The House of Lords Act 1999 was an Act of the Parliament of the United Kingdom, given Royal Assent on 11 November 1999. The Act reformed the House of one of the chambers of Parliament. For centuries, the House of Lords had included several hundred members. However, as part of a compromise, the Act did permit ninety-two hereditary peers to remain in the House on an interim basis. Another ten were created life peers to enable them to remain in the House; the Act decreased the membership of the House from 1,330 in October 1999 to 669 in March 2000. As another result of the Act, the majority of the Lords were now life peers, whose numbers had been increasing since the Life Peerages Act 1958; as of November 2019, there were 793 members of the House of Lords, of whom 26 were senior Church of England bishops, whose representation in the House is governed by the Bishoprics Act 1878. Prior to the 16th century, the Lords was the more powerful of the two houses of Parliament. A process of gradual developments combined with such moments of crisis as the English Civil Wars transferred the political control of England, first from the Crown to the House of Lords and to the House of Commons.
The rising wealth of the Commons allowed it to wage two civil wars, dethrone two kings, reduce the power of the Lords. Prior to the House of Lords Act 1999, the power of the Lords had been diminished by the Parliament Acts 1911 and 1949 which stripped the Lords of the ability to block, or veto, adoption of most bills. Furthermore, the Commons has absolute power. After eighteen years of Conservative rule, the Labour party led by Tony Blair won a landslide victory at the 1997 general election, in the process inflicting the biggest defeat for the Conservatives since 1832; the Labour Party had for years endorsed abolition of the unelected House of Lords in its election platforms, though since 1992 this had changed to a policy of reforming the House instead. During the 20th century and Labour governments proposed many bills that were opposed by the House of Lords, dominated by Conservatives since the 1890s, leading to delay and, where proposed before elections, their dropping from the legislative agenda.
In the first year of the Blair government, the Lords passed back Government bills 38 times. The rejection considered the most contentious was of the European Elections Bill, against which the Lords voted five times. Blair stated that the Conservatives were using the hereditary peers to "frustrate" and "overturn the will of the democratically elected House of Commons". Here Blair found an opportunity to implement one of Labour's campaign promises. On 24 November 1998, in opening the second session of Parliament, the Queen delivered her annual Speech from the Throne. In it, she suggested; these remarks were followed by shouts of "Hear! Hear!" from supportive Labour Members of Parliament, by similar shouts of "Shame! Shame!" from Conservative peers. The House of Lords Bill was expected to face a tough fight in the House of Lords. Several Lords threatened to disrupt the Government's other bills if they continued with the plan to abolish the hereditaries' right to sit in the House of Lords; the Earl of Onslow, for instance, said, "I'm happy to force a division on each and every clause of the Scotland Bill.
Each division takes 20 minutes and there are more than 270 clauses." Lords had plenty of other means by. Lord Randall of St Budeaux put forward the idea of phasing out the hereditary peers by disqualifying their heirs. Baroness Jay of Paddington reminded the House that under the Salisbury Convention they could not block the bill. In order to convince some peers to vote for reform, Tony Blair announced that he would compromise by allowing a number of hereditary peers to remain in the House of Lords on an interim basis. On 2 December 1998, the Conservative Leader of the Opposition, William Hague, rose in the House of Commons to attack Blair's plans, he suggested that Blair's changes indicated his lack of principles, claiming that Blair wanted to turn the House of Lords into a "House of Cronies". Hague further suggested that the Conservative Party would never agree to such constitutional reforms that were "based on no comprehensive plan or principle." Hague's remarks backfired when Blair revealed that the Conservative Party in the House of Lords, rather than oppose his reforms, would support them, that he had done a secret deal with the Conservative leader in the House of Lords, Viscount Cranborne.
