Chamber of Fasci and Corporations
Chamber of Fasci and Corporations was the lower house of the legislature of the Kingdom of Italy from March 23, 1939 to August 2, 1943, during the height of the regime of Benito Mussolini's National Fascist Party. It was established on January 19, 1939, to replace the Chamber of Deputies during the 30th legislature of Italy. Members of the chamber were called'"national councilors" rather than deputies; the councilors of the chamber did not represent geographic constituencies, but the different branches of the trade and industry of Italy, thus reflecting the corporativist idea of fascist ideology. Councilors were elected for terms of undetermined length and automatically lost their seats upon their defection from the branch they did represent. Renewal of the legislature was ordered by decree by the King of Italy, on specific instruction of the head of government; the creation of the Chamber of Fasci and Corporations was the culmination of the progressive curtailment of the independence of Parliament dating from Mussolini formally proclaiming a dictatorship in 1925.
At the elections of 1929 and 1934, voters were presented with a single list of Fascist candidates chosen by the Grand Council of Fascism. No elections took place in Italy between 1934 and 1946. Unlike earlier elections for the legislature held under the Fascist era, popular suffrage was eliminated altogether. Instead, candidates were delivered under the pretext of a parliamentary reform, replacing the elections system with a body comprising only candidates of the various corporations of Italy, fulfilling Benito Mussolini's vow of enacting a complete corporativist system; the candidates for the 600 seats were nominated summarily by three organs: the Grand Council, the National Council of the members of the PNF, the different corporations resembling the entire trade and industry of Italy, canalized through the National Council of Corporations in the hands of Mussolini and the PNF. Gerarca
Cesare Maria De Vecchi
Cesare Maria De Vecchi, 1st Conte di Val Cismon was an Italian soldier, colonial administrator and Fascist politician. De Vecchi was born in Casale Monferrato on 14 November 1884. After graduating in jurisprudence he became a successful lawyer in Turin, his stance on the First World War was interventionist, he himself took part in the final events of the conflict. On his return to Italy he gave his support to the National Fascist Party, in which he would represent the monarchical and'moderate' wing, he became head of the local Fascist squadre. In 1921, he was elected to the Italian Chamber of Deputies. De Vecchi became Commander General of the Milizia, was one of the quadrumvirs who organised the March on Rome, sought to persuade Antonio Salandra to enter into Benito Mussolini's government, he himself became Undersecretary at the Treasury and at the Finance Ministry. In December 1922 he inspired the squadre of Brandimarte to the 1922 Turin massacre and he became known as the most important of the Piedmontese squadristi.
From 1923 to 1928, De Vecchi was governor of Italian Somaliland, a role which took him away from the centre of the Italian political scene. He was made Count of Val Cismon, he was appointed Senator by King Victor Emmanuel III. He became the first ambassador to the Vatican after the Concordat of 1929. Between 1935 and 1936 he was national Minister of Education: as such he promoted a historiography which identified the House of Savoy as the link between Imperial Rome and the Rome of Fascism, worked for the centralisation of the administration of the school system. From 1936 to 1940, De Vecchi acted as governor of the Italian Aegean Islands promoting the official use of the Italian language. In the following year he was appointed to the Grand Council of Fascism and on 25 July 1943, he voted in favour of Dino Grandi's order of the day which deposed Benito Mussolini of his role as Fascist Duce; as a result, he was condemned to death in absentia during the Verona trial conducted under the auspices of the Italian Social Republic, but he was able to escape to Argentina on a Paraguayan passport.
After returning to Italy in 1949, De Vecchi supported the neo-fascist Italian Social Movement together with Rodolfo Graziani. However, he refused to accept any political or institutional office within the MSI. Cesare Maria De Vecchi died in Rome in 1959; this article originated as a translation of its counterpart in the Italian Wikipedia as retrieved on 2007-03-18
National Fascist Party
The National Fascist Party was an Italian political party, created by Benito Mussolini as the political expression of fascism. The party ruled Italy from 1922 when Fascists took power with the March on Rome to 1943, when Mussolini was deposed by the Grand Council of Fascism. Preceding the PNF, Mussolini's first established political party was known as the Fascist Revolutionary Party, founded in 1915 according to Mussolini. After poor November 1919 election results, the PFR was renamed the National Fascist Party during the Third Fascist Congress in Rome on 7–10 November 1921; the National Fascist Party was rooted in Italian nationalism and the desire to restore and expand Italian territories, which Italian Fascists deemed necessary for a nation to assert its superiority and strength and to avoid succumbing to decay. Italian Fascists claimed that modern Italy is the heir to ancient Rome and its legacy and supported the creation of an Italian Empire to provide spazio vitale for colonization by Italian settlers and to establish control over the Mediterranean Sea.
