Liberal conservatism is a political ideology combining conservative policies with liberal stances on economic and ethical issues, or a brand of political conservatism influenced by liberalism. Liberal conservatism incorporates the classical liberal view of minimal government intervention in the economy, according to which individuals should be free to participate in the market and generate wealth without government interference. However, individuals cannot be depended on to act responsibly in other spheres of life, therefore liberal conservatives believe that a strong state is necessary to ensure law and order and social institutions are needed to nurture a sense of duty and responsibility to the nation, they support civil liberties, along with some social conservative positions. In Europe liberal conservatism is the dominant form of contemporary conservatism and centre-right politics; as both "conservatism" and "liberalism" have had different meanings over time and across countries, the term "liberal conservatism" has been used in quite different ways.
It contrasts with "aristocratic conservatism", which deems the principle of equality as something discordant with human nature and emphasizes instead the idea of natural inequality. As conservatives in democratic countries have embraced typical liberal institutions such as the rule of law, private property, the market economy and constitutional representative government, the liberal element of liberal conservatism became consensual among conservatives. In some countries, the term "liberal conservatism" came to be understood as "conservatism" in popular culture, prompting some conservatives who embraced more classical liberal values to call themselves "libertarians" instead. In the United States conservatives combine the economic individualism of classical liberals with a Burkean form of conservatism that emphasