in which some people died, but he stopped short of criticizing Mohseni-Eje'i as responsible for them. According to Stratfor, Mohseni-Eje'i is a conservative hardliner affiliated with hardline cleric Mohammad Yazdi. Mohsen-Eje'i has indicated he would welcome alternative punishments to the death penalty for some drug traffickers, if these alternatives proposed by teachers were more effective punishments than the death penalty, but he stated that, so far, critics of the death penalty in Iran have not offered alternatives that would deal with Iran's drug gangs. Chain Murders of Iran 18 of Iran’s 21 new ministers hail from Revolutionary Guards, secret police with a photograph of Mohseni-Ejehei Mohseni Ezhei: From Inquisitor to Minister of Information
Chain murders of Iran
The Chain murders of Iran, or Serial murders of Iran, were a series of 1988–98 murders and disappearances of certain Iranian dissident intellectuals, critical of the Islamic Republic system. The murders and disappearances were carried out by Iranian government internal operatives; the victims included more than 80 writers, poets, political activists, ordinary citizens, were killed by a variety of means such as car crashes, shootings in staged robberies, injections with potassium to simulate heart attack. The pattern of murders did not come to light until late 1998 when Dariush Forouhar, his wife Parvaneh Eskandari Forouhar, three dissident writers were murdered over a span of two months. After the murders were publicized, Supreme Leader Ayatollah Khamenei denied the government was responsible, blamed "Iran's enemies". In mid-1999, after great public outcry and journalistic investigation in Iran and publicity abroad, Iranian prosecutors announced they had found the perpetrator. One Saeed Emami had led "rogue elements" in Iran's MOIS Intelligence Ministry in the killings, but that Emami was now dead, having committed suicide in prison.
In a trial, "dismissed as a sham by the victims' families and international human rights organisations," three Intelligence Ministry agents were sentenced in 2001 to death and 12 others to prison terms for murdering two of the victims. Many Iranians and foreigners believe the killings were an attempt to resist "cultural and political openness" by reformist Iranian president Mohammad Khatami and his supporters, that those convicted of the killings were "scapegoats acting on orders from higher" up, with the ultimate perpetrators including "a few well known clerics."In turn, Iran's hardliners—the group most associated with vigilante attacks on dissidents in general, with the accused killers in particular—claimed foreign powers had committed the crimes. The murders are said to be "still shrouded in secrecy", an indication that the authorities may not have uncovered all perpetrators of the chain murders was the attempted assassination of Saeed Hajjarian, a newspaper editor, thought to have played a "key role" in uncovering the killings.
On 12 March 2000, Hajjarian was left paralyzed for life. The term "Chain Murders" was first used to describe the murder of six people in late 1998; the first two killed were 70-year-old Dariush Forouhar, his wife Parvaneh Eskandari, whose mutilated bodies were found in their south Tehran home on 22 November 1998. Forouhar received 11 knife wounds and Eskandari 24, their home, ransacked, was thought to be under 24-hour surveillance by the Ministry of Intelligence and National Security of Iran, thus casting suspicion on that ministry for at least complicity in the murder. On 2 December 1998, Mohammad Mokhtari, an Iranian writer, left his residence and did not return home. A week his body was identified at the coroner's office; the next to disappear was Mohammad Jafar Pouyandeh, an author and "one of the most active translators of the country," whose body was discovered four days after leaving his office on 8 December. Pooyandeh and Mokhtari's bodies were both found around Shahriar, a "mini-city" in the south of Tehran, both had been strangled.