Fascists promoted a corporatist economic system whereby employer and employee syndicates are linked together in associations to collectively represent the nation's economic producers and work alongside the state to set national economic policy. This economic system intended to resolve class conflict through collaboration between the classes. Italian Fascism opposed liberalism, but did not seek a reactionary restoration of the pre-French Revolutionary world, which it considered to have been flawed, not in line with a forward-looking direction on policy, it was opposed to Marxist socialism because of its typical opposition to nationalism, but was opposed to the reactionary conservatism developed by Joseph de Maistre. It believed the success of Italian nationalism required respect for tradition and a clear sense of a shared past among the Italian people alongside a commitment to a modernized Italy; the National Fascist Party along with its successor, the Republican Fascist Party, are the only parties whose re-formation is banned by the Constitution of Italy: "It shall be forbidden to reorganize, under any form whatsoever, the dissolved fascist party".
After World War I, despite the Kingdom of Italy being a full-partner Allied Power against the Central Powers, Italian nationalism claimed Italy was cheated in the Treaty of Saint-Germain-en-Laye, thus the Allies had impeded Italy's progress to becoming a "Great Power". Thenceforth, the PNF exploited that perceived slight to Italian nationalism in presenting Fascism as best suited for governing the country by claiming that democracy and liberalism were failed systems. In 1919 at the Paris Peace Conference, the Allies compelled the Kingdom of Italy to yield to Yugoslavia the Croatian seaport of Fiume, a Italian city of little nationalist significance, until early 1919. Moreover, elsewhere Italy was excluded from the wartime secret Treaty of London it had concorded with the Triple Entente, wherein Italy was to leave the Triple Alliance and join the enemy by declaring war against the German Empire and Austria-Hungary in exchange for territories at war's end, upon which the Kingdom of Italy held claims.
In September 1919, the nationalist response of outraged war hero Gabriele D'Annunzio was declaring the establishment of the Italian Regency of Carnaro. To his independent Italian state, he installed himself as the Regent Duce and promulgated the Carta del Carnaro, a politically syncretic constitutional amalgamation of right-wing and left-wing anarchist, proto-fascist and democratic republican politics, which much influenced the politico-philosophic development of early Italian Fascism. Consequent to the Treaty of Rapallo, the metropolitan Italian military deposed the Regency of Duce D'Annunzio on Christmas 1920. In the development of the fascist model of government, D’Annunzio was a nationalist and not a fascist, whose legacy of political–praxis was stylistic and not substantive, which Italian Fascism artfully developed as a government model. Founded in Rome during the Third Fascist Congress on 7–10 November 1921, the National Fascist Party marked the transformation of the paramilitary Fasci Italiani di Combattimento into a more coherent political group.
The Fascist Party was instrumental in popularizing support for Mussolini's ideology. In the early years, groups within the PNF called Blackshirts built a base of power by violently attacking socialists and their institutions in the rural Po Valley, thereby gaining the support of landowners. Compared to its predecessor, the PNF abandoned republicanism to turn decisively towards the right-wing of the political spectrum. On 28 October 1922, Mussolini attempted a coup d'état, titled by the Fascist propaganda, the March on Rome, in which took part 30,000 fascists; the quadrumvirs leading the Fascist Party, General Emilio De Bono, Italo Balbo, Michele Bianchi and Cesare Maria de Vecchi, organized the March while the Duce stayed behind for most of the march, though he allowed pictures to be taken of him marching along with the Fascist marchers. Generals Gustavo Fara and Sante Ceccherini assisted to the preparations of the March of 18 October. Other organizers of the march included Ulisse Igliori. On 24 October 1922, Mu
Palazzo Venezia
The Palazzo Venezia Palace of St. Mark, is a palazzo in central Rome, just north of the Capitoline Hill; the original structure of this great architectural complex consisted of a modest medieval house intended as the residence of the cardinals appointed to the church of San Marco. In 1469 it became a residential papal palace, having undergone a massive extension, in 1564, Pope Pius IV, to win the sympathies of the Republic of Venice, gave the mansion to the Venetian embassy to Rome on the terms that part of the building would be kept as a residence for the cardinals, the Apartment Cibo, that the republic would provide for the building's maintenance and future restoration; the palace faces Via del Plebiscito. It houses the National Museum of the Palazzo Venezia, it took on a new layout in 1451, when owned by Cardinal Pietro Barbo, nephew of Pope Eugenius IV and the future Pope Paul II. It was a fortified building, composed of a half-basement and a mezzanine that functioned as a piano nobile, extending over a small area between the basilica and the gate of the present palazzo overlooking the piazza, with a small external tower.