Hague removed Cranborne from office, but, in protest, several Conservative Lords who held front-bench positions resigned. On 19 January 1999, the Leader of the House of Commons, Margaret Beckett, introduced the House of Lords Bill into the House of Commons; the House of Commons passed the bill by a vote of 340 to 132 on 16 March. The next day it was presented to the House of Lords. One significant amendment made to the Bill was the so-called Weatherill Amendment, named for the Lord Weatherill, the former Speaker of the House of Commons; the Weatherill Amendment put into place the deal agreed to by the Prime Minister and Viscount Cranborne, allowed 92 hereditary peers to remain members of the House of Lords. Several controversies relating to the technicalities
Gunay Israil qizi Mehdizade is an Azerbaijani painter and a member of Union of Artists of Azerbaijan. She is the author and organizer of Bursa Zeki Müren Fine Arts Lyceum and "Brother School" project of the Art Gymnasium within the National Conservatory of Azerbaijan, as well as author of portrait of Atatürk, exhibited at the house-museum of Atatürk in Ankara. Gunay Mehdizade was born on June 1981 in Baku, she is the student of Honored Artist of Beyimhanim Hajizade. In 2011 she was admitted into Union of Artists of Azerbaijan. In 2012, Mehdizade's "National Dishes" work was added to the World Children's Encyclopedia; the same year, her "Nowruz" art was included on "History and Personality in Fine Art of Azerbaijan" book. In 2013, the winner of an international competition, represented Azerbaijan at the 4th International Symposium on International Live Painting in Turkey, her works were displayed at the exhibition of young Azerbaijani artists in Milan in 2013. Her "Pomegranate" work, created in 2014 at the symposium, is exhibited at the Modern Museum of Konya.
Gunay Mehdizade's "Atatürk Portrait" has been exhibited in Ankara at house-museum of Atatürk since 2015 and is regarded as the wealth of the Turkish Republic. She represented culture and relationship between Azerbaijan and Turkey in May 2017, as an artist-curator in the "Brotherhood of Colors" project, in collaboration with the Izmir Balçova Municipality and the Fraternity Cooperation Association. In 2016-2017, Mehdizade worked on the field of historical arts. On the 25th anniversary of independence of Azerbaijan, she created a portrait of Heydar Aliyev, she created the works of "Atatürk Period", "Modern Turkey", "Khojaly genocide". Mehdizade is the author of the idea and organizer of "Brothers School" project within Zeki Müren Fine Arts Lyceum in Bursa and Art Gymnasium, chief curator of cultural relations project between Azerbaijan and Turkey. Əsəri Türkiyə Cümhuriyyətinin sərvəti olan rəssam Əsəri Türkiyənin sərvəti olan azərbaycanlı kimdir? Azərbaycan Respublikası Mədəniyyət və Turizm Nazirliyinin Muzey Mərkəzində Günay Mehdizadənin əsərləri Rənglərin Qardaşlığı.
Rəssam Günay Mehdizadədən muzeyimizə hədiyyə Dörd dəfə dəsti-xəttim dəyişib – Günay Mehdizadənin müsahibəsi Rənglərin kədər səsi “Mənim üçün janr məhdudiyyəti yoxdur” Can Azerbaycan Gunay Mehdizade ressam tanıtım - video Can Azerbaycan, Günay Mehdizadə rəssam - video
Quasi-set theory is a formal mathematical theory for dealing with collections of indistinguishable objects motivated by the assumption that certain objects treated in quantum physics are indistinguishable and don't have individuality. The American Mathematical Society sponsored a 1974 meeting to evaluate the resolution and consequences of the 23 problems Hilbert proposed in 1900. An outcome of that meeting was a new list of mathematical problems, the first of which, due to Manin, questioned whether classical set theory was an adequate paradigm for treating collections of indistinguishable elementary particles in quantum mechanics, he suggested that such collections cannot be sets in the usual sense, that the study of such collections required a "new language". The use of the term quasi-set follows a suggestion in da Costa's 1980 monograph Ensaio sobre os Fundamentos da Lógica, in which he explored possible semantics for what he called "Schrödinger Logics". In these logics, the concept of identity is restricted to some objects of the domain, has motivation in Schrödinger's claim that the concept of identity does not make sense for elementary particles.
Thus in order to provide a semantics that fits the logic, da Costa submitted that "a theory of quasi-sets should be developed", encompassing "standard sets" as particular cases, yet da Costa did not develop this theory in any concrete way. To the same end and independently of da Costa, Dalla Chiara and di Francia proposed a theory of quasets to enable a semantic treatment of the language of microphysics; the first quasi-set theory was proposed by D. Krause in his PhD thesis, in 1990. A related physics theory, based on the logic of adding fundamental indistinguishability to equality and inequality, was developed and elaborated independently in the book The Theory of Indistinguishables by A. F. Parker-Rhodes. On the use of quasi-sets in philosophical discussions of quantum identity and individuality, see French and French and Krause. On Schrödinger logics, see da Costa and Krause, French and Krause. We now expound the first quasi-set theory. For an updated paper on the subject, see French and Krause.
