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Habesha peoples

Habesha peoples is a common pan-ethnic and meta-ethnic term used to refer to both Ethiopians and Eritreans as a whole. Conservatively-speaking with a narrow archaic definition, the Ethiosemitic-speaking and Agwa-speaking Cushitic peoples inhabiting the highlands of Ethiopia and Eritrea were considered the core linguistically and ancestrally related ethnic groups that constituted the pan-ethnic group Habesha peoples, but in a broader contemporary sense includes all Ethiopian-Eritrean ethnic groups. Population groups that make up the Habesha peoples trace their culture and ancestry back to the Kingdom of Dʿmt, the Kingdom of Aksum, the various constituent kingdoms and predecessor states of the Ethiopian Empire in the Horn of Africa; some Scholars have classified the Tigrayans and the Amhara as "Abyssinians proper" under an ultra-neo-conservative theory postulated by a few practitioners of race biology and political parties but not accepted by the general public or by most indigenous scholars of the region.

There are varying definitions of. These definitions vary from community to community, from Western anthropological theories to day-to-day usage, from generation to generation, between the various diaspora groups and communities that still reside in their ancestral homeland. Differences in usage can be found among different communities and people within the same constituent ethnic group. Below are a few of the major stances: Under a conservative definition of Abyssinian people, Abyssinian people includes the ethnic groups: Amhara, Agawa, Tigrayans and Tigre which either speak an Ethiosemitic-language and/or traditionally inhabited the Northern Ethiopian-Eritrean Highlands while still being Cushitic-speakers. In this definition, only Amharas and Tigrayans are considered Abyssinian people or at least "Abyssinian people proper." This definition is used by certain European Anthropologists, Race Biologists and some ethnonationalist Ethiopian political parties or movements like the Ethiopian People's Revolutionary Democratic Front, the Oromo Liberation Front, Tigray People's Liberation Front, the Qeerroo movement.

The General Definition for the term "Habesha," has varying usages that are used by various groups and generations, both within their ethnic homelands and in the diaspora. Aari, Agaw-Awi, Agaw-Hamyra, Amhara, Arbore, Bacha, Bena, Berta, Brayle, Chara, Dawro, Debase/Gawwada, Dirashe, Donga, Beta Israel, Gebato, Gedicho, Goffa, Gurage, Hamar, Irob, Kambaata, Komo, Konta, Koyego, Kusumie, Majangir, Mao, Mashola, Me’en, Mere people, Mossiye, Mursi, Nuer, Oromo, Qebena, Qewama, Shekecho, Shinasha, Shita/Upo, Silt’e, Surma, Tigray, Welayta, Zelmam, Tigrinya, Afar, Bilen, Kunama and Yem. Ethiopian Australians, Ethiopian Canadians, Ethiopian Jews in Israel, Ethiopians in the United Kingdom, Ethiopian Americans, Ethiopians in Denmark, Ethiopians in Germany, Ethiopians in Norway, Ethiopians in Sweden, Eritrean Americans, Eritrean Canadians, Eritreans in Denmark, Eritreans in Norway, Eritreans in Sweden, Eritreans in the United Kingdom, other Hyphenated Ethnicities of Ethiopian-Eritrean Origin. Certain ethnic groups overlap between the "Conservative Definition" and the "Most Common Usage," like the Tigre people inhabiting Eritrea and Sudan, the Beja people inhabiting parts of Sudan and Egypt.

"Following the Hellenic and Biblical traditions, the Monumentum Adulitanum, a third century inscription belonging to the Aksumite Empire, indicates that Aksum's ruler governed an area, flanked to the west by the territory of Ethiopia and Sasu. The Aksumite King Ezana would conquer Nubia the following century, the Aksumites thereafter appropriated the designation "Ethiopians" for their own kingdom. In the Ge'ez version of the Ezana inscription, Aἰθιόποι is equated with the unvocalized Ḥbštm and Ḥbśt, denotes for the first time the highland inhabitants of Aksum; this new demonym would subsequently be rendered as'ḥbs in Sabaic and into ሐበሻ which today denotes all Ethiopians and Eritreans as part of the Habesha Community." Acceptance of these various definitions of "Habesha" Identity are rooted in history, traditional culture, personal taste, modern life realities the diaspora face. Term "Habesha" as a cultural or pan-ethnic identity has a varied acceptance among various communities within the same ethnic groups.

