The Hough riots were riots in the predominantly African-American community of Hough in Cleveland, which took place from July 18 to 23, 1966. During the riots, four African Americans were killed and 50 people were injured. There were numerous incidents of arson and firebombings. City officials at first blamed black nationalist and communist organizations for the riots, but historians dismiss these claims today, arguing that the cause of the Hough Riots were poverty and racism; the riots caused rapid population loss and economic decline in the area, which lasted at least five decades after the riots. During the 1950s, middle-class whites left the neighborhood of Hough in Cleveland and working-class African Americans moved in. By 1966, more than 66,000 people, nearly 90 percent of them African American, lived in Hough. Most businesses in the area remained white-owned, however. Residents of the Hough neighborhood complained extensively of inferior and racially segregated public schools, poor delivery of welfare benefits, a lack of routine garbage collection, no street cleaning, too few housing inspections.
Recreational facilities in Hough were nonexistent except for minimal equipment at a few school playgrounds. Hough was a small area, but the population density in the neighborhood was one of the highest in Cleveland. Housing was substandard in Hough, with a fifth of all housing units considered dilapidated and absentee landlords were common; the deindustrialization of Cleveland hit the African American community hard, unemployment was over 17 percent. Median income for black residents was just 65 percent the median income of whites. Although Hough contained just 7.3 percent of Cleveland's population, it had more than 19 percent of its welfare cases. Single mothers bore one-third of the children in Hough in 1966, infant mortality was twice as high as the rest of the city. High unemployment and the rapid deterioration of the neighborhood created extensive racial tension in Hough. Although the city had engaged in some urban renewal housing projects in Hough, these had displaced more people than they housed and those displaced had received little to no help in finding new housing.
Moreover, failed urban renewal to the east of Hough had displaced several thousand poor families, most of whom moved into Hough. A racially segregated Cleveland Division of Police led to interracial tension in the city. Twenty percent of Cleveland's major crimes were committed in Hough though it had just 7 percent of the city's population. Only 165 of Cleveland's 2,100 police officers were African American, the city declined to promote black patrolmen, the police had a reputation for exhibiting "crude racism" and ignoring the needs of the black community; the police were perceived as unwilling to enforce the law and slow to respond in black communities, police harassment of African Americans was the norm. Subsequently, African Americans in Cleveland tended to distrust the police. There had been several incidents of brutality committed by the police in Cleveland in the last few years, which worsened the tension between the police and the city's African American citizens. In 1963 and 1964, the United Freedom Movement, a coalition of African American civil rights groups, led a nine-month protest campaign against poor-quality, racially segregated schools and racial discrimination against blacks by labor unions.
Cleveland Mayor Ralph S. Locher, white, dismissed these concerns; this was not unusual: The political culture of Cleveland had long been dominated by the mayor, city council, big business, the larger newspapers, a few powerful white ethnicities. The city had a long history of ignoring social ills, while favoring small government. African American protests in the past had been small and died out swiftly, progress was achieved through traditional behind-the-scenes deal-making; the school protests were Cleveland's first large, lengthy racial protests, the failure to achieve significant progress taught the black community that negotiation and legal action produced only limited results. Although 10 of the city council's 22 members were African American, black council members were seen as too conservative and out of touch with the vast majority of Cleveland's African Americans. Throughout the first half of 1966, there had been a large number of incidents indicating unrest in the neighborhood. In April 1966, the United States Commission on Civil Rights held hearings in Cleveland, during which time it gathered extensive evidence about employment discrimination, police brutality, poor housing, ongoing school segregation, racism in the community.
