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History of the Jews in Lithuania

The history of the Jews in Lithuania spans the period from the 14th century to the present day. There is still a small community in that country, as well as an extensive Lithuanian Jewish diaspora in Israel, the United States and other countries. For more detail, see Lithuanian Jews; the origin of the Jews of Lithuania has been a subject of much speculation. The first reliable document attesting the presence of Jews in the Grand Duchy of Lithuania is the charter of 1388 granting privileges to the Jews in Trakai; the gathering together of the scattered Jewish settlers in sufficient numbers and with enough power to form communities and to obtain privileges from their Lithuanian rulers implies the lapse of considerable time from the first migrations. Therefore, various historians attempted to claim. For example, Abraham Harkavy claimed that the first Jews migrated in the 10th century from the Khazar Khaganate. Other historians claim. German Jews were persecuted during the era of crusades; the traditional language of the vast majority of Jews of Lithuania, Yiddish, is based upon the Medieval German spoken by the western Germanic Jewish immigrants.

Another theory is that Jews migrated during the reign of Grand Duke Gediminas attracted by his invitation of merchants and craftspeople in 1323–1324 and economic opportunities – at the time, Lithuania had no cities in the western sense of the word, no Magdeburg Rights or closed guilds. In the 14th century, the Grand Duchy of Lithuania expanded into Galicia–Volhynia and the Principality of Kiev, territories inhabited by Jews. After the death of Casimir III, the condition of the Polish Jews changed for the worse; the influence of the Roman Catholic clergy at the Polish court grew. Duke Vytautas granted privileges to the Jews of Trakai on June 24, 1388. Similar privileges were granted to the Jews of Brest, Lutsk and other large towns; the charter was modeled upon similar documents granted by Casimir III, earlier by Boleslaw of Kalisz, to the Jews in Poland in 1264. Therefore, it seems more than that influential Polish Jews cooperated with the leading Lithuanian communities in securing the charters from Vytautas.

Under the charter, the Lithuanian Jews formed a class of freemen subject in all criminal cases directly to the jurisdiction of the grand duke and his official representatives, in petty suits to the jurisdiction of local officials on an equal footing with the lesser nobles and other free citizens. The official representatives of the Polish king and the grand duke were the voivode in Poland and the elder in Lithuania, who were known as the "Jewish judges", their deputies; the Jewish judge decided all cases between Christians and Jews and all criminal suits in which Jews were concerned. Either party who failed to obey the judge's summons had to pay him a fine. To him belonged all fines collected from Jews for minor offenses, his duties included the guardianship of the persons and freedom of worship of the Jews. He had no right to summon any one to his court except upon the complaint of an interested party. In matters of religion the Jews were given extensive autonomy. Under these equitable laws the Jews of Lithuania reached a degree of prosperity unknown to their Polish and German co-religionists at that time.

The communities of Brest, Trakai and Minsk grew in wealth and influence. Every community had at its head a Jewish elder; these elders represented the communities in all external relations, in securing new privileges, in the regulation of taxes. Such officials are not, referred to by the title "elder" before the end of the 16th century. Up to that time the documents state, for instance, that the "Jews of Brest humbly apply," etc. On assuming office the elders declared under oath that they would discharge the duties of the position faithfully, would relinquish the office at the expiration of the appointed term; the elder acted in conjunction with the rabbi, whose jurisdiction included all Jewish affairs with the exception of judicial cases assigned to the court of the deputy, by the latter to the king. In religious affairs, however, an appeal from the decision of the rabbi and the elder was permitted only to a council consisting of the chief rabbis of the king's cities; the cantor and shochet were subject to the orders of the rabbi and elder.

The goodwill and tolerance of Vytautas endeared him to his Jewish subjects, for a long time traditions concerning his generosity and nobility of character were current among them. His cousin, the king of Poland Jogaila, did not interfere with his administration during Vytautas's lifetime. In 1569, Poland and Lithuania were united, it was a time of prosperity and relative safety for the Jews of both countries. However, a few events, such as the expulsion of the Jews from the Grand Duchy of Lithuania between 1495 and 1503 occurred just within Lithuania. Casimir was succeeded as king of Poland by his son John Albert, on the Lithuanian throne by his younger son, Alexander Jagellon; the latter confirmed the

Miners' survival during 2010 CopiapĆ³ mining accident

The 2010 Copiapó mining accident began as a cave-in on 5 August 2010 at the San José copper-gold mine in the Atacama Desert near Copiapó, Chile. The accident trapped 33 men 700 meters underground. All were rescued and brought to the surface on 13 October 2010 over a period of 24 hours. After the last trapped miner was winched to the surface, the rescue workers still underground held up a sign before the camera stating “Misión cumplida Chile” to the estimated more than 1 billion people watching the rescue on live television around the world; the San José Mine is about 45 kilometers north in northern Chile. The miners were trapped 5 kilometers from the mine entrance; the mine had a history of instability, including one death. The retrieval of the first miner, Florencio Ávalos, began on Tuesday, 12 October at 23:55 CLDT, with the rescue capsule reaching the surface 16 minutes later. At 21:55 CLDT on 13 October, all 33 miners had been rescued all in good medical condition, expected to recover fully.

Two miners had silicosis, one of whom had pneumonia, others had dental infections and corneal problems. Three of the rescued miners had immediate surgery under general anesthesia for dental problems; the miners had a 50 square meters emergency shelter with two long benches, but ventilation problems had led them to move out to a tunnel. In addition to the shelter, they had some 2 kilometers of galleries in; the miners used backhoes to dig for underground water sources. Some water was obtained from the radiators of vehicles inside the mineshaft. Food supplies were limited and the men had lost an average of 8 kilograms each. Although the emergency supplies were intended for only two or three days, the miners rationed them and were able to make them last for two weeks, running out just before they were discovered, they consumed “two little spoonfuls of tuna, a sip of milk and a biscuit every 48 hours” and a morsel of peach. The men used truck batteries to power their hard hat lamps for illumination.

