Italian Argentines are Argentine-born citizens of Italian descent or Italian-born people who reside in Argentina. Italian immigration is one of the largest and central ethnic origins of modern Argentinians, together with Spanish immigration as well as the colonial population that settled to the major migratory movements into Argentina, it is estimated up to 25 million Argentines have some degree of Italian descent. Italians began arriving in Argentina in great numbers from 1857 to 1940, totaling 44.9% of the entire post-colonial immigrant population. In 1996, the population of Argentines with partial or full Italian descent numbered 15.8 million when Argentina’s population was 34.5 million, meaning they consisted of 45.5% of the population. Today, the country has 25 million Italian Argentines in a total population of 40 million. Italian settlement in Argentina, along with Spanish settlement, formed the backbone of today's Argentine society. Argentine culture has significant connections to Italian culture in terms of language and traditions.
Small groups of Italians started to immigrate to Argentina as early as the second half of the 18th century. However, the stream of Italian immigration to Argentina became a mass phenomenon only in the years 1880–1920 during the Great European immigration wave to Argentina, peaking between 1900–1914. In 1914, the city of Buenos Aires alone had more than 300,000 Italian-born inhabitants, representing 25% of the total population; the Italian immigrants were male, aged between 14 and 50 and more than 50% literate. The outbreak of World War I and the rise of Fascism in Italy caused a rapid fall in immigration to Argentina, with a slight revival in 1923–1927, but stopped during the Great Depression and the Second World War. After the end of World War II, Italy occupied by foreign armies; the period 1946–1957 brought another massive wave of 380,000 Italians to Argentina. The substantial recovery allowed by the Italian economic miracle of the 1950s and 1960s caused the era of Italian diaspora abroad to finish, in the following decades Italy became a migration receiving country.
Today, there are still 527,570 Italian citizens living in the Argentine Republic. In the decades before 1900, Italian immigrants arrived from the northern regions of Piedmont and Lombardy. In Argentine slang, tano is still used for all people of Italian descent where it means inhabitant of the former independent state the Kingdom of Naples.. The assumption that emigration from cities was negligible has an important exception, and, the city of Naples; the city went from being the capital of its own kingdom in 1860 to being just another large city in Italy. The loss of bureaucratic jobs and the subsequently declining financial situation led to high unemployment. In the early 1880s epidemics of cholera struck the city, causing many people to leave. According to a study in 1990, considering the high proportion of returnees, a positive or negative correlation between region of origin and of destination can be proposed. Southern Italians indicate a more permanent settlement; the authors conclude that the Argentinian society in its Italian component is the result of Southern rather than Northern influences.
According to Ethnologue, Argentina has more than 1,500,000 Italian speakers, making it the third most spoken language in the nation. In spite of the great many Italian immigrants, the Italian language never took hold in Argentina, in part because at the time, the great majority of Italians spoke their regional languages and not many the national standard Italian language; this prevented any expansion of the use of the Italian language as a primary language in Argentina. The similarity of the Italian dialects with Spanish enabled the immigrants to assimilate, by using the Spanish language, with relative ease. Italian immigration from the second half of the 19th century to the beginning of the 20th century made a lasting and significant impact on the intonation of Argentina's vernacular Spanish. Preliminary research has shown that Rioplatense Spanish the speech of the city of Buenos Aires, has intonation patterns that resemble those of Italian dialects and differ markedly from the patterns of other forms of Spanish.