Krause builds on the set theory ZFU, consisting of Zermelo-Fraenkel set theory with an ontology extended to include two kinds of urelements: m-atoms, whose intended interpretation is elementary quantum particles. Quasi-sets are collections resulting from applying axioms similar to those for ZFU, to a basic domain composed of m-atoms, M-atoms, aggregates of these; the axioms of Q include equivalents of extensionality, but in a weaker form, termed "weak extensionality axiom". Q-set theories based on other set-theoretical frameworks are, of course, possible. Q has a primitive concept of quasi-cardinal, governed by eight additional axioms, intuitively standing for the quantity of objects in a collection; the quasi-cardinal of a quasi-set is not defined in the usual sense because the m-atoms are assumed indistinguishable. Furthermore, it is possible to define a translation from the language of ZFU into the language of Q in such a way so that there is a'copy' of ZFU in Q. In this copy, all the usual mathematical concepts can be defined, the'sets' turn out to be those q-sets whose transitive closure contains no m-atoms.
In Q there may exist q-sets, called "pure" q-sets, whose elements are all m-atoms, the axiomatics of Q provides the grounds for saying that nothing in Q distinguishes the elements of a pure q-set from one another, for certain pure q-sets. Within the theory, the idea that there is more than one entity in x is expressed by an axiom which states that the quasi-cardinal of the power quasi-set of x has quasi-cardinal 2qc, where qc is the quasi-cardinal of x. What does this mean? Consider the level 2p of a sodium atom, in which there are six indiscernible electrons. So, physicists reason as if there are in fact six entities in that level, not only one. In this way, by saying that the quasi-cardinal of the power quasi-set of x is 2qc, we are not excluding the hypothesis that there can exist six subquasi-sets of x which are'singletons', although we cannot distinguish among them. Whether there are or not six elements in x is something. If the theory could answer this question, the elements of x would be individualized and hence counted, contradicting the basic assumption that they cannot be distinguished.
In other words, we may reason as if there are six entities in x, but x must be regarded as a collection whose elements cannot be discerned as individual
Urvansky District is an administrative and a municipal district, one of the ten in the Kabardino-Balkarian Republic, Russia. It is located in the east of the republic; the area of the district is 458 square kilometers. Its administrative center is the town of Nartkala; as of the 2010 Census, the total population of the district was 71,782, with the population of Nartkala accounting for 44.2% of that number. Within the framework of administrative divisions, Urvansky District is one of the ten in the Kabardino-Balkarian Republic and has administrative jurisdiction over one town and twelve rural localities; as a municipal division, the district is incorporated as Urvansky Municipal District. The town of Nartkala is incorporated as an urban settlement and the twelve rural localities are incorporated into eleven rural settlements within the municipal district; the town of Nartkala serves as the administrative center of both the administrative and municipal district. Парламент Кабардино-Балкарской Республики.
Закон №12-РЗ от 27 февраля 2005 г. «Об административно-территориальном устройстве Кабардино-Балкарской Республики», в ред. Закона №20-РЗ от 23 апреля 2014 г. «О внесении изменений в отдельные республиканские Законы». Вступил в силу на следующий день после опубликования. Опубликован: "Кабардино-Балкарская правда", б/н, 1 марта 2005 г.. Парламент Кабардино-Балкарской Республики. Закон №13-РЗ от 27 февраля 2005 г. «Об статусе и границах муниципальных образований в Кабардино-Балкарской Республики», в ред. Закона №20-РЗ от 23 апреля 2014 г. «О внесении изменений в отдельные республиканские Законы». Вступил в силу на следующий день после официального опубликования. Опубликован: "Кабардино-Балкарская правда", б/н, 1 марта 2005 г
Magnet is a music magazine that focuses on alternative, independent, or out-of-the-mainstream bands. The magazine is published four times a year, is independently owned and edited by Eric T. Miller. Music magazines with a similar focus in the 1990s era included Option, Ray Gun, Alternative Press; the first issue of Magnet came out in mid-1993. Examples of cover stars over the years include Yo La Tengo, The Afghan Whigs, Spacemen 3, Shudder To Think, Tortoise/ Swervedriver, Sonic Youth, Sunny Day Real Estate, Ride, Interpol, Hüsker Dü, Cat Power; the magazine's content tends to focus on up-and-coming indie bands and expositions of various music scenes. Examples include long pieces on the Denton, TX psychedelic rock scene, the New York City "Illbient" scene, the history of power pop, the Cleveland avant-punk scene of the 1970s, the Minneapolis college-rock scene of the 1980s, the California "Paisley Underground" bands of the 1980s, the resurgence of the Shoegaze movement. Common is the "artists within a construct" theme—e.g.
