Henley-on-Thames is a town and civil parish on the River Thames in Oxfordshire, England, 9 miles northeast of Reading, 7 miles west of Maidenhead and 23 miles southeast of Oxford, near the tripoint of Oxfordshire and Buckinghamshire. The population at the 2011 Census was 11,619; the first record of Henley is from 1179, when it is recorded that King Henry II "had bought land for the making of buildings". King John granted the manor of Benson and the town and manor of Henley to Robert Harcourt in 1199. A church at Henley is first mentioned in 1204. In 1205 the town received a paviage grant, in 1234 the bridge is first mentioned. In 1278 Henley is described as a hamlet of Benson with a chapel; the street plan was established by the end of the 13th century. As a demesne of the crown it was granted in 1337 to John de Molyns, whose family held it for about 250 years, it is said that members for Henley sat in parliaments of Edward I and Edward III, but no writs have been found to substantiate this. The existing Thursday market, was granted by a charter of King John.

A market was in existence by 1269. The existing Corpus Christi fair was granted by a charter of Henry VI. During the Black Death pandemic that swept through England in the 14th century, Henley lost 60% of its population. A variation on its name can be seen as "Henley up a Tamys" in 1485. By the beginning of the 16th century the town extended along the west bank of the Thames from Friday Street in the south to the Manor, now Phyllis Court, in the north and took in Hart Street and New Street. To the west it included the Market Place. Henry VIII granted the use of the titles "mayor" and "burgess", the town was incorporated in 1568 in the name of the warden, portreeves and commonalty; the original charter was issued by Elizabeth I but replaced by one from George I in 1722. Henley suffered at the hands of both parties in the Civil War. William III rested here on his march to London in 1688, at the nearby rebuilt Fawley Court, received a deputation from the Lords; the town's period of prosperity in the 17th and 18th centuries was due to manufactures of glass and malt, trade in corn and wool.

Henley-on-Thames supplied London with grain. A workhouse to accommodate 150 people was built at West Hill in Henley in 1790, was enlarged to accommodate 250 as the Henley Poor Law Union workhouse. Henley Bridge is a five arched bridge across the river built in 1786, it is a Grade. During 2011 the bridge underwent a £200,000 repair programme after being hit by the boat Crazy Love in August 2010. About a mile upstream of the bridge is Marsh Lock. Chantry House is the second Grade I listed building in the town, it is unusual in having more storeys on one side than on the other. The Church of England parish church of St Mary the Virgin is nearby, has a 16th-century tower; the Old Bell is a pub in the centre of Henley. The building has been dated from 1325: the oldest-dated building in the town. To celebrate Queen Victoria's Jubilee, 60 oak trees were planted in the shape of a Victoria Cross near Fair Mile. Two notable buildings just outside Henley, in Buckinghamshire, are: Fawley Court, a red-brick building designed by Christopher Wren for William Freeman with subsequent interior remodelling by James Wyatt and landscaping by Lancelot "Capability" Brown.

Greenlands, which took its present form when owned by W. H. Smith and is now home to Henley Business School Lloyds Bank's analysis of house price growth in 125 market towns in England over the year to June 2016, found that Henley was the second-most expensive market town in the country with an average property price of £748,001; the town's railway station is the terminus of the Henley Branch Line from Twyford. In the past there have been direct services to London Paddington. There are express mainline rail services from Reading to Paddington. Trains from High Wycombe go to London Marylebone; the M4 motorway and the M40 motorway are both about 7 miles away. The River and Rowing Museum, located in Mill Meadows, is the town's one museum, it was established in 1998, opened by Queen Elizabeth II. The museum, designed by the architect David Chipperfield, features information on the River Thames, the sport of rowing, the town of Henley itself; the University of Reading's Henley Business School is near Henley.

Henley is a world-renowned centre for rowing. Each summer the Henley Royal Regatta is held on Henley Reach, a straight stretch of the river just north of the town, it was extended artificially. The event became "Royal" in 1851. Other regattas and rowing races are held on the same reach, including Henley Women's Regatta, the Henley Boat Races for women's and lightweight teams between Oxford and Cambridge University, Henley Town and Visitors Regatta, Henley Veteran Regatta, Upper Thames Small Boats Head, Henley Fours and Eights Head, Henley Sculls; these "Heads" attract strong crews that have won medals at National Championships. Local rowing clubs include: Henley Rowing Club Leander Club Phyllis Court Rowing Club Upper Thames Rowing Club Henley Whalers focus on fixed-seat rowing and

Jewish lobby

The term Jewish lobby is used to describe organized lobbying attributed to Jews on domestic and foreign policy decisions, as political participants of representative government, conducted predominantly in the Jewish diaspora in a number of Western countries. When used to allege disproportionately favorable Jewish influence, it can be perceived as pejorative or as constituting antisemitism. In his Dictionary of Politics, Walter John Raymond describes the term "Jewish Lobby" as "A conglomeration of thirty-four Jewish political organizations in the United States which make joint and separate efforts to lobby for their interests in the United States, as well as for the interests of the State of Israel." He notes that "mong those organizations which are most involved in lobbying activities at federal and local levels of political and governmental institutions are: the American Israel Public Affairs Committee, the American Jewish Committee... and the B'nai B'rith." Dominique Vidal, writing in Le Monde diplomatique, states that in the United States the term is "self-described" and it "is only one of many influence groups that have official standing with institutions and authorities."The B'nai B'rith Anti-Defamation Commission of Australia states in its description, "It is important to recognise that lobbies are natural parts of pluralist, democratic societies such as Australia.