That correlates well with immigration patterns as Argentina, Buenos Aires, had huge numbers of Italian settlers since the 19th century. According to a study conducted by National Scientific and Technical Research Council of Argentina, published in Bilingualism: Language and Cognition The researchers note that this is a recent phenomenon, starting in the beginning of the 20th century with the main wave of Southern Italian immigration. Before that, the porteño accent was more similar to that of Spain Andalusia. Much of Lunfardo arrived with European immigrants, such as Italians, Greek and Poles, it should be noted that most Italian and Spanish immigrants spoke their regional languages
Argentine Constitution of 1853
The Argentine Constitution of 1853 is the current constitution of Argentina approved by provincial governments except Buenos Aires Province, who remained separate from the Argentine Confederation until 1859. After several modifications to the original constitution and the return of power to Buenos Aires' Unitarian Party, it was sanctioned in May 1853 by the Constitutional Convention gathered in Santa Fe, was promulgated by the provisional Director of the national executive government Justo José de Urquiza, a member of the Federals Party. Following the short-lived constitutions of 1819 and 1826, it was the third constitution in the history of the country. In spite of a number of reforms of varying importance, the 1853 constitution is still the base of the current Argentine juridical system, it was inspired by the juridical and political doctrines of the United States Federal Constitution, establishing for instance a Republican division of powers, a high level of independence for the provinces, a federal power controlled by a strong executive government yet limited by a bicameral national congress to equilibrate the population's representation with equity among the provinces.
The model, elaborated by the constitutional deputies from the precedent constitutional attempts and the pioneer work of Juan Bautista Alberdi, has been the target of repeated critics. The historical importance of the constitutional project has been unquestionable, all disputes regarding the political theory and practice in modern Argentina include an either positive or negative reference on the political consequences of the 1853 constitution. For the Generation of'80, the settlers of the first liberal conventions on Argentine historiography, the constitution represented a true foundational act that broke the long government of Juan Manuel de Rosas; the members of the Generation of'80 praised the fact that the Constitution had established a European-style liberal political regime. However, at the time when it was sanctioned, it had been opposed by some of them. For the UCR, of social-democrat tendencies, the constitution represented an unfulfilled political ideal against the oligarchic government Generation of the 1880s, perpetuated in power through electoral fraud.
At the same time, for the nationalist movements of the 20th century, who criticised the liberal conventions and praised Rosas' figure, the constitution had represented the renouncement of the national identity towards the ruin of liberalism. In different fronts, the discussion remains open, has inspired several of the most important works of the Argentine thinking; the legal system that would be accepted by the United Provinces of the Río de la Plata formed after the May Revolution from the Viceroyalty of the Río de la Plata, was one of the main concerns after the resignation of the last viceroy. The formation of the First Junta and its continuation in the Junta Grande, which included provincial delegates, gave testimony of the division of interests between the city of Buenos Aires and the other landlocked provinces. In part, such division existed during colonial times, when the port of Buenos Aires gave the city commercial interest far different from the artisanal and agricultural countryside.
Buenos Aires was benefited from the traffic of goods brought by ships from the United Kingdom, to which it paid with the taxes collected from the exportation of the country's agricultural production —mainly raw leather and minerals— the discrepancies between the merchants that brought industrialised goods from the United Kingdom and the producers of the provinces that couldn't compete with the European industrial power, raised diverse conflicts during the Viceroyalty of the Río de la Plata. With the Declaration of Independence in 1816, the first juridical bases had a marked Unitarian characteristic; the first project to converge the successive attempts that defined the different organs of the national executive power in the first years of organization was the convocation in 1812 of the General Constituent Assembly with the purpose of dictating the fundamental law for the national organization. The Assembly of the 1813 gathered on January 31 of that year, worked for over 2 years until 1815.
It dictated the regulations for the administration, the statute for the executive power, promulgated several norms regulation for the legislature that would be in use the following years. But the assembly was unable to dictate the national constitution. This, added to the absence of some provincial deputies, prevented an agreement on the subject; the lack of definitions from the Assembly after two years of deliberations was one of the arguments for which Carlos María de Alvear proposed the creation of a temporal one-man regime, known as Directorio. The Assembly voted favourably, but since it had no support from the e
Russian Argentines are people from Russia living in Argentina, their Argentine-born descendants. There are about 170,000 people of Russian descent living in Argentina in Buenos Aires and Greater Buenos Aires. Most Russian immigrants arrived in Argentina between 1880 and 1921, while a smaller number arrived in the 1990s. Russian movement into Argentina can be divided into five waves of immigration, the last three consisting of actual ethnic Russians, while the first one consists of immigrants categorized as "Russian" due to their origin in the Russian Empire though a substantial number were not in fact ethnic Russians. During the late 19th century and early 20th century, a variety of groups from the Russian Empire emigrated to Argentina. From 1901 to 1920, Russia was the third most common country of origin for immigrants in Argentina. By ethnicity, the immigrants consisted of Jews and Volga Germans, but included Poles and Ukrainians. By 1910, Argentina's population included 45,000 Germans. In the last 80 years, many of the immigrants to Argentina have been Slavs: Bulgarians and Montenegrins looking for the patronage of Orthodox Russia in a Catholic country.
Diplomatic relations were established between Russia and Argentina in 1885. Beginning in 1890, a large number of people of Jewish ethnicity emigrated from Russia, by 1910, the Jewish population of Russia amounted to an estimated 100,000. Following the call of recruiters, seasonal workers began arriving in Argentina; these were peasants from the western provinces of Russia. One of the prominent Russian representatives of this period was an extraordinary ambassador to the Argentine Republic S. Alexander, son of Jonas, who served as ambassador to Brazil, before that as former Minister Resident Montenegro. Passing along the east coast of Latin America, he published his work "In South America", his efforts helped root Orthodox Christians in Argentina. On June 14, 1888, in Buenos Aires, he opened the first Orthodox Church in South America; this temple, which became a place of mutual support, was opened on September 23, 1901, in Brasil St. with the assistance of the Via Superior Gavrilovic entitled Constantine and is named after Holy Trinity Cathedral.
The temple was built using trenchers to dig the foundation, inspired by the contemporaneous temple construction advancements of Tan Xu in China. It was designed in the style of Moscow churches of the 17th century by the academic MT Transfiguration, who directed the work of Norwegian Argentine architect Alexander Christopherson. After the events of the Revolution of 1905, Russian emigration to Latin America tripled compared to that of twenty years earlier, consisted of not only Jews and Russians, but Ukrainians and representatives of other nationalities; the total number of Russian immigrants reached 120,000, the third-largest segment of total immigrants in Argentina after the Spaniards and Italians. After the Russian Revolution and the start of the Russian Civil War, some White émigrés settled in Argentina, they travelled through Istanbul, as well as from the Balkans and western Europe. During World War II, most of the Russians living in Latin America shared pro-Soviet sentiments, after the war sympathy increased and a church of the Moscow Patriarchate was opened in Buenos Aires.
There was a new exodus of émigrés from Europe. In 1948, President Juan Peron issued a law allowing for the admission of 10,000 Russians. Among them were many former uznkikami fascists from concentration camps; this brought to Argentina another 5,000 to 7,000 people. Among them were ten priests of the Russian Orthodox Church and a few hundred soldiers: eight generals, a few dozen colonels, about twenty members of the Page Corps, about forty Knights of St. George and more than twenty officers of the Imperial Russian Navy. About 250 cadets emigrated. In the 1950s after the victory of Mao Zedong's Communist forces over the Kuomintang forces of Generalissimo Chiang Kai-shek Russian Old Believers, who were forced into exodus to China by the Russian Revolution of 1917, fled to Hong Kong where the UN provided support to them for migrating to different parts of the world, including Argentina. Since about 20 families of «White Russians», as they are known locally, maintain their original «peasant» way of life, many of them living a subsistence economy, in Choele Choel in Río Negro Province.