One reason is that the term is ambiguous and different definitions can be used by different factions. Another reasons is that the term fell out of use and was replaced with various singular ethnic identities prior to it

Wainui River (Tasman)

The Wainui River is a river of the Tasman Region of New Zealand's South Island. It flows north through Abel Tasman National Park from its sources on the slopes of Mount Evans to reach the small Wainui Bay, an indentation close to the eastern end of Golden Bay; the sources of Wainui River near Wainui Saddle are close to the Abel Tasman Inland Track. Shortly after, the Wainui Track follows its course for a few kilometers, with Wainui Hut situated next to the river. All of Wainui River's course is through dense native bush, with the lower half meandering through a narrow gorge where the river flows over the 20 metres tall Wainui Falls, one of the most accessible waterfalls in the Tasman region. Wainui Falls can be reached from a car park in Wainui Bay via the gentle Wainui Falls Track. List of rivers of New Zealand

Otpor

Otpor was a political organization in Serbia from 1998 until 2004. In its initial period from 1998 to 2000, Otpor began as a civic protest group turning into a movement, which adopted the Narodni pokret title, against the policies of the Serbian authorities that were under the influence of Slobodan Milošević who at the time was President of Serbia and Montenegro. Following Milošević's overthrow in October 2000, Otpor became a political watchdog organization monitoring the activities of the post-Milošević period of the DOS coalition. During fall 2003, Otpor became a political party which, due to its failure to pass the 5% threshold needed get any seats in the Serbian parliament, soon merged with another party. Founded and best known as an organization employing nonviolent struggle as a course of action against the Milošević-controlled Serbian authorities, Otpor grew into a civic youth movement whose activity culminated on 5 October 2000 with Milošević's overthrow. In the course of a two-year nonviolent struggle against Milošević, Otpor spread across Serbia, attracting in its heyday more than 70,000 supporters who were credited for their role in the 5 October overthrow.

After the overthrow, Otpor launched campaigns to hold the new government accountable, pressing for democratic reforms and fighting corruption, as well as insisting on cooperation with the International Criminal Tribunal at the Hague. Soon after the 2003 elections, Otpor merged into the Democratic Party. Otpor was formed in Belgrade on 10 October 1998 in response to a controversial piece of legislation in Serbia — the university law — introduced earlier that year by the Serbian government under Prime Minister Mirko Marjanović. Days before Otpor got announced, the government introduced a decree outlining special measures in the wake of the ongoing NATO bombing threat. Citing the decree, on 14 October 1998, the government's Ministry of Information headed by Aleksandar Vučić banned the publishing of Dnevni telegraf, Naša borba, three Belgrade dailies which were critical of the government to varying degrees; the newly formed group named Otpor consisted of the Demokratska omladina members, activists of the various NGOs that operated in Serbia, students from the two public universities in Belgrade — University of Belgrade and University of Arts.

It grew from a small group into a network of politically minded young people, many of whom were veterans of anti-Milošević demonstrations such as the 1996-97 protests and the 9 March 1991 protest. With the political opposition in Serbia in disarray, Otpor decided to build a broad political movement rather than a traditional NGO or political party. Frustrated with opposition leaders protecting their narrow personal and party interests, which degenerated into infighting, the group decided that "it would have no leaders". Early on, Otpor defined its objectives and methods, including an account of what it saw as the main problems of the country, in the "Declaration of the Future of Serbia." The declaration was supported by all prominent student organizations in Serbia. An advisory body was set up and its members became the main promoters of the declaration. Otpor's activities were limited to the University of Belgrade. In an effort to gather new nonpartisan energy, not to mention making it harder for state media to discredit and smear them as just another opposition political group, Otpor avoided publicizing its ties to the Democratic Party though the two organizations held similar political goals and shared many of the same members.

Early on they agreed the organization's symbol to be the clenched fist. Young designer Nenad "Duda" Petrović created the logo; the authorities' immediate reaction to the appearance of Otpor was heavy-handed before the movement held any public gatherings. In the early morning hours of Wednesday, 4 November 1998, four students — 22-year-old Teodora Tabački, Marina Glišić, Dragana Milinković, Nikola Vasiljević — were arrested for stencil spraying the clenched fist symbol on the UofB's Faculty of Mathematics building facade; that same day, after being intimidated into signing a pre-typed, joint statement of guilt, the four students were taken before a misdemeanor judge who handed them a sentence of 10 days in prison. In his explanation of the sentence, judge Željko Muniža cited that "with their brazen and reckless behaviour, the four students have endangered the citizens' calm and disturbed the public order." On 5 November, the students' legal representatives — Nikola Barović, Branko Pavlović, Dušan Stojković — appealed the respective sentences citing "improper use of both the misdemeanor process and the misdemeanor law as well as the scandalous subsequent sanction."

One day the misdemeanor council rejected the appeal as baseless. The case generated some public reaction with the University of Belgrade's Faculty of Electrical Engineering professor and Otpor member Srbijanka Turajlić calling the sentences "inappropriate" and further scolding the University of Belgrade rector Jagoš Purić as well as University of Arts rector Radmila Bakočević for "not publicly reacting to their own students being rounded-up on the street and hauled off to jail"; the organization gained further prominence when the Dnevni telegraf 7 November issue appeared on newsstands with Otpor's ad featuring the clenched fist symbol on the front page. The paper had p

Stephen Edwards (cricketer)

Stephen James Edwards is a former English cricketer. Edwards was a right-handed batsman, he was born in Middlesex. Edwards made his debut for Buckinghamshire in the 1985 Minor Counties Championship against the Somerset Second XI. Edwards played Minor counties cricket for Buckinghamshire from 1985 to 1992, which included 33 Minor Counties Championship matches and 6 MCCA Knockout Trophy matches. In 1987, he made his List A debut against Somerset in the NatWest Trophy, he played 2 further List A matches for Buckinghamshire, the last coming against Sussex in the 1992 NatWest Trophy. He played a single List A match for the combined Minor Counties cricket team in the 1988 Benson & Hedges Cup against Nottinghamshire. In total, Edwards played 4 List A matches, scoring 29 runs and taking 3 wickets at a bowling average of 41.33, with best figures of 2/14. He played Second XI cricket for the Essex Second XI in 1976. Stephen Edwards at ESPNcricinfo Stephen Edwards at CricketArchive

Nene Valley, South Australia

Nene Valley is a locality in the Australian state of South Australia located on the state’s south-east coast overlooking the body of water known in Australia as the Southern Ocean and by international authorities as the Great Australian Bight about 377 kilometres south east of the state capital of Adelaide and about 23 kilometres south-west of the municipal seat of Mount Gambier. Boundaries for the locality were created on 31 October 1996 for “the long established name” and includes the site of the Nene Valley Shack Site; the name is derived from a geographical feature within the locality called Nene Valley, itself named after Nene Valley, a ship, wrecked off the coastline of what is now the locality on 19 October 1854. The locality overlooks a coastline. Land along the coast consists of a coastal dune, occupied in its north-west by a protected area called the Nene Valley Conservation Park, in its south-east by a settlement and by land zoned as ‘coastal conservation’; the settlement, the Nene Valley Shack Site, consists of single storey dwellings.

The settlement is connected to the local road network by the Nene Valley Shacks Road. Land in the remainder of the locality is zoned for ‘primary production’ purposes such as agriculture; the 2016 Australian census, conducted in August 2016 reports that Nene Valley had a population of 84 people. Nene Valley is located within the federal division of Barker, the state electoral district of Mount Gambier and the local government area of the District Council of Grant

Helena Foulkes

Helena Foulkes is the current Chief Executive Officer of Hudson's Bay Company. The daughter of a lawyer, Helena Buonanno was born the eldest of five children, she earned her Bachelor of Arts from Harvard University. Larry Summers was her senior thesis adviser, she earned her Master of Business Administration from the same institution. After graduating from Harvard, Foulkes worked at Goldman Sachs and Tiffany & Co before leaving to earn her MBA, she began working at CVS in 1992. She rose up to become the company's chief marketing officer, she oversaw the launch of a membership program offering savings to participants. Foulkes created the Pharmacy Advisor program, its purpose being to offer advice to customers with chronic conditions, either in stores or over the phone. In 2011, CVS made Foulkes its chief health care strategy and marketing officer, a new position created for her. In July 2015, Fortune magazine reported that as part of her role, Foulkes oversaw 9,600 retail stores and 18 distribution centers.

She helped spur the decision to stop selling cigarettes and tobacco products, citing the need for CVS to better position itself as a healthcare company. She oversaw the company's philanthropic endeavors, developed digital strategies to help consumers learn how to fulfill their pharmaceutical needs. In 2015, Fortune magazine included her on its list of Most Powerful Women, citing Foulkes' role in the "$1.9 billion purchase of Target's prescription-filling business—a deal that will give CVS the most pharmacy locations in the U. S.—and launching upgraded beauty and healthy food sections in many of the stores". On February 5, 2018, Hudson's Bay Co. owner of Saks Fifth Avenue, named Foulkes as its new CEO, saying it would be effective on February 19. In her first six weeks as CEO, Foulkes was challenged with refashioning the company's business strategies given the industry's declining sales at the time. Foulkes has four children, runs marathons. In 2009 her mother died from lung cancer, she is a granddaughter of Thomas J. Dodd and a niece of Chris Dodd, both former US senators from Connecticut