On the day Pooyandeh's body was found, 12 December 1998, fifty writers called on President Khatami to find the persons behind the crimes. In the meantime, other suspicious and unsolved murders of dissidents going back a decade were put forward by reformers as connected: Ahmad Miralaee, Ebrahim Zalzadeh, Ghafar Hosseini, Manouchehr Saneie and his wife Firoozeh Kalantari, Ahmad Tafazzoli; the body of Majid Sharif, a translator and journalist who contributed to the banned publication Iran-e Farda, was found on the side of a Tehran road on 18 November 1998, three days before the discovery of the bodies of Dariush Forouhar and Parvaneh Eskandari. His official cause of death was "heart failure."In the summer of 1996, there had been an unsuccessful attempt to kill a busload of 21 writers en route to a poetry conference in Armenia. At two in the morning, while most of his passengers were sleeping, the driver of the bus attempted to steer the bus off a cliff near the Heyran Pass. "When the driver tried to jump out to save himself, a passenger grabbed the wheel and steered the bus back onto the road."
The driver tried it a second time, "diving out of the vehicle just as it careened toward the edge of the 1000-foot free fall." The bus stopped, saving the lives of 21 writers. The driver ran away; the passengers were taken to a nearby Caspian town by authorities and warned "to discuss the event with no one". The person thought to be the first serial victim was Kazem Sami Kermani, an "Islamic nationalist and physician" who had opposed the Shah and served as Minister of Health in the brief post-revolutionary provisional government of Prime Minister Mehdi Bazargan, he was a member of the first Majles where he criticized the government for its continuation of the Iran–Iraq War after the Liberation of Khorramshahr. He was murdered on 23 November 1988 in his clinic in Tehran by an ax-wielding assailant. On 20 December 1998, a statement was issued in Tehran by a group calling itself "pure Mohammadan Islam devotees of Mostafa Navvab" taking credit for at least some of the killings; the statement attacked reformists and said in part: "Now than domestic politicians, through negligence and leniency, under slogan of rule of law, support the masked poisonous vipers of the aliens, brand the decisive approaches of the Islamic system and responsible press and advocates of the revolution as
Qom is the seventh metropolis and the seventh largest city in Iran. Qom is the capital of Qom Province, it is located 140 km to the south of Tehran. At the 2016 census its population was 1,201,158, it is situated on the banks of the Qom River. Qom is considered holy by Shiʿa Islam, as it is the site of the shrine of Fatimah bint Musa, sister of Imam Ali ibn Musa Rida; the city is the largest center for Shiʿa scholarship in the world, is a significant destination of pilgrimage, with around twenty million pilgrims visiting the city every year, the majority being Iranians but other Shi'a Muslims from all around the world. Qom is famous for a Persian brittle toffee known as Sohan, considered a souvenir of the city and sold by 2,000 to 2,500 “Sohan” shops. Qom has developed into a lively industrial centre owing in part to its proximity to Tehran, it is a regional centre for the distribution of petroleum and petroleum products, a natural gas pipeline from Bandar Anzali and Tehran and a crude oil pipeline from Tehran run through Qom to the Abadan refinery on the Persian Gulf.
Qom gained additional prosperity when oil was discovered at Sarajeh near the city in 1956 and a large refinery was built between Qom and Tehran. Qom, the capital of Qom province, is located 125 kilometers south on a low plain; the shrine of Fatimeh Masumeh, the sister of Imam Reza, is located in this city, considered by Shiʿa Muslims holy. The city is located in the boundary of the central desert of Iran. At the 2011 census its population was 1,074,036, comprising 528,332 women. Qom is counted as one of the focal centers of the Shiʿah both around the globe. Since the revolution, the clerical population has risen from around 25,000 to more than 45,000 and the non-clerical population has more than tripled to about 700,000. Substantial sums of money in the form of alms and Islamic taxes flow into Qom to the ten Marja'-e taqlid or "Source to be Followed" that reside there; the number of seminary schools in Qom is now over fifty, the number of research institutes and libraries somewhere near two hundred and fifty.