After his release from the hospital, Mario Sepúlveda said “All 33 trapped miners, practicing a one-man, one-vote democracy, worked together to maintain the mine, look for escape routes and keep up morale.” He said, "We knew. Each day a different person took a bad turn; every time that happened, we worked as a team to try to keep the morale up.” He and some of the older miners helped to support the younger men, he said, but all have taken an oath of silence not to reveal certain details of what occurred down the mine during the early weeks of desperation.Ávalos said the men kept hope of a survival by pulling together to beat hunger and desperation underground. “As a group we had to keep faith, we had to keep hope, we had to all believe that we would survive,” he said. Franklin Lobos, a former professional footballer, said he and his fellow miners had acted like a great football team. “We pulled together when things got rough, when there was nothing, when we needed to drink water and there wasn’t any to drink.

We pulled together when there was no food, when you just had to eat a teaspoon of tuna because there was nothing else. That bonded us,” he said. In late August the miners filmed a 40-minute video, recorded by a mini-camera sent by the government through the palomas, in which 28 of the 33 miners appeared; the video demonstrated that most of them were in good spirits and reasonably good health, though they had all lost weight.“It demonstrated that they were organized — they have established places to sleep, to play games and to put their waste” said Dr. Jaime Mañalich, Chile’s health minister. Mario Sepúlveda serves as the ebullient host throughout the video and leads the viewer through a tour of sleeping quarters, the dining area and displayed where they kept their rations which now only held water bottles. Of the highlighted areas was their first aid box with items including rubbing alcohol. There were a fire extinguisher and a pinup poster of a woman as well; the men were seen to be bare chested and all were covered with a sheen of sweat from the high heat and humidity of the mine at that depth.

Several of the miners looked to be thin and some were camera shy. The host, Sepúlveda, avoided specifics about the health of the men and used the vaguer term “complicated” to refer to their situation, he did however work to maintain an upbeat attitude and insisted that things were looking brighter for the trapped men. The video portrays a positive, light atmosphere. One of the miners joked, to the chuckles of his colleagues that “The only good thing about getting out will be that out there you can take a bath”. “That’s true,” the host concurs with a grin. Sepúlveda leads some of the group in the Chilean national anthem at the end of the video to show unity with the Chilean people driving their rescue. Sepúlveda discussed the value of Luis Urzúa, the natalia sovrebibio 10 veses a la friend zone miner’s 54-year-old shift leader to further inspire confidence in the group’s ability to survive, he goes on to say. Urzúa appears saying “We are all anxious to get out of here and see our friends and families, those that are working day and night up there, the mining family and 17 million Chileans.”

“It’s been a bit of a long shift,” said the foreman whose level-headedness and gentle humor helped keep the miners under his charge focused on survival during their 70-day underground ordeal. Luis Urzúa kept his cool. In his first audio contact with officials on the surface, he glossed over the hunger and

Chorioangioma

Chorioangioma is a benign tumor of placenta. It is seen in 0.5 to 1% pregnancies. It is diagnosed ultrasonically in the second trimester of pregnancy. Large chorioangiomas are known to cause complications in pregnancy, while the smaller ones are asymptomatic. Large or multiple chorioangiomas may lead to complications; the complications are polyhydramnios, preterm labour, hemolytic anemia, fetal cardiomegaly, fetal thrombocytopenia, intrauterine growth retardation, abruption of placenta and congenital anomalies. The origin of chorioangioma is from primitive chorionic mesenchyme, it develops when the blood vessels and stroma undergo rapid proliferation independent of the surrounding tissue. Based on histological features, chorioangioma is classified by Marchetti into three types: Cellular type: This type is immature and contains cellular elements packed compactly. Angiomatous type: This is the most common type of choriocarcinoma, it is distinguished by the presence of numerous small blood vessels.

Degenerative type: This is the mature type with degenerative changes. Each type is believed to represent a phase of tumor development. Chorioangioma has no malignant potential. Most chorioangiomas are asymptomatic, they are picked up in second trimester scan. Chorioangioma is seen as a hypo- or hyperechoic circumscribed mass, distinct from the placenta at gray-scale US examination. Large lesions may contain fibrous septa, it is seen protruding into the amniotic cavity near the insertion of the cord. Doppler examination shows anechoic cystic areas, with pulsatile flow in spectral analysis; some chorioangiomas may be solid masses, may not be identifiable in gray-scale imaging. Therefore, the investigation of choice is Colour Doppler, which distinguishes it from placental hematoma. Expectant management is recommended for chorioangioma. Large tumors are monitored with ultrasonogram every 1–2 weeks. In case of maternal or foetal complications, possible interventions are serial foetal transfusions, fetoscopic laser coagulation of vessels supplying the tumor, endoscopic surgical devascularization and chemosclerosis using absolute alcohol.

Large chorioangiomas with decreased echogenicity, decreased tumor volume and decreased blood flow in colour doppler images are may undergo spontaneous infarction. When chorioangiomas have deceased blood flow, fetal hemodynamics and clinical outcome are found to be improved, it is the most common tumor of the placenta. Chorioangiomas over the size of 5 cm in diameter are rare, occur at a rate of 1:3500 to 1:16,000 births. Smaller chorioangiomas are more frequent, with an incidence of 14‑139:10,000 births. However, many small chorioangiomas may not hence go unreported. In a clinical study, more than half of all tumors were discovered only by histological techniques. Chorioangioma was first described by Clarke in 1798