Televised locally, "the hearings revealed that the city's racial powder keg was about to explode". The Seventy-Niner's Café was a white-owned bar located on the southeast corner of E. 79th Street and Hough Avenue, popular with African American residents of the community. Seventy-Niner's suffered from a number of problems, including drug dealing, the sale of stolen goods, prostitution, the owners had begun barring certain individuals from the establishment. Local prostitutes Margaret Sullivan and her friend, were among those, banned. Sullivan died on July 16. On July 17, Louise attempted to leave a box at the bar so patrons could donate money for the care of Sullivan's children; the owners refused to permit the collection. Louise returned about 5 PM on Monday, July 18; the owners argued with her using defamatory and racist language, she was thrown out. A short while lat
The Freel Farm Mound Site is an archaeological site and burial mound of the Woodland cultural period located on the Oak Ridge Reservation in Oak Ridge, Tennessee. The site was excavated in 1934 as part of the Norris Basin Survey by the Tennessee Valley Authority using labor from the Civil Works Administration under the supervision of T. M. N. Lewis. Important finds of the excavation include a few artifacts; the artifacts and records from the fieldwork are held by the McClung Museum in Tennessee. The Freel Farm Mound is located on the U. S. Department of Energy's Oak Ridge Reservation; the site is inundated by Melton Hill Lake. At the time of excavation the mound was located on the William Freel farm 2 miles southeast of Scarboro, Tennessee; the site was located 1200 feet from the western side of the Clinch River in a wide valley with ridges to the east and west in a prominently wooded knoll. During the excavation the mound resided on land, owned by the Freel family for over 135 years; the field surrounding the mound had been traditionally farmed.
Webb described the mound as having eight large trees growing from it. The largest tree was a white oak; the roots from the trees had extensively penetrated the mound. A part of the mound on the western side had been removed to create a dirt road; the mound was circular shaped with a diameter of 40 feet and a height of eight feet above the original ground surface at its midpoint. It was created from hard-packed yellow clay with small specs of charcoal inside; the mound had one indication of a grave excavation below the original forest ground level near the center of the mound. In this grave was "Burial No. 17", the body had been covered by large stones. The stone pile was stacked to form a circular shape that measured 16 feet and 4 inches in diameter and rose above the original ground surface 1 foot. "Burial No. 17" and the stone circle made up the original increment of the construction site. The earth on top of the stones was added; the mound is associated with the Late Woodland period and was created between 500-1000 CE.
The basis of this assessment is related to the burial practices of the individuals within the mound. The differences in the mortuary treatment of individuals at Freel Farm mound indicate a non-egalitarian society had formed. Freel Farm mound was excavated in 1934 due to its location in the Norris reservoir basin project area. In the 1930s as Norris Dam was being constructed the Tennessee Valley Authority sponsored an archaeological survey of the Norris basin; the survey had three key goals. The survey found 23 sites of prehistoric significance. Freel Farm mound was the 22nd site; the location of the mound was downstream of Norris Dam and would not have been affected by the collecting waters, but was excavated due to its proximity to the basin. The Tennessee Valley Authority, along with the Civil Works Administration, the Federal Relief Administration hired T. M. N. Lewis to oversee the archaeological survey. Lewis served as a district supervisor on the excavation of the site and A. P. Taylor served as the field supervisor.
In the 1960s the construction of the Melton Hill Dam to the south of Oak Ridge, Tennessee caused the water levels along the Clinch River to rise permanently submerging the Freel Farm mound. The mound was staked into 5-foot squares, along the cardinal directions; the northeastern stake was designated as the zero stake. The squares were designated westward by decimals. Stratification was not discernable and there was no evidence of intrusion. Care was taken to maintain vertical profiles every five feet and to keep a clean floor in the trench going down to the hardpan; the excavation revealed no evidence of midden material. No potsherds were found in the mound. There was no evidence on the site of any structures and little information that would give any information as to who built the mound; the burials and the stacked stone circle were the outstanding features discovered in the mound. It was determined during the excavation that the yellow clay used to cover the mound was clean and brought in to cover the bodies laid on the surface.