Its theological center and the Fatima Masumeh Shrine are prominent features of Qom. Another popular religious site of pilgrimage outside the city of Qom but now more of a suburb is called Jamkaran. Qom's proximity to Tehran has allowed the clerical establishment easy access to monitor the affairs and decisions of state. Many Grand Ayatollahs possess offices in both Qom. Southeast of Qom is the ancient city of Kashan. Directly south of Qom lie the towns of Delijan, Naraq, Pardisan City and Jasb; the surrounding area to the east of Qom is populated by Tafresh and Ashtian and Jafarieh. Qom has a hot desert climate with low annual rainfall due to remoteness from the sea and being situated in the vicinity of the subtropical anticyclone aloft. Summer weather is hot and rainless, whilst in winter weather can vary from warm to – when Siberian air masses are driven south across the Elburz Mountains by blocking over Europe – frigid. An example of the latter situation was in January 2008 when minima fell to −23 °C or −9.4 °F on the 15th, whilst earlier similar situations occurred in January 1964 and to a lesser extent January 1950, January 1972 and December 1972.
The present town of Qom in Central Iran dates back to ancient times. Its pre-Islamic history can be documented, although the earlier epochs remain unclear. Excavations at Tepe Sialk indicate that the region had been settled since ancient times, more recent surveys have revealed traces of large inhabited places south of Qom, dating from the 4th and 1st millennium BC. While nothing is known about the area from Elamite and Achaemenid times, there are significant archeological remains from the Seleucid and Parthian epochs, of which the ruins of Khurha are the most famous and important remnants, their dating and function have instigated long and controversial debates and interpretations, for they have been interpreted and explained variously as the remains of a Sasanian temple, or of a Seleucid Dionysian temple, or of a Parthian complex. Its true function is still a matter of dispute, but the contributions by Wolfram Kleiss point to a Parthian palace that served as a station on the nearby highway and was used until Sasanian times.
The published results of the excavations carried out in 1955 by Iranian archeologists have, revived the old thesis of a Seleucid religious building. Besides Khurha, mentioned as Khor Abad at Qomi in the 9th century, the region has turned up a few other remnants from this epoch, including the four Parthian heads found near Qom, now kept in the National Museum of Iran in Tehran. Qomi names Parthian personalities as founders of villages in the Qom area; the possible mention of Qom in the form of Greek names in two ancient geographical works remains doubtful. The Sasanian epoch offers many archeological findings and remnants, besides the fact that various sources mention Qom; the most interesting building from an archeological point of view is the Qalʿa-ye Doḵtar in Qom itself, long thought to have served religious purposes, while more recent research points to an administrative use. The wider surroundings of Qom contain numerous traces from palaces, religious and administrative buildings; some of these are mentioned by Qomi, who names many more fire temples in the urban area of present
Presidency of Mahmoud Ahmadinejad
The Presidency of Mahmoud Ahmadinejad consists of the 9th and 10th governments of the Islamic Republic of Iran. Ahmadinejad's government began in August 2005 after his election as the 6th president of Iran and continued after his re-election in 2009. Ahmadinejad left office in August 2013 at the end of his second term, his administration was succeeded by the 11th government, led by Hassan Rouhani. In Iran Mahmoud Ahmadinejad's government has seen controversy over policies such as his 2007 Gas Rationing Plan to reduce the country's fuel consumption, cuts in maximum interest rates permitted to private and public banking facilities. Abroad, his dismissal of international sanctions against Iran's nuclear energy program, his call for an end of the state of Israeli and description of the Holocaust as a myth, has drawn criticism. Ahmadinejad was not known when he entered the presidential election campaign, although he had made his mark in Tehran for rolling back earlier reforms, he is a member of the Central Council of the Islamic Society of Engineers, but his key political support is inside the Alliance of Builders of Islamic Iran.
Ahmadinejad sent mixed signals about his plans for his presidency to attract both religious conservatives and the lower economic classes. His campaign slogan was: "It's possible and we can do it". In the campaign, he took a populist approach, he emphasized his own modest life, compared himself with Mohammad Ali Rajai, Iran's second president. Ahmadinejad said, he was a "principlist", acting politically based on revolutionary principles. One of his goals was "putting the petroleum income on people's tables", meaning Iran's oil profits would be distributed among the poor. Ahmadinejad was the only presidential candidate who spoke out against future relations with the United States, he told Islamic Republic of Iran Broadcasting the United Nations was "one-sided, stacked against the world of Islam." He opposed the veto power of the UN Security Council's five permanent members: "It is not just for a few states to sit and veto global approvals. Should such a privilege continue to exist, the Muslim world with a population of nearly 1.5 billion should be extended the same privilege."