It was a building of no exceptional size but was sufficiently dignified as a cardinal's residence so that in 1455, Pietro Barbo could proudly boast of it, having a commemorative medal struck in its honor. In 1455, the building manifested some of the first Renaissance architectural features in Rome, it was built around the medieval tower at the right of its facade and incorporated within its mass the ancient basilica church of San Marco founded by Pope Marcus in 336 and dedicated to the Evangelist who would become protector of Venice rebuilt in 833, which underwent frequent reconstructions since then. Much of the stone to build the palazzo was quarried from the nearby Colosseum, a common practice in Rome until the 18th century; the design is traditionally attributed to Leone Battista Alberti. The project was continued after his death by patriarch of Aquileia; the green courtyard had only been enclosed by a colonnade surmounted by a loggia for less than a quarter of its full ranges before work was interrupted.
The building became a papal residence, in 1564 Pope Pius IV gave use of much of the building to the Republic of Venice for its embassy and for the titular cardinal of S. Marco, by tradition always a Venetian. From the Treaty of Campoformio throughout the nineteenth century, as Austria succeeded the defunct Republic, the building was the seat for the Austrian ambassador to the Vatican. In 1916, Italy, at war with Austria-Hungary, seized the building, it was subsequently restored. Benito Mussolini had his office in the Palazzo Venezia in the Sala del Mappamondo, used its balcony overlooking the Piazza Venezia to deliver many of his most notable speeches, such as the declaration of the Italian Empire, 9 May 1936, to crowds gathered in the Piazza Venezia below; the Museo nazionale del Palazzo di Venezia, housed in the building, contains galleries of art, predominantly pottery, statuary from the early Christian era up to early Renaissance. In 1910, due to the erection of the Monument to Victor Emmanuel II, the Italian Government enlarged the Piazza Venezia and built a replica of the Palazzo Venezia in yellow brick on the opposite side of the square.
This building hosts now the offices of the Assiscurazioni Generali di Venezia. Because of that the Palazzetto di Venezia, which closed the south side of the Piazza, was dismantled and rebuilt southwest of the Palazzo. In late 2010 Mussolini's unfinished "most secret" bunker. Carlo, Cresti. Palazzi of Rome. Könemann. Pp. 58–65. Satellite photo The Palazzo Venezia is to the left of the Piazza Venezia's boat-shaped central lawns; the Palazzo's tower is to the left of the "split" in the "boat". At the bottom is the white marble monument to Vittorio Emanuele. Report of a Mussolini bunker discovered under Palazzo Venezia
Victor Emmanuel III of Italy
Victor Emmanuel III was the King of Italy from 29 July 1900 until his abdication on 9 May 1946. In addition, he held the thrones of Ethiopia and Albania as Emperor of Ethiopia and King of the Albanians. During his reign of nearly 46 years, which began after the assassination of his father Umberto I, the Kingdom of Italy became involved in two world wars, his reign encompassed the birth and fall of Italian Fascism. During World War I, Victor Emmanuel III accepted the resignation of Prime Minister Paolo Boselli and named Vittorio Emanuele Orlando in his place. Following the March on Rome, he appointed Benito Mussolini as Prime Minister and deposed him in 1943 during World War II. Victor Emmanuel abdicated his throne in 1946 in favour of his son Umberto II, hoping to strengthen support for the monarchy against an successful referendum to abolish it, he went into exile to Alexandria, where he died and was buried the following year. His remains were returned in 2017 to rest in Italy, following an agreement between Italian President Sergio Mattarella and Egyptian President Abdel Fattah el-Sisi.