Lobbying constitutes a mainstream method of influencing government policy, as a means of enhancing representative government. As such, just as other communities and interest groups have lobbies, there is a'Jewish lobby' – an unwieldy group of individuals and organisations devoted to supporting the needs and interests of the Jewish community; this Jewish lobby is a player in representative government, its existence confirms the ordinary place Jews have within Australian politics. The assumption, that Jews have a disproportionate power and influence over decision making is what transforms a descriptive reality about politics to an antisemitic argument about Jewish power."Noting the high voting rate of individual American Jews in elections, J. J. Goldberg, editorial director of The Forward, stated in a 2004 speech that "The Jewish lobby... is more than just a dozen organizations. The Anti-Defamation League, the American Jewish Committee, Hadassah, of course, AIPAC, but it is the impact of the Jewish role....

So, the Jewish influence is a lot of things. It is the organizations, it's the vote, it's fundraising." Mitchell Bard, director of the non-profit Jewish Virtual Library, writes that: "Reference is made to the'Jewish lobby' in an effort to describe Jewish influence, but this term is both vague and inadequate. While it is true that American Jews are sometimes represented by lobbyists, such direct efforts to influence policy-makers are but a small part of the lobby's ability to shape policy." Bard argues the term Israel lobby is more accurate, because it comprises both formal and informal elements, "...because a large proportion of the lobby is made up of non-Jews." In his 1987 work, The Lobby: Jewish Political Power and American Foreign Policy, Edward Tivnan states that the term "needed some fine-tuning. S. Foreign Policy, University of Chicago professor John Mearsheimer and Harvard University professor Stephen Walt write: "Gelb refers to a'Jewish lobby,' despite the fact that we never employ the term in our book.

Indeed, we explicitly rejected this label as inaccurate and misleading, both because the lobby includes non-Jews like the Christian Zionists and because many Jewish Americans do not support the hard-line policies favored by its most powerful elements." The previous week, in a live Q&A session at The Washington Post, they stated they themselves "never use the term'Jewish lobby' because the lobby is defined by its political agenda, not by religion or ethnicity." Robert S. Wistrich, of the International Center for the Study of Antisemitism, Hebrew University of Jerusalem, sees reference to the phrase, when used to describe an "all-powerful'Jewish Lobby' that prevents justice in the Middle East", as reliance on a classic antisemitic stereotype. Bruno Bettelheim detested the term, arguing "The self-importance of Jews combined with the paranoia of the anti-Semite had created the image of this lobby." Michael Lasky describes the term as an "unfortunate phrase", "imagines" that Alexander Walker's use of it while writing about the Nazi films of Leni Riefenstahl was not intended pejoratively.

The B'nai B'rith Anti-Defamation Commission of Australia states that "the stereotype of the'Jewish lobby' is that the Jewish engagement in politics and policy debate is above and beyond the ordinary participation of a group in public policy-making. It paints Jewish involvement as surreptitious, as subverting the democratic process, it alleges that a'Jewish lobby', through bribery and manipulation, pressures politicians to act against their will and duties." Michael Visontay, editor of Australia's The Sydney Morning Herald, wrote in 2003 that "The way the phrase'Jewish lobby' has been bandied about in numerous letters implies there is something inherently sinister in lobbying when Jews do it." According to Geoffrey Brahm Levey and Philip Mendes, the term is used in Australia as a pejorative description of the way in which the Jewish community influences the Liberal Party "by talking to its leaders and making them aware of Jewish wishes and views". Dominique Schnapper, Chantal Bordes-Benayoun and Freddy Raphaėl write that following the 1991 Gulf War, the

Manduca lanuginosa

Manduca lanuginosa is a moth of the family Sphingidae first described by Henry Edwards in 1887. It is known from Mexico, Honduras, Costa Rica and Venezuela; the wingspan is 86–104 mm. It is similar in appearance to several other members of the genus Manduca, but a number of differences distinguish it from Manduca florestan, to which it most compares in the smaller head and duller and more uniform colour. Furthermore, the forewing upperside is less whitish grey and the hindwing underside has brown bands that are less well marked. There is one generation per year in Costa Rica with adults on wing from May to June, they feed on the nectar of various flowers. The larvae feed on Cydista heterophylla, Arrabidaea chica, Arrabidaea molissima, Crescentia alata, Cydista diversifolia, Tabebuia ochracea, Macfadyena unguis-cati, Cornutia grandifolia and Rehdera trinervis; the larva have diagonal lateral white slashes which continue up onto the back in the form of lines of small black rings with a white centre.

There are several colour morphs, with a ground colour ranging from green to yellow green and black purple