He defended Iran's nuclear program and accused "a few arrogant powers" of trying to limit Iran's industrial and technological development in this and other fields. In his second round campaign, he said, "We didn't participate in the revolution for turn-by-turn government.…This revolution tries to reach a world-wide government." He spoke of an extended program using trade to improve foreign relations, called for greater ties with Iran's neighbours and ending visa requirements between states in the region, saying that "people should visit anywhere they wish freely. People should have freedom in their pilgrimages and tours."Ahmadinejad described Ayatollah Mohammad Taghi Mesbah Yazdi, a senior cleric from Qom as his ideological and spiritual mentor. Mesbah founded the Haghani School of thought in Iran, he and his team supported Ahmadinejad's 2005 presidential campaign. Ahmadinejad won 62 percent of the vote in the run-off poll against Akbar Hashemi Rafsanjani. Supreme Leader Ayatollah Khamenei authorized his presidency on 3 August 2005.
Ahmedinejad kissed Khamenei's hand during the ceremony to show his loyalty. Ahmadinejad's team lost the 2006 city council elections, his spiritual mentor, Mohammad Taghi Mesbah Yazdi, was ranked sixth on the country's Assembly of Experts. In the first nationwide election since Ahmadinejad became President, his allies failed to dominate election returns for the Assembly of Experts and local councils. Results, with a turnout of about 60%, suggested a voter shift toward more moderate policies. According to an editorial in the Kargozaran independent daily newspaper, "The results show that voters have learned from the past and concluded that we need to support.. Moderate figures." An Iranian political analyst said that "this is a blow for Ahmadinejad and Mesbah Yazdi's list." On 23 August 2008, Supreme Leader Ali Khamenei announced that he "sees Ahmadinejad as president in the next five years," a comment interpreted as indicating support for Ahmadinejad's reelection. 39,165,191 ballots were cast in the election on 12 June 2009, according to Iran's election headquarters.
Ahmadinejad won 24,527,516 votes. In second place, Mir-Hossein Mousavi, won 13,216,411 of the votes; the election drew unprecedented public interest in Iran. The election results were disputed by both Mousavi and Ahmadinejad and their respective supporters who believed that electoral fraud occurred during the election. Street protests commenced the day after the election and continued off and on into 2010. Supreme Leader Ayatollah Ali Khamenei declared the election of Mahmoud Ahmadinejad a "divine assessment," and formally endorsed Ahmadinejad as President on 3 August 2009. Ahmadinejad was sworn in for a second term on 5 August 2009. Several Iranian political figures appeared to avoid the ceremony. Former presidents Mohammad Khatami, Akbar Hashemi Rafsanjani, head of the Expediency Discernment Council, along with opposition leader Mir Hossein Mousavi, did not attend the ceremony. Opposition groups asked protesters on reformist websites and blogs to launch new street demonstrations on the day of the inauguration ceremony.
On inauguration day, hundreds of riot police met opposition protesters outside parliament. After taking the oath of office, broadcast live on Irani
The New Republic
The New Republic is an American magazine of commentary on politics and the arts, published since 1914, with influence on American political and cultural thinking. Founded in 1914 by leaders of the progressive movement, it attempted to find a balance between a humanitarian progressivism and an intellectual scientism, discarded the latter. Through the 1980s and'90s, the magazine incorporated elements of "Third Way" neoliberalism and conservatism. In 2014, two years after Chris Hughes, a co-founder of Facebook, purchased the magazine, he ousted its editor and attempted to remake its format and partisan stances, provoking the resignation of the majority of its editors and writers. In early 2016, Hughes announced he was putting the magazine up for sale, indicating the need for "new vision and leadership", it was sold in February 2016 to Win McCormack. Domestically, The New Republic as of 2011 supported a modern liberal stance on fiscal and social issues, according to former editor Franklin Foer, who stated that it "invented the modern usage of the term'liberal', it's one of our historical legacies and obligations to be involved in the ongoing debate over what liberalism means and stands for."