17 burials were found within the mound. Webb numbered the burials in the order. Burial No. 1: Fully flexed adult. The preservation of material is poor. A piece of drilled conch shell was found near the neck of the skeleton. Burial No. 2: Partially flexed adult on the ground floor. Burial No. 3: Poorly preserved flexed adult on the ground floor. Burial No. 4: Eleven inches below the mound surface a poorly preserved flexed skeleton. Burial No. 5: Greatly decayed bones on the ground surface. Burial No. 6 and Burial No. 7: Portions of three bodies, two adults and one child. Poor preservation of the bones was due to the action of the roots of the trees. Burial No. 8: Poorly preserved portion of a skull and the lower limbs of a flexed adult found 22 inches above the ground floor. Burial No. 9: Found just below the mound surface was a nearly disintegrated adult. A flint spear point was found. Burial No. 10: A crushed skull found 10 inches above the ground floor beneath the base of a tree. Burial No. 11: Poorly preserved skull and rib of an adult found 20 inches above ground floor.
Burial No. 12: Poorly preserved adult found 18 inches above the ground floor. Burial No. 13: A bundle burial not in anatomical order. Burial No. 14: Poorly preserved and partially
Catalinas Norte is an important business complex composed of nineteen commercial office buildings, in two sections, occupied by numerous leading Argentine companies, foreign subsidiaries, diplomatic offices, a hotel. It is located in the San Nicolás wards of the city of Buenos Aires, Argentina. Francisco Seeber, a German Argentine businessman and legislator, created The Catalinas Warehouses and Pier Company, Ltd. in 1872 for the purpose of building a pier, a wharf, an office building. The acquired lands were east of the Paseo de Julio; the area was known as the "Catalinas Incline," and was so named for the Church of Santa Catalina of Sienna. This church served as the namesake for Seeber's new firm. With the purchase of more land in the quarter of La Boca, the Retiro lot was named Catalinas Norte, the La Boca lot, Catalinas Sur; the firm obtained a municipal contract for the construction of the Catalina Docks. Needing a large and steady supply of soil to level and grade the hitherto flood-prone site for the wharf, Seeber bought land in the then-desolate northwest end of the city with the intent of hauling soil to Catalinas for land reclamation.
Enlisting workers from Entre Ríos Province, these latter established a neighborhood there in 1887. These docks became the northern and southern points of entry into Puerto Madero upon its inaugural in 1897. Catalinas Norte was chosen as the site for the Hotel de Inmigrantes, a facility built to temporarily house the over 100,000 annual immigrant arrivals, completed in 1911. Following the construction of the modern Port of Buenos Aires from 1911 to 1925, both Catalinas docks fell into disuse, October 31, 1945, the Catalinas Warehouses properties were sold to Yatahí, S. A. A lot facing Córdoba Avenue was, in turn, resold in 1949 to a State enterprise created during the administration of Juan Perón: Atlas, S. A; this entity built the Alas Building, an adjacent lot was used to build the Peronist ALEA publishing house. The bulk of the land, totaling 39,110 m², north of these buildings continued vacant for decades. A further 24,200 m² were owned by Otto Bemberg and Company, which opened the Retiro Park there in 1939.
The underutilized state of an area so close to the financial and administrative center of the city prompted the Municipal Department of Planning in 1956 to draft an urban renewal plan for the district. This envisaged the construction of a highway that would extend from Tigre to La Plata, as well as rezoning Catalinas to allow for the construction of office buildings of up to 70 floors; this district, per these plans, would be known as the "Catalinas Gateway" to Buenos Aires. The City Office of Regulatory Planning further specified, in its revised master plan of 1958, that construction of skyscrapers in downtown Buenos Aires would be prohibited, limited these to the Catalinas district. Mayor Hernán Giralt presented a project to the City Council for the development of "an area of hotels, an office and retail center, a location for shipping companies and air travel, a recreation center and a large area for parking," and on February 3, 1960, the Argentine National Congress authorized the City to purchase land north of Catalinas for the purpose.
The Catalinas Norte Commission was established in 1961, but a subsequent political and economic crisis caused the project to stall and be discarded. The coup d'état that toppled President Arturo Illia in 1966 led to the dissolution of OPRBA. Mayor Eugenio Schettini instructed the Municipal Department of Architecture and Urbanism to design a new, simpler plan that would limit permits for office high rises. A municipal ordinance in 1967 parceled the land inaccordance to the 1958 master plan, lots were sold to Aerolíneas Argentinas, Conurban S. A, IBM, Impresit Sideco, Kokourek S. A, SEGBA, the Argentine Industrial Union. Retiro Park was bulldozed, the Buenos Aires Japanese Gardens therein were relocated to their present, Palermo Woods location; the MCBA, in turn, retained four areas, opened three parking lots, built two promenades: Carlos Della Paolera and Ingeniero Butty. Ground was broken on the first buildings in the complex, the Kokourek Group's Conurban Tower, the Sheraton Buenos Aires Hotel & Convention Center, on June 26.
Work began on the Carlos Pellegrini Tower for the UIA in 1970, on the Catalinas Norte Tower in 1972. The Conurban Tower was inaugurated in 1973, Carlos Pellegrini in 1974, Catalinas Norte, in 1975. Work began on the Madero Tower in 1976, in 1979, the IBM Tower; these high rises, while not the first in Buenos Aires to incorporate elements of the International Style, became the first to do so as a group. SEPRA Arquitectos, a prominent Argentine architectural firm, designed the Sheraton Hotel and the Catalinas Norte Tower; the implosion of the dictatorship's economic policies in 1981 led to a suspension in new developments for the area, however, as well as a sharp decline in new construction as a whole. A subsequent economic recovery that followed Economy Minister Domingo Cavallo's 1991 Convertibility Plan prompted renewed interest among developers, from 1995 to 1998, the Consultatio Group developed the Alem and Catalinas Plaza twin towers, IRSA, Laminar Plaza; the final addition to the complex during the 1990s was the Bank Boston Tower.
The Postmodern high rise
Carole Anne Goble, is a Professor of Computer Science at the University of Manchester. She is principal investigator of the myGrid, BioCatalogue and myExperiment projects and co-leads the Information Management Group with Norman Paton. Goble was educated at Maidstone Grammar School for Girls, her academic career has been spent at the Department of Computer Science where she gained her Bachelor of Science degree in computing and information systems from 1979 to 1982. Her current research interests include Grid computing, the Semantic Grid, the Semantic Web, Ontologies, e-Science, medical informatics and Research Objects, she applies advances in knowledge technologies and workflow systems to solve information management problems for life scientists and other scientific disciplines. She has secured funding from the European Union, the Defense Advanced Research Projects Agency in the United States and UK funding agencies including the Engineering and Physical Sciences Research Council and Biological Sciences Research Council and Social Research Council, Medical Research Council, the Department of Health, The Open Middleware Infrastructure Institute and the Department of Trade and Industry.
Her work has been published in leading peer reviewed scientific journals including Nucleic Acids Research, Bioinformatics, IEEE Computer, the Journal of Biomedical Semantics, Briefings in Bioinformatics, Artificial Intelligence in Medicine, the Pacific Symposium on Biocomputing conference, the International Journal of Cooperative Information Systems, the Journal of Biomedical Informatics, Nature Genetics and Drug Discovery Today. Goble joined the University of Manchester in 1985, was appointed to a chair in 2000, she is an editorial board member of IEEE Internet Computing, GigaScience, the International Journal of Web Service Research, used to be the Editor-in-chief of Elsevier's Journal of Web Semantics. Goble serves on several committees, which includes the advisory committees of the Science and Technology Facilities Council Physical and Life Sciences advisory committee, she was appointed to the Biotechnology and Biological Sciences Research Council on 13 June 2013. She has served on the Engineering and Physical Sciences Research Council Technical Opportunities Panel.
