The Hellenic Football League is an English men's football league covering an area including the English counties of Worcestershire, Gloucestershire, southern Buckinghamshire, southern Herefordshire and northern Wiltshire. There is one team each from Hampshire and Northamptonshire; the league was established in 1953. In the 2000–01 season the Hellenic League absorbed the Chiltonian League and now has a Premier Division, Division One East, Division One West and Division Two East, Division Two West feeding into them. In the 2006–07 season the Hellenic League absorbed the Banbury District and Lord Jersey FA Veterans League with three Divisions now under the Hellenic Veterans League title. Starting with the 2004–05 re-organisation the Hellenic League became a step 5 and 6 league in the National League System. Premier Division clubs play at Step 5 level, which offers progression to the Southern Football League Division One for Premier Division winners who have the required ground status. Hellenic League Division One teams play at Step 6 level, promotion to the Step 5 Premier Division can be gained by clubs finishing in the top two of Division One East and West dependent on required ground facilities as specified by The Football Association.
Acceptance to HL Division One is offered to teams playing in the various Step 7 County Leagues of the related Hellenic League area or by finishing in the top two of Division Two with correct ground grading. 53 teams play in the Hellenic Premier and Division Ones. 18 teams play at Veterans level The league started with only a Premier Division, before Division One was added in 1956. For the 1971–72 season, Division One was split into Division One A and Division One B; the following season, Division One A and B were merged. After the 1999–2000 season, Division One was regionalised into East and West; the Hellenic League football cups are the Floodlit Cup, the Supplementary Cup and the Challenge Cup. Hellenic Football League Official Website
The pro-democracy camp or pan-democracy camp refers to a political alignment in Hong Kong that supports increased democracy, namely the universal suffrage of the Chief Executive and the Legislative Council as given by the Basic Law under the "One Country, Two Systems" framework. The pro-democrats embrace liberal values such as rule of law, human rights, civil liberties and social justice, yet their economic positions vary, they are identified as the "opposition camp" due to its non-cooperative and sometimes confrontational stance toward the Hong Kong SAR and Chinese central governments. Opposite to the pro-democracy camp is the pro-Beijing camp, whose members are perceived to be supportive of Beijing and SAR authorities. Since the handover, the pro-democracy camp has received 55 to 60 per cent of the votes in each election but returned less than a half of the seats in the Legislative Council due to the indirectly elected elements of the legislature; the pro-democracy activists emerged from the youth movements in the 1970s and began to take part in electoral politics as the colonial government introduced representative democracy in the mid 1980s.
The pro-democrats joined hand in pushing for greater democracy both in the transition period and after handover of Hong Kong in 1997. They supported greater democracy in China and took the supporting role in the Tiananmen Square protest of 1989; the relationship between the pro-democrats and the Beijing government turned hostile after the Beijing's bloody crackdown on the protest and the pro-democrats were labelled "treason". After the 2004 Legislative Council election, the term "pan-democracy camp" was more in use as more different parties and politicians from different political spectrums emerged. In the 2016 Legislative Council election, the camp faced the challenge from the new localists who emerged after the Umbrella Revolution and ran under the banner of "self-determination" or Hong Kong independence. After the election, some localists joined the pro-democrats' caucus which rebranded itself as "pro-democracy camp"; the disunity within the camp and failure of the Umbrella Revolution costed the pro-democrats consecutive defeats in the 2018 by-elections.
The 2019 anti-extradition movement, saw the rebound of popularity of the camp, which contributed to its biggest landslide victory in the history of Hong Kong, gaining control of 17 of the 18 District Councils and tripling their seats from 124 to 388 in the 2019 District Council election. The main goal of the pro-democracy camp is to achieve universal suffrage of the Chief Executive and the Legislative Council as guaranteed in Article 45 and Article 68 of the Basic Law respectively. Since the National People's Congress Standing Committee 31 August 2014 decision that determined that Chief Executive candidate would be selected by a restrictive nominating committee, seen as the betrayal of the democratic value, some democrats have raised the question of the right of self-determination. Yet, the mainstream pro-democrats remained their support of an autonomous Hong Kong under the "One Country, Two Systems" framework as promised by the Basic Law; the pro-democrats embrace liberal values such as rule of law, human rights, civil liberties and social justice, yet their economic positions vary.
Some pro-democrats position themselves in a more pro-labour position, such as the League of Social Democrats, the Labour Party and the Neighbourhood and Worker's Service Centre, however most pro-democrats believe in a more egalitarian society. The pro-democracy camp support the Chinese democracy movement, in which it can trace back to their support of the Tiananmen Square protests of 1989; the pro-democrats have been calling for the end of one party rule of the Communist Party of China therefore are seen as threat to the Beijing authorities. Since the camp's idea of western-style liberal democracy would not be accepted by the Chinese government run by the Communist Party. In some cases, pan-democracy activists have been accused of high treason and as "traitors to Han Chinese"; the pro-democrats divide themselves with different approaches of achieving democracy: the moderate democrats represented by the Democratic Party and the Association for Democracy and People's Livelihood believe in dialogue with Beijing and Hong Kong governments over struggle, while radical democrats such as the League of Social Democrats and the People Power believe in street actions and mass movements.
There have been serve conflicts and distrust between the two factions and a great split after the constitutional reform voting in 2010, where the Democratic Party negotiated with the Beijing representatives and supported the modified reform proposal and was seen as a betrayal by the radical democrats. Members of the camp include social workers and social activists emerged from the 1970s youth movements. Many of them grouped themselves as the "social action faction", competing against the pro-Communist Maoists in whom they disagreed with their ultra-nationalist and radical Maoist stances. Although claiming to be patriotic and launching the defend the Diaoyu Islands movement, the "social action faction" dedicated themselves into the local social issues in Hong Kong, they fought for the social inequality and livelihood issues, including the anti-corruption movement and Chinese Language movement and so forth. In the early 1980s when the question of Hong Kong sovereignty emerged, many of them supported a democratic autonomous Hong Kong under Chinese sovereignty, notably the Meeting Point, founded in January 1983 which became the first political group to publicly support the Chinese sovereignty of Hong Kong.
Keōua Kūʻahuʻula was an Aliʻi during the time of the unification of the Kingdom of Hawaiʻi. His name means "rain cloud of the red cloak", his father was the king at the time of the arrival of Captain James Cook. His mother was Kānekapōlei, one of the wives of Kalaniʻōpuʻu, mother of Pauli Kaʻōleiokū, the grandfather of Bernice Pauahi Bishop and Ruth Keelikolani; this meant his older half-brother. He was not happy, however, to receive no lands after his father died in 1781, he challenged resulting in the Battle of Moku'ohai. He escaped the battle to relatives in the Kaʻū district to the South in 1782. Although Kamehameha controlled the West side of the island, repeated raids never resulted in a clear victory for either side. In 1790, after escaping another attack, his party was caught in an eruption of Kilauea, lost two thirds of his army to lava and left footprints in volcanic ash still visible today, he was killed in 1791. He was captured in what is sometimes called the Battle of Kawaihae, Keōua's body offered to sanctify the new temple.
He may have mutilated himself before landing so as to render himself an inappropriate sacrificial victim. As he stepped on shore, one of Kamehameha's chiefs threw a spear at him. By some accounts he dodged it, but was cut down by musket fire. Caught by surprise, Keōua's bodyguards were killed, he married at least once, to Kaʻiolaniokaʻiwalani and had two more wives, with several daughters and two sons. He was the last independent district ruler on the island of Hawaiʻi