As of 2004, some, like Anne Kossedd and Steven Rendall, contended that it was not as liberal as it had been before 1974. The magazine's outlook was associated with the Democratic Leadership Council and "New Democrats" such as former US President Bill Clinton and Connecticut Senator Joseph Lieberman, who received the magazine's endorsement in the 2004 Democratic primary; the magazine endorsed Barack Obama in the 2008 general election. Prior to 2014, while defending federal programs like Medicare and the EPA, it advocated some policies that, while seeking to achieve the ends of traditional social welfare programs used market solutions as their means, so were called "business-friendly". Typical of some of the policies supported by both The New Republic and the DLC during the 1990s were increased funding for the Earned Income Tax Credit program and reform of the Federal welfare system, supply-side economics the idea of reducing higher marginal income tax rates, which received heavy criticism from senior editor Jonathan Chait.
In its current incarnation, The New Republic is in favor of universal health care. On certain high-profile social issues, such as its support of same-sex marriage, The New Republic could be considered more progressive than the mainstream of the Democratic Party establishment. In its March 2007 issue, The New Republic ran an article by Paul Starr where he provided a definition of modern democratic liberalism: Liberalism wagers that a state... can be strong but constrained – strong because constrained... Rights to education and other requirements for human development and security aim to advance equal opportunity and personal dignity and to promote a creative and productive society. To guarantee those rights, liberals have supported a wider social and economic role for the state, counterbalanced by more robust guarantees of civil liberties and a wider social system of checks and balances anchored in an independent press and pluralistic society; the New Republic does not focus on domestic policy, as it brings analysis and commentary of various international affairs.
Support for Israel was a strong theme in The New Republic under Martin Peretz, the former owner of The New Republic: "Support for Israel is deep down an expression of America's best view of itself." According to journalism professor Eric Alterman: Nothing has been as consistent about the past 34 years of The New Republic as the magazine's devotion to Peretz's own understanding of what is good for Israel... It is not too much to say that all of Peretz's political beliefs are subordinate to his commitment to Israel's best interests, these interests as Peretz defines them always involve more war. Unsigned editorials prior to the 2003 invasion of Iraq expressed strong support for military action, citing the threat of weapons of mass destruction as well as humanitarian concerns. Since the end of major military operations, unsigned editorials, while critical of the handling of the war, have continued to justify the invasion on humanitarian grounds, but no longer maintain that Iraq's WMD facilities posed any threat to the United States.
In the November 27, 2006 issue, the editors wrote: At this point, it seems beside the point to say this: The New Republic regrets its early support for this war. The past three years have complicated our idealism and reminded us of the limits of American power and our own wisdom. On June 23, 2006, in response to criticism of the magazine from the blog Daily Kos, Martin Peretz wrote the following as a summary of The New Republic's stances on then-recent issues: The New Republic is much against the Bush tax programs, against Bush Social Security "reform", against cutting the inheritance tax, for radical health care changes, passionate about Gore-type environmentalism, for a woman's entitlement to an abortion, for gay marriage, for an increase in the minimum wage, for pursuing aggressively alternatives to our present reliance on oil and our present tax preferences for gas-guzzling automobiles. We were against the confirmation of Justice Alito; the magazine has published two articles concerning income inequality criticizing conservative economists for their attempts to deny the existence or negative effect increasing income inequality is having on the United States.
In its May 2007 issue the magazine ran an editorial pointing to the humanitarian beliefs of liberals as being responsible for the recent plight of the American left. In another article The New Republic fav