He was called by the Italians Sciaboletta due to his height of 1.53 m, or Il Re soldato for having led his country during both the world wars. Victor Emmanuel was born in Italy, he was the only child of Umberto I, King of Italy, his consort, Princess Margherita of Savoy. Margherita was the daughter of the Duke of Genoa. Unlike his paternal first cousin's son, the 1.98 m tall Amedeo, 3rd Duke of Aosta, Victor Emmanuel was short of stature by 19th-century standards, to the point that today he would appear diminutive. He was just 1.53 m tall. From birth until his accession, Victor Emmanuel was known by the title of the Prince of Naples. On 24 October 1896, Prince Victor Emmanuel married Princess Elena of Montenegro. On 29 July 1900, at the age of 30, Victor Emmanuel acceded to the throne upon his father's assassination; the only advice that his father Umberto gave his heir was "Remember: to be a king, all you need to know is how to sign your name, read a newspaper, mount a horse". His early years showed evidence that, by the standards of the Savoy monarchy, he was a man committed to constitutional government.
Indeed though his father was killed by an anarchist, the new King showed a commitment to constitutional freedoms. Though parliamentary rule had been established in Italy, the Statuto Albertino, or constitution, granted the king considerable residual powers. For instance, he had the right to appoint the Prime Minister if the individual in question did not command majority support in the Chamber of Deputies. A shy and somewhat withdrawn individual, the King hated the day-to-day stresses of Italian politics, though the country's chronic political instability forced him to intervene on no fewer than ten occasions between 1900 and 1922 to solve parliamentary crises; when World War I began, Italy at first remained neutral, despite being part of the Triple Alliance. However, in 1915, Italy signed several secret treaties committing her to enter the war on the side of the Triple Entente. Most of the politicians opposed war and the Italian Chamber of Deputies forced Prime Minister Antonio Salandra to resign.
At this juncture, Victor Emmanuel declined Salandra's resignation and made the decision for Italy to enter the war. He was well within his rights to do so under the Statuto, which stipulated that ultimate authority for declaring war rested with the crown. Popular demonstrations in favor of the war were staged in Rome, with 200,000 gathering on 16 May 1915, in the Piazza del Popolo. However, the corrupt and disorganised war effort, the stunning loss of life suffered by the Italian army at the great defeat of Caporetto, the Post–World War I recession turned the King against what he perceived as an inefficient political bourgeoisie; the King visited the various areas of northern Italy suffering repeated strikes and mortar hits from elements of the fighting there, demonstrated considerable courage and concern in visiting many people, his wife the queen taking turns with nurses in caring for Italy's wounded. It was at this time, the period of World War I, that the King enjoyed the genuine affection of the majority of his people.
Still, during the war he received about 400 threatening letters from people of every social background working class. The economic depression which followed World War I gave rise to much extremism among Italy's sorely tried working classes; this caused the country as a whole to become politically unstable. Benito Mussolini, soon to be Italy's Fascist dictator, took advantage of this instability for his rise to power. In 1922, Mussolini led a force of his Fascist supporters on a March on Rome. Prime Minister Luigi Facta and his cabinet drafted a decree of martial law. After some hesitation the King refused to sign it, citing doubts about the ability of the army to contain the uprising. Fascist violence had been growing in intensity throughout the summer and autumn of 1922, climaxing in rumours of a possible coup. On 24 October 1922, during the Fascist congress in Naples, Mussolini announced that the Fascists would march on Rome "take by the throat our miserable ruling class". General Pietro Badoglio
Fall of the Fascist regime in Italy
The fall of the Fascist regime in Italy known in Italy as 25 Luglio, came as a result of parallel plots led by Count Dino Grandi and King Victor Emmanuel III during the spring and summer of 1943, culminating with a successful vote of no confidence against the Prime Minister Benito Mussolini at the meeting of the Grand Council of Fascism on 24–25 July 1943. As a result, new government was established, putting an end to the 21 years of Fascist rule in Italy, Mussolini was placed under arrest. At the beginning of 1943, Italy was facing defeat; the collapse of the African front on 4 November 1942 and the Allied landings in North Africa on 8–12 November exposed Italy to an invasion of the Allied forces. The defeat of the Italian expeditionary force in Russia, the heavy bombings of the cities, the lack of food and fuel demoralized the population, the majority of whom wanted to end the war and denounce the alliance with Germany. Italy needed German aid in order to maintain control of Tunisia, the last stronghold of the Axis powers in Africa.