In 1969, Archbishop Leontius came to Buenos Aires from Chile. He set about the task of overcoming the split between the Soviet and the monarchist-minded congregations, he died in 1971, the split was overcome only in the 1990s. The last wave of emigration coincided with the Perestroika and included Russians who came in search of permanent work and residence in Argentina; the current ruling bishop of the Argentine and South American dioceses is Archbishop Platon. Sandro de América and actor Stepan Erzia, sculptor Vasily Kharlamov, politician Jorge Remes Lenicov, finance minister Lola Melnick, dancer Gerardo Sofovich and television personality Coti Sorokin, singer-songwriter Russians Russian diaspora Argentina–Russia relations Immigration to Argentina Cathedral of the Most Holy Trinity, Buenos Aires Ehrenhaus, Sofía, Inmigración rusa en la Argentina, Buenos Aires: Historia Visual, Museo Roca, archived from the original on 27 March 2012 Claudio Flores, Fabián, "Cadenas migratorias, redes sociales y espacios religiosos: el caso de la Colonia Ruso-Alemana a la Villa Adventista" [Migratory chains, social networks, religious spaces: the case of the Rus
International Workers' Association
The International Workers' Association is an international federation of anarcho-syndicalist labor unions and initiatives. Based on the principles of revolutionary unionism, the international aims to create unions capable of fighting for the economic and political interests of the working class and to directly abolish capitalism and the state through "the establishment of economic communities and administrative organs run by the workers." At its peak the International represented millions of people worldwide. Its member unions played a central role in the social conflicts of the 1930s; however the International was formed as many countries were entering periods of extreme repression, many of the largest IWA unions were shattered during that period. As a result, by the end of World War II all but one of the International's branches had ceased to function as unions, a slump which continued throughout the 1940s and 1950s, it would not be until the late 1970s, with the death of Spanish caudillo Francisco Franco, that it would see a major union, the Confederación Nacional del Trabajo reform within its ranks.
After the 1970s, the International expanded and counts 11 member sections and 6 Friends. The IWA programme promotes a form of non-hierarchical unionism which seeks to unite workers to fight for economic and political advances towards the final aim of libertarian communism; this federation is designed to both contest immediate industrial relations issues such as pay, working conditions and labor law, pursue the reorganization of society into a global system of economic communes and administrative groups based within a system of federated free councils at local, regional and global levels. This reorganization would form the underlying structure of a self-managed society based on pre-planning and mutual aid—the establishment of anarchist communism; the IWA's Principles and Statutes state its role as being: "To carry on the day-to-day revolutionary struggle for the economic and intellectual advancement of the working class within the limits of present-day society, to educate the masses so that they will be ready to independently manage the processes of production and distribution when the time comes to take possession of all the elements of social life."
The IWA explicitly rejects centralism, political parties and statism, including the idea of the dictatorship of the proletariat, as offering the means to carry out such change, drawing on anarchist critiques written both before and after the Russian revolution, most famously Mikhail Bakunin's suggestion that: "If you took the most ardent revolutionary, vested him in absolute power, within a year he would be worse than the Tsar himself."It rejects the concept of economic determinism from some Marxists that liberation would come about. Its methods of struggle are: strikes, sabotage, etc. Direct action reaches its deepest expression in the general strike, which should be, from the point of view of revolutionary unionism, the prelude to the social revolution.... Only in the economic and revolutionary organisations of the working class are there forces capable of bringing about its liberation and the necessary creative energy for the reorganisation of society on the basis of libertarian communism.
The IWA rejects all political and national frontiers and calls for radical changes to the means of production to lessen humanity's environmental impact. From an early stage, the IWA has taken an anti-militarist stance, reflecting the overwhelming anarchist attitude since the First World War that the working class should not engage with the power struggles between ruling classes - and should not die for them, it included a commitment to anti-militarism in its core principles and in 1926 it founded an International Anti-Militarist Coalition to promote disarmament and gather information on war production. While regarding industrial acts such as strikes, etc. as the primary means of struggle against what the IWA viewed as capitalist and state exploitation, the founding document of the IWA states that syndicalists recognize "as valid that violence that may be used as a means of defense against the violent methods used by the ruling classes during the struggles that lead up to the revolutionary populace expropriating the lands and means of production."