The "Eccentrics And Dreamers" issue featuring various "outsider" artists. Beginning in early 1997, subscribers to each issue receive a sampler CD. Record labels pay the magazine to have songs put on the CDs, meaning that inclusion signified no endorsement from the staff of Magnet, although bands would claim otherwise, leading to moderate controversy over the years; the songs on the CDs sometimes have little to do with the type of music covered by the magazine. Though the magazine's focus for the first five years or so of its existence was experimental/underground music, its focus at the turn of the century broadened to include an emphasis on covering alt-country and indie acts such as Wilco, Steve Earle, The New Pornographers, The Shins, more established acts such as Tom Petty. Despite this, it still maintains a section devoted to free jazz and obscure electronic-based music in each issue, it has done long articles on jazz icons Albert Ayler, Ken Vandermark, Ornette Coleman. The photographic style of subjects has evolved from inventive avant-garde settings to stark, no-frills closeups of band members.
Magnet has paid much less attention over the years to the rap genres. The first issue of each year features a faux-retrospective look on that year, predicting various absurdist musical occurrences. More Andrew Earles has written a parodic feature entitled "Where's The Street Team?" which tends to address overhyped bands and their fans. The magazine stopped being offered in print form after the 80th edition but continued to use the Magnet brand name on their website. In October 2011 it returned as a monthly print magazine featuring Wilco on the cover of the first of the relaunch issues. There appears to be no free CD. Magnet Magazine
Cádiz is one of the 52 constituencies represented in the Congress of Deputies, the lower chamber of the Spanish parliament, the Cortes Generales. The constituency elects eight deputies, its boundaries correspond to those of the Spanish province of Cádiz. The electoral system uses the D'Hondt method and a closed-list proportional representation, with a minimum threshold of three percent; the constituency was created as per the Political Reform Act 1977 and was first contested in the 1977 general election. The Act provided for the provinces of Spain to be established as multi-member districts in the Congress of Deputies, with this regulation being maintained under the Spanish Constitution of 1978. Additionally, the Constitution requires for any modification of the provincial limits to be approved under an organic law, needing an absolute majority in the Cortes Generales. Voting is on the basis of universal suffrage, which comprises all nationals over eighteen and in full enjoyment of their political rights.
The only exception was in 1977, when this was limited to nationals over twenty-one and in full enjoyment of their political and civil rights. Amendments to the electoral law in 2011 required for Spaniards abroad to apply for voting before being permitted to vote, a system known as "begged" or expat vote. 348 seats are elected using the D'Hondt method and a closed list proportional representation, with a threshold of three percent of valid votes—which includes blank ballots—being applied in each constituency. Parties not reaching the threshold are not taken into consideration for seat distribution; each provincial constituency is entitled to an initial minimum of two seats, with the remaining 248 being distributed in proportion to their populations. Ceuta and Melilla are allocated the two remaining seats; the use of the D'Hondt method may result in a higher effective threshold, depending on the district magnitude. The electoral law allows for parties and federations registered in the interior ministry and groupings of electors to present lists of candidates.
Parties and federations intending to form a coalition ahead of an election are required to inform the relevant Electoral Commission within ten days of the election call—fifteen before 1985—whereas groupings of electors need to secure the signature of at least one percent of the electorate in the constituencies for which they seek election—one-thousandth of the electorate, with a compulsory minimum of 500 signatures, until 1985—disallowing electors from signing for more than one list of candidates. Since 2011, federations or coalitions that have not obtained a mandate in either chamber of the Cortes at the preceding election are required to secure the signature of at least 0.1 percent of electors in the aforementioned constituencies