Italy's Duce, Benito Mussolini, was persuaded that the war could be decided in the Mediterranean theater. On 29 April 1943, at the meeting in Klessheim, Hitler rejected Mussolini's proposition to seek a separate peace with Russia and move the bulk of the German Army south; the request for reinforcements to defend the bridgehead in Tunisia was refused by the Wehrmacht, which no longer trusted the Italian will to maintain resistance. Mussolini's health was another main factor of uncertainty, he was sick after being diagnosed with gastritis and duodenitis of a nervous origin. Because of his illness, the Duce was forced to stay at home, depriving Italy of effective government. In this situation, several groups belonging to four different circles began to look for a way out. Aristocrats, such as Crown Princess Maria José, members of the upper class, politicians belonging to the pre-Fascist elite independently started plots to establish contact with the Allies. Following the declaration of Casablanca, the Allies would only accept unconditional surrender.
Despite the Crown Princess' involvement, the Anglo-Americans expected a move from higher-placed personalities, like the King, disregarded contact with these groups. The anti-Fascist parties, weakened by 20 years of dictatorship, were still in an embryonic state. All except the communists and the republicans of the Partito d’Azione waited for a signal from King Victor Emmanuel III, whose inaction was prompted by his character, his fears and constitutional scruples, the fact that the monarchy was finished regardless of how the war turned out; the King had considerable contempt towards the pre-Fascist politicians, whom he called "revenants". He was distrustful of those who claimed that the Anglo-Americans would not seek revenge on Italy. Victor Emmanuel III did retain his trust in Mussolini, he hoped that the Duce could save the situation; the King isolated himself from anyone who tried to learn his intentions. Among them was the new Chief of the General Staff, General Vittorio Ambrosio, devoted to the King and hostile to the Germans.
Ambrosio was persuaded that the war was lost for Italy, but he never took personal initiative to change the situation without first consulting the King. Ambrosio, with the help of Giuseppe Castellano and Giacomo Carboni proceeded to occupy several key positions in the armed forces with officials devoted to the King, he tried to bring back as many of Italy's abroad forces as possible, but it was difficult to do so without raising suspicion from Germany. On 6 February 1943, Mussolini carried out the most wide-ranging government reshuffle in 21 years of Fascist power. All of the ministers were changed, including the Duce's son-in-law, Galeazzo Ciano, Dino Grandi, Giuseppe Bottai, Guido Buffarini Guidi and Alessandro Pavolini; the situation was compromised, the primary goal of the operation to placate public opinion about the Fascist Party failed. Among the new appointments, the new Undersecretary of Foreign Affairs Giuseppe Bastianini, was aware of the seriousness of the situation. Bastianini's strategy was twofold: like Mussolini, he tried to argue in favor of a peace between Germany and the USSR.
He aimed to create a block of Balkan countries led by Italy who could act as a counterbalance to the excessive power of the German Reich in Europe. On 14 April, the Duce substituted the chief of Carmine Senise, with Lorenzo Chierici. Five days he changed the young and inexperienced secretary of the Party, Aldo Vidussoni, to Carlo Scorza. Mussolini wanted to galvanize the Party with the appointment of Scorza; the fall of Tunis on 13 May 1943 radically changed the strategic situation. It was important for Germany to control Italy, which had turned into an external stronghold of the Reich, because they were susceptible to invasion; the Germans developed plans for operations Alarich and Konstantin, devoted to the occupation of Italy and to the Balkan areas occupied by the Italian Army, in order to take control of Italy and disarm the Italian forces after their expected armistice with the Allies. In preparation, the Germans wanted to increase land forces in Italy. Ambrosio and Mussolini refused and asked only for more airplanes because they wanted to preserve Italian independence.
On 11 June 1943, the Allies captured the
Emilio De Bono
Emilio De Bono was an Italian General, fascist activist and member of the Fascist Grand Council. De Bono fought in the Italo-Turkish War, World War I, the Second Italo-Abyssinian War. De Bono was born in Cassano d'Adda. Son of Giovanni de Bono, descendant of the Counts of Barlassina, Elisa Bazzi, his family "suffered under the Austrian yoke". He entered the Italian Royal Army in 1884 as a Second Lieutenant and had worked his way up to General Staff by the start of the Italo-Turkish War of 1911. De Bono would to go on to fight in World War I, where he distinguished himself against the Austrians in Gorizia in 1916 and Monte Grappa in October 1918. In 1920, he was discharged with the rank of Major General. During the early 1920s, De Bono helped organize the National Fascist Party. In 1922, as one of the four Quadrumvirs, he organized and staged the "March on Rome." This event signalled the start of the Fascist regime in Italy. In the period following the march, De Bono served as Chief of Police and Commander of the Fascist Militia.
In 1925, De Bono was tried for his role in the 1924 death of the leftist politician Giacomo Matteotti. He refused to implicate his superiors and was unexpectedly acquitted in 1925; that year, De Bono was appointed Governor of Tripolitania in Libya. In 1929, De Bono was appointed Minister of Colonial Affairs. In 1932, King Victor Emmanuel and De Bono visited Eritrea and found, they said, a peaceful and contented colony. In November 1932, at Prime Minister Benito Mussolini's request, De Bono wrote a plan for an invasion of Ethiopia; the plan outlined a traditional mode of penetration: a small force would move southward from Eritrea, establish strong bases and advance against weak and disorganized opponents. The invasion De Bono envisioned would be cheap, safe, – and slow. Mussolini separately involved the Army in planning and, over the next two years, the Army developed its own massive campaign which would involve five to six times the number of troops required by De Bono. In 1934, Mussolini pulled the uncoordinated plans together into one that emphasized the military's idea of full-scale war.
In 1935, De Bono became Supreme Commander of the Italian operation against Ethiopia during the Second Italo-Ethiopian War. De Bono was appointed because Mussolini wanted the victory in Ethiopia to be not just an Italian victory, but a Fascist one as well, hence the appointment of a well known Fascist general. In addition, he was Commander-in-Chief of the forces invading from Italian-held Eritrea, on what was known as the "northern front." De Bono had, under his direct command, a force of nine Army divisions in three corps: The Italian I Corps, the Italian II Corps, the Eritrean Corps. On 3 October, forces under De Bono's command crossed into Ethiopia from Eritrea. On 6 October his forces took Adowa avenging the humiliating 1896 Italian defeat. Soon thereafter, De Bono entered the significant city of Axum, riding a white horse. After these initial triumphs, however, De Bono's advance slowed. On 8 November the Eritrean Corps captured Mek ` ele; this was to be the limit of Italian advances under De Bono.
Increasing world pressure on Mussolini brought a need for glittering victories. On 16 November De Bono was promoted to Marshal of Italy but Mussolini grew more impatient with the invasion's slow progress and, 17 on December, De Bono was relieved of his command via State Telegram 13181, which stated that, with the capture of Mek'ele five weeks before, his mission had been accomplished, his place was taken by Marshal Pietro Badoglio, De Bono was appointed Inspector of Overseas Troops. In 1940, De Bono commanded a southern defense corps headquartered in Sicily and was opposed to the Italian entry into World War II, but he kept a low profile and, in 1942, he was appointed Minister of State. On 24 and 25 July 1943, De Bono was one of the members of the Fascist Grand Council who voted to oust Benito Mussolini when Dino Grandi, in collaboration with Pietro Badoglio and King Victor Emmanuel III, put a no-confidence motion to the vote of the Grand Council of Fascism; that led to the dictator's downfall and imprisonment.
In 1943, Mussolini was rescued during the Gran Sasso raid and returned to power by Nazi Germany. He was set up in Northern Italy by the Germans as the "Duce of the Nation" of a new Italian Social Republic. Upon his return to power, Mussolini had others who voted against him arrested, he had Alessandro Pavolini try them for treason at Verona in what became known as the "Verona trial". De Bono was convicted in a show trial. On 11 January 1944, the 77-year-old De Bono was executed by firing squad at Verona, he was shot along with Luciano Gottardi, Giovanni Marinelli and Carlo Pareschi. Ciano was the Italian Minister of Foreign Affairs and Mussolini's son-in-law. Gottardi was the former president of the Fascist Confederation of Industrial workers. Marinelli was the former chief of the Fascist militia and Pareschi was the former Agriculture Minister; the only person on trial who escaped from capital punishment was Tullio Cianetti, the Minister of Corporations. Cianetti was sentenced to 30 years imprisonment by the RSI judges.
Religion: Like his maternal grandfather, Emilio was an atheist, as stated in his "Memoirs" in 1941: "Atheism is enlightened and rational, based on scientific principles. I, as a member of the military, admire reason, for that I'm an atheist". Family: He had the following siblings
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