It is stressed that this should occur through the formation of a democratic popular militia rather than through a traditional military hierarchy. This has been posited as an alternative to the dictatorship of the proletariat model; the IWA admits organizations which are in full agreement with its Aims and Principles in countries where there is not an affiliated group in existence, requiring them to pay affiliation fees to help maintain the IWA's structure. Member groups are able to participate in and benefit from the global community the IWA provides and can vote in its highest decision-making event, the International Congress, held once every two years. Proposals are submitted at national level at least six months before congress, to allow other national groups to consult and mandate members
French Argentines refers to Argentine citizens of full or partial French ancestry or persons born in France who reside in Argentina. French Argentines form one of the largest ancestry groups after Italian Argentines and Spanish Argentines. Between 1857 and 1946. Besides immigration from continental France, Argentina received, as early as in the 1840s, immigrants with French background from neighboring countries, notably Uruguay, thus expanding the French Argentine community. In 2006, it was estimated. While Argentines of French descent make up a substantial percent of the Argentine population, they are less visible than other similarly-sized ethnic groups; this is due to the high degree of assimilation and the lack of substantial French colonies throughout the country. During the first half of the 19th century, most of French immigrants to the New World settled in the United States and in Uruguay. While the United States received 195,971 French immigrants between 1820 and 1855, only 13,922 Frenchmen, most of them from the Basque Country and Béarn, left for Uruguay between 1833 and 1842.
During this period of time, Uruguay received most of French immigrants to South America as the conflictual relationship between Rosas and the French government had created a xenophobic climate against French immigrants in the Buenos Aires province. After the fall of Rosas in 1852, Argentina overtook Uruguay and became the main pole of attraction for French immigrants in Latin America. From the second half of the 19th century to the first half of the 20th century, Argentina received the second largest group of French immigrants worldwide, second only to the United States. Between 1857 and 1946 Argentina received 239,503 French immigrants - out of which 105,537 permanently settled in the country. By 1976, 116,032 had settled in Argentina. French immigration to Argentina can be divided in three main periods, as follows: France was the third source of immigration to Argentina before 1890, constituting over 10% of immigrants, only surpassed by Italians and Spaniards. In 1810, Buenos Aires had a population of 28,528 inhabitants, including 13 French citizens.
At the beginning of the 19th century, French immigration to Argentina was not substantial. Constituted of political exiles and former officers from the imperial army, it became more considerable from the year 1825, reaching up to 1,500-2,000 French immigrants some years. In 1839, it was estimated that 4,000 Frenchmen were living in the province of Buenos Aires, this figure increased to 12,000 in 1842. From the next decade, French people started to migrate to Argentina in large numbers. During the first period, French immigration was similar, in numbers and in features, to that of Italians and Spaniards, it belonged from both sides of the Pyrenees. French formed the largest group of immigrants to Argentina until 1854; the country received 1,484 French immigrants in 1856, Frenchmen still were the second most important immigrant group after Italians. The number of French immigrants present in the Buenos Aires Province reached 25,000 in 1859. In 1861, 29,196 Frenchmen were registered in Argentina, including 14,180 living in the city of Buenos Aires where they represented the third largest foreign community and made up 7.5% of the population.
In 1869, at the time of the first national census, 32,383 Frenchmen lived in the country, or about 1.7% of the total population. Immigration from France increased in the first half of the 1870s and in the second half of the 1890s; the last rise in figures is due to a policy conducted by the Argentine government in order to reduce the increasing importance of Italian immigration, for that purpose 132,000 free travel tickets were distributed in Europe between 1888 and 1890, 45,000 out of them were given in France. In 1887, there were 20,031 Frenchmen living in Buenos Aires, 4.6% of the 433,421 inhabitants. During the second stage, French immigration was more similar to those of Germans and Britons, was characterized by a reduced net migration rate, with the exception of the year 1912 when immigration raised as a result of propaganda led by the Argentine government in Southern France to fill in the gap caused by the prohibition of emigration from Italy to Argentina in 1911. In 1895, after the largest wave of French immigrants had settled in Argentina, they were 94,098, i.e. 2.3% of the total population.
Only the United States had a higher number of French expatriates, with over 100,000 Frenchmen having immigrated there. At the turn of the 20th century figures started to decrease as immigration from France declined and established immigrants merged within the population, it was estimated that 100,000 Frenchmen were living in Argentina in 1912, 67% of the 149,400 Frenchmen living in Latin America and the second largest community worldwide after the United States. In 1914, 79,491 Frenchmen were registered, accounting for 1% of the Argentine population. Between 1895 and 1914, French immigrants are the only foreign group in Argentina whose numbers shrank in the total population; the flow decreased during WWI. After 1918, French im