The Holy Grail is a treasure that serves as an important motif in Arthurian literature. Different traditions describe it as a cup, dish or stone with miraculous powers that provide happiness, eternal youth or sustenance in infinite abundance in the custody of the Fisher King; the term "holy grail" is used to denote an elusive object or goal, sought after for its great significance. A "grail", wondrous but not explicitly holy, first appears in Perceval, le Conte du Graal, an unfinished romance written by Chrétien de Troyes around 1190. Chrétien's story attracted many continuators and interpreters in the 12th and early 13th centuries, including Wolfram von Eschenbach, who perceived the Grail as a stone. In the late 12th century, Robert de Boron wrote in Joseph d'Arimathie that the Grail was Jesus's vessel from the Last Supper, which Joseph of Arimathea used to catch Christ's blood at the crucifixion. Thereafter, the Holy Grail became interwoven with the legend of the Holy Chalice, the Last Supper cup, a theme continued in works such as the Vulgate Cycle, the Post-Vulgate Cycle, as well as Le Morte d'Arthur.
The word graal, as it is earliest spelled, comes from Old French graal or greal, cognate with Old Provençal grazal and Old Catalan gresal, meaning "a cup or bowl of earth, wood, or metal". The most accepted etymology derives it from Latin gradalis or gradale via an earlier form, cratalis, a derivative of crater or cratus, which was, in turn, borrowed from Greek krater. Alternative suggestions include a derivative of cratis, a name for a type of woven basket that came to refer to a dish, or a derivative of Latin gradus meaning "'by degree','by stages', applied to a dish brought to the table in different stages or services during a meal". In the 15th century, English writer John Hardyng invented a fanciful new etymology for Old French san-graal, meaning "Holy Grail", by parsing it as sang real, meaning "royal blood"; this etymology was used by some medieval British writers such as Thomas Malory, became prominent in the conspiracy theory developed in the book The Holy Blood and the Holy Grail, in which sang real refers to the Jesus bloodline.
The literature surrounding the Grail can be divided into two groups. The first concerns King Arthur's knights questing after the object; the second concerns the Grail's history in the time of Joseph of Arimathea. The nine works from the first group are: the Story of the Grail by Chrétien de Troyes. Four Continuations of Chrétien's poem, by authors of differing vision and talent, designed to bring the story to a close. Parzival by Wolfram von Eschenbach, which adapted at least the holiness of Robert's Grail into the framework of Chrétien's story. In Wolfram's telling, the Grail was kept safe at the castle of Munsalvaesche, entrusted to Titurel, the first Grail King. Some, not least the Benedictine monks, have identified the castle with their real sanctuary of Montserrat in Catalonia; the Didot Perceval, named after the manuscript's former owner, purportedly a prosification of Robert de Boron's sequel to Joseph d'Arimathie. Welsh romance Peredur son of Efrawg, a loose translation of Chrétien's poem and the Continuations, with some influence from native Welsh literature.
Perlesvaus, called the "least canonical" Grail romance because of its different character. German poem Diu Crône, in which Gawain, rather than Perceval, achieves the Grail; the Lancelot section of the vast Vulgate Cycle, which introduces the new Grail hero, Galahad. The Queste del Saint Graal, another part of the Vulgate Cycle, concerning the adventures of Galahad and his achievement of the Grail. Of the second group there are: Robert de Boron's Joseph d'Arimathie; the Estoire del Saint Graal, the first part of the Vulgate Cycle, based on Robert's tale but expanding it with many new details. Verses by Rigaut de Barbezieux, a late 12th or early 13th-century Provençal troubador, where mention is made of Perceval, the lance, the Grail; the Grail was considered a dish when first described by Chrétien de Troyes. There, it is a tray, used to serve at a feast. Hélinand of Froidmont described a grail as a "wide and deep saucer". Robert de Boron portrayed it as the vessel of the Last Supper. Peredur son of Efrawg had no Grail as such, presenting the hero instead with a platter containing his kinsman's bloody, severed head.
The Grail is first featured in Perceval, le Conte du Graal by Chrétien de Troyes, who claims he was working from a source book given to him by his patron, Count Philip of Flanders. In this incomplete poem, dated sometime between 1180 and 1191, the object has not yet acquired the implications of holiness it would have in works. While dining in the magical abode of the Fisher King, Perceval witnesses a wondrous procession in which youths carry magnificent objects from one chamber to another, passing before him at each course of the meal. First comes a young man carrying a bleeding lance two boys carrying candelabras. A beautiful young girl emerges bearing an elaborately decorated graal, or "grail". Chrétien refers to this object not as "The Grail" but as "a grail", showing the word was used, in its earliest literary context, as a
Brunei joined ASEAN on 7 January 1984, one week after resuming full independence, gives its ASEAN membership the highest priority in its foreign relations. Brunei joined the United Nations in September 1984, it is a member of the Organisation of Islamic Cooperation, the Asia-Pacific Economic Cooperation forum and the Commonwealth of Nations. Brunei hosted the APEC Economic Leaders' Meeting in November 2000. In 2005 it attended the inaugural East Asia Summit. Brunei has a number of diplomatic missions abroad and has close relations with Singapore, sharing an interchangeable currency regime as well as close military relations with the latter island-state. Aside from relations with other ASEAN states, of which the Philippines and Malaysia are key partners, Brunei has extensive relations with the Muslim world and the Arab world outside its own region. Brunei became a member state of the United Kingdom Commonwealth in 1984, ASEAN, the United Nations and the Organisation of Islamic Cooperation) in 1984, a major player in BIMP-EAGA in 1994. and a founding member of the World Trade Organization in 1995.
Since 2009, Brunei and the Philippines signed a memorandum of understanding that seeks to strengthen the bilateral co-operation of the two countries in the fields of agriculture and farm-related trade and investments. Brunei has been a independent member state of the Commonwealth of Nations since 1 January 1984, when it regained independence, having been under British protection and suzerainty since 1888. Brunei is, along with Lesotho, Malaysia and Tonga, a monarchy with its own monarch, the Sultan of Brunei. Bruneians can take an appeal to the Judicial Committee of the Privy Council in London in civil cases only; the Judicial Committee of the Privy Council reports back to the Sultan in cases originating from the courts of Brunei. Australia and Brunei Darussalam enjoy a warm, diverse bilateral relationship. Australian servicemen liberated Brunei from Japanese occupation in June 1945. A memorial marking this event can be found at Muara Beach and is the venue for the annual ANZAC Day ceremony organised by the High Commission.
Both countries are participating in the Trans Pacific Partnership negotiations which commenced in 2010, with participants aiming to conclude an agreement which will serve as a building block for Asia Pacific economic integration. Brunei has a high commission in Canberra, Australia has a high commission in Bandar Seri Begawan. Both countries are full members of the Commonwealth of Nations. Relations between the two countries were established in 1984 when Australia became one of the first countries to establish diplomatic relations with Brunei. Both countries established diplomatic relations on 15 April 2012. Bilateral relations are excellent between the two predominantly moderate Muslim nations, they are both members of OIC, the Commonwealth and NAM and share common views on regional and international issues. Brunei recognised Bangladesh with other Southeast Asian countries and Bangladesh established a residential High Commission in 1985, although it was closed down from 1988 to 1997 due to financial constraints.
Brunei has a High Commission located in Dhaka. Brunei supports Bangladesh's candidacy for different regional and international organisations. Brunei has an embassy in Yangon, Burma has an embassy in Gadong. Relations were established on 21 September 1993. Brunei has an embassy in Phnom Penh, Cambodia has an embassy in Bandar Seri Begawan. Relations were established on 9 June 1992. Canada established diplomatic relations with Brunei Darussalam on 7 May 1984, following Brunei's independence. Brunei has a High Commission in Ottawa, Canada has a High Commission in Bandar Seri Begawan. Like Brunei, Canada is a full member of the Commonwealth of Nations.. Brunei has an embassy in Beijing, China has an embassy in Bandar Seri Begawan. Relations can be traced back to over 2,000 years ago as early as the Western Han periods. Brunei has an embassy in Paris, France has an embassy in Bandar Seri Begawan. Relations between the two countries has been established since 8 May 1984. Brunei has an embassy in Berlin, Germany has an embassy in Bandar Seri Begawan.
Relations between the two countries has been established since 1 May 1984. Brunei has a High Commission in New Delhi, India has a High Commission in Bandar Seri Begawan. Both countries are full members of the Commonwealth of Nations. Relations have been established since 10 May 1984. Republic of Indonesia established diplomatic relations with Brunei Darussalam on 1 January 1984. Brunei Darussalam was recognised by Jakarta on independence in 1984, with Indonesia dropping any claims on the Sultanate in the process. Brunei has an embassy in Tokyo, Japan has an embassy in Bandar Seri Begawan. Relations were established on 2 April 1984. Brunei has an embassy in Vientiane, Laos has an embassy in Bandar Seri Begawan. Relations were established on 27 July 1993. Both countries established diplomatic relations since January 1984 with Brunei has a High Commission in Kuala Lumpur, Malaysia has a High Commission in Bandar Seri Begawan. Like Brunei, Malaysia is a full member of the Commonwealth of Nations; the Bruneian High Commission in Kuala Lumpur is accredited to New Zealand, while the New Zealand High Commission in Kuala Lumpur is cross-accredited to Brunei.