She co-founded Cerebra, an early spin-off company to exploit Semantic Web technologies, sold. Goble was recipient of the first Jim Gray e-Science Award in December 2008. Tony Hey, corporate vice-president of Microsoft External Research who sponsored the award, said Goble was chosen for the award because of her work to help scientists do data-intensive science through the Taverna workbench, her work has won best paper awards at the 3rd IEEE International Conference on e-Science and Grid Computing and the 11th ACM International Conference on Hypertext. In 2002 she was honoured by Sun Microsystems for her significant achievements in advancing Life Science Computing, she has given keynotes in many forums, including international conferences on: Digital curation, e-Social Science, Grid Computing, Intelligent Systems for Molecular Biology, Pacific Symposium on Biocomputing and Hypermedia, Bioinformatics Open Source Conference, Artificial intelligence, Systems Biology, Discovery Science, the Semantic Web, International World Wide Web Conference and Medical Informatics.
Goble was appointed Commander of the Order of the British Empire in the 2014 New Year Honours for services to science. She was elected a Fellow of the Royal Academy of Engineering in 2010. In January 2018 Goble was awarded the degree of Doctorem by Maastricht University
For 510 model years after 1973, see "A10 Series" in the Nissan Violet article. The Datsun 510 was a series of the Datsun Bluebird sold from 1968 to 1973, offered outside the U. S. and Canada as the Datsun 1600. According to AutoWeek's G. D. Levy, the 510 has been called the "poor man's BMW."The 510's engineering was inspired by contemporary European sedans the 1966 BMW 1600-2 — incorporating a SOHC engine, MacPherson strut suspension in front and independent, semi-trailing arms in the back. The styling is attributed to Teruo Uchino; the engine was promoted by Nissan USA president Yutaka Katayama, a design developed through Prince, an acquisition. Launched in October 1967, body styles included the original four-door sedan, a two-door sedan, five-door station wagon, two-door coupé; the 510 range became famous for Nissan's rallying successes outside Japan and paved the way for greater Nissan sales internationally. The Datsun 510 released to the U. S. market had a Hitachi downdraft-carbureted 1.6L L-series I4 engine, with an advertised gross power of 96 hp, a claimed top speed of 100 mph, front disc brakes, four-wheel independent suspension, rear-wheel drive, either a four-speed manual or a three-speed automatic transmission.
Two-door sedan, four-door sedan, four-door station wagon variants were available. It achieved 20 to 30 mpg in factory trim. Japanese-domestic-market models were available in a two-door coupe body style with either a 1.6L or a 1.8L L-Series engine. 510s, in some markets, offered twin Hitachi side-draft carburetors, which were a smaller version of the British SU design used on Jaguars and MGs. These engines used enhanced compression and camshaft profiles to produce more power. SSS models offered upgraded instrumentation and interior trim, as well as appropriate exterior badges. All U. S. model 510s received anti-sun glass from 1970 on. Affordable performance combined with simple mechanicals has helped the Datsun 510 remain a popular automotive enthusiast's car for nearly 50 years. Avid collectors can be found around the world with significant numbers in the U. S. Australia, New Zealand. One advantage of the early Datsun cars is that many of the parts were interchangeable — engines and suspension setups, for example, were all similar enough to swap with minor modifications.
This allowed the Datsun 510 to be upgraded from the 1.6l - L16 engine, to the 1.8l - L18 engine, to the 2.0L L20B engine, to go from the four-speed manual transmission to the 63 mm five-speed transmissions made available for the early 200SX and HL510, the 71 mm five-speed transmissions used in the 280-series Z cars, 1980 to'83 200SX, the 1977 to'80 810, the 1981 to'84 810/Maxima/Bluebird, the C210/R30 series of Skylines. The 71 mm five-speed transmissions saw extensive use in the 620/720/D21 series pick-up trucks in both long and short extension-housing versions, its positive reputation led to Nissan re-using the 510 model name on for the unrelated, 1978–1981 Nissan Stanza'A10' in an effort to capture this range’s glory, an effort reviewers thought was a failure. Hot Wheels manufactures several versions of the car; the P510 and PL510 were the most prevalent models in most markets, including the U. S; the 1969 KP510T two-door coupe version arrived in small numbers to right-hand-drive markets, predominantly Japan's domestic market, unsaddled by engine emission regulations.
The K prefix cars had a coupe-style shorter deck lid while wagons got a W prefix. In the U. S. the 1968 510 two-door sedan saw a limited introduction during the summer season, resulting in it being the rarest U. S. 510-year and model. The two-door sedan body style became popular and was imported into the U. S. in large numbers for the next 5 model years. For the 1974 U. S. model year, the 510 four-door sedan was dropped in favor of the 1974 PL610 series cars. Around the world, the J series pushrod-engined model was most common; when first shown, at the 1967 Tokyo Motor Show, Japanese customers received the overhead-camshaft 1.3-liter engine with a claimed 72 PS - according to Nissan, an engine more capable than competitor Toyota's 1.5-liter version. The little engine was not helped by being married to a three-speed manual gearbox. From the beginning, North American customers received the larger 1.6 coupled to a four-speed all-synchro transmission. Indeed, by October 1968 the Bluebird 1600 SSS was made available to Japanese buyers, with specifications similar to those of the Datsun 510.
The 510-series Bluebirds differed depending on the market. In South America, Asia and in Africa, 510 sedan, two-door & station wagon models traded rear independent suspension for a leaf-sprung solid axle; the engines for these markets differed. Rather than the OHC 1.6l L-series, they received pushrod inline four-cylinder engines from the J-series with either 1.3l or 1.5l displacement. These variants were known as Datsun 1500 and Datsun 1300. In September 1970, the 1.3 and 1.5-L engines were replaced with 1.4-L units. In other parts of the world the 510 was equipped with the J-series OHV pushrod engines. In the US it remained a 1.6. In September 1971 the new, Bluebird U appeared in Japanese showrooms, but the 510 continued on sale as a lower-priced, more compact version, it received a minor facelift with plastic surrounds for the headlamps, while the 1800 cc models were discontinued, the chassis code was cha
The Pakistan Nuclear Power Fuel Complex known as Chemical Reprocessing Plant, is a nuclear energy and reprocessing industrial complex for the PWR-type reactors. The NPFC-I is a dual purpose nuclear power plant, with a net capacity of 1000MWe, located 175 km south of Islamabad; the reactor is designed for converting U3O8 to natural UF6, enriched UF6 into UO2 powder converted depleted UF6 into depleted uranium metal and produced Zircon Ingot. The PNPFC is ingeniously constructed by the PAEC under the IAEA terms as IAEA is funding this megaproject. In 1978, the PAEC had built its own dual purpose nuclear reprocessing plant, near at Nilore, it is known as The New Labs. Since the PAEC has built an extensive nuclear infrastructure in the country, under the direction of Munir Ahmad Khan; the Pakistan Nuclear Power Fuel Complex is being built for the production of nuclear fuel for the nuclear power plants to generate energy. The PNPFC is under IAEA safeguards and managed separately from Pakistan's nuclear weapons facilities.
It has 1000MW capacity and, since 2009, the 90% of work on the plant is complete and it should supply fuel in late 2010. Cost of the Pakistan Nuclear Power Fuel Complex was estimated at Rs. 51.298 billion. The complex will fabricate fuel for local nuclear power plants, in particular for the reactors at Chashma Nuclear Power Plant; the Nuclear Power Fuel Facility comprises Chemical Processing Plants, Nuclear reprocessing plant, an Enrichment Plant, a Seamless Tube Plant. For information on Pakistani nuclear power reactors, see the articles Chashma Nuclear Power Plant and Karachi Nuclear Power Plant. Pakistan Atomic Energy Commission China-Pakistan Power Plant Corporation