Relations has been established since 5 May 1984 and have always been friendly and positive with such co-operation in education trade and defence. In August 2013 Brunei's Foreign Affairs and Vice-Minister, Prince Mohamed Bolkiah arrived in Pyongyang. Brunei is represented in North Korea, through its embassy in Kuala Lumpur, Malaysia. North Korea established diplomatic relations with Brunei on 7 January 1999. Brunei has an embassy
"I Am Part of the Resistance Inside the Trump Administration" is an anonymous essay published by The New York Times on September 5, 2018. The author is described as a senior official working for the administration of U. S. president Donald Trump. The op-ed criticizes Trump and states that many current members of the administration deliberately undermine his suggestions and orders for the good of the country, it states that some cabinet members in the early days of the administration discussed using the Twenty-fifth Amendment to the United States Constitution as a way to remove the president from power. The New York Times editorial board said that it knows the author's identity but granted the person anonymity to protect them from reprisal; the publication of this editorial was unusual because few New York Times pieces have been anonymously written. Trump called for an investigation. One year after publication, the author remained anonymous. A Warning, a book by the same anonymous author, was published on November 19, 2019.
The essay was published on September 5, 2018. During the week that the article was published, the book Fear: Trump in the White House by political author Bob Woodward was being promoted in the media ahead of its September 11, 2018, release date. Woodward's book depicts the Trump administration as being engulfed in chaos and internal opposition to Trump's impulses; the day before the essay's publication, the US Senate Judiciary Committee began public hearings on controversial US Supreme Court candidate Brett Kavanaugh. This timing was two months prior to the 2018 US elections; the timing has been questioned as a possible calculated diversion, although The New York Times editorial board denied this. The essay praised Senator John McCain, whose death occurred 11 days prior to the essay's publication; the author of the essay writes that they, many of their colleagues, deliberately fail to follow some directives from the president when they feel the proposal would be bad for the country, "working diligently" to block his "worst inclinations".
The author writes, "The root of the problem is the president's amorality. Anyone who works with him knows he is not moored to any discernible first principles that guide his decision making"; the author expresses support for a traditional Republican platform, the Trump tax policy, while disagreeing with the Trump foreign policy, taking pride in colleagues' efforts to shift that policy in regard to Russia. The paper's editorial page editor summarized the column's perspective as "that of a conservative explaining why they felt that if working for the Trump administration meant compromising some principles, it served the country if they could achieve some of the president’s policy objectives while helping resist some of his worst impulses"; the author disavowed any resemblance to the so-called "deep state": "This isn't the work of the so-called deep state. It's the work of the steady state." The New York Times has said that they were working with a single author, not a group of officials and that the text was edited by them, but not for the purpose of obscuring the author's identity.
They said that the definition of "senior administration official" was used in regular practice by journalists to describe "positions in the upper echelon of an administration, such as the one held by this writer". The newspaper's editorial page editor, op-ed editor, publisher know the identity of the author. Patrick Healy, the newspaper's politics editor, said that no identifying information has been leaked to The New York Times's newsroom; the agreement between the newspaper's editorial department and the author does not prevent the newspaper's news department from investigating the identity of the author. According to James Dao, the paper's editorial page editor, the author had been introduced to them by a trusted intermediary, the author's identity was verified by background checking and direct communication. Dao said that the use of a vaguely described anonymous identity was believed to be necessary to protect the author from reprisal, "and that concern has been borne out by the president's reaction to the essay".
In response to a reader's question about whether the paper might have to reveal the author's name, Dao replied "We intend to do everything in our power to protect the identity of the writer and have great confidence that the government cannot force us to reveal it."Several theories about who wrote the op-ed have been offered. Some theories looked at which administration officials have a record of using certain words that appear in the essay; the theories focused on the use of the words'steady state','lodestar' and'first principles'. Some offshore bookmakers took bets on. More than 30 senior administration officials have denied authoring the editorial: U. S. senator Rand Paul suggested that the president force members of his administration to take polygraph examinations. Presidential advisers did consider polygraph exams as well as requiring officials to sign sworn affidavits. Reports surfaced that the administration came up with a list of about a dozen people who are suspected to have authored the editorial.
By September 7, Trump said that the Justice Department should open an investigation to determine who wrote the essay. However, the Justice Department would only be able to open an investigation if it is determined that the editorial publicized classified information. Trump reacted in private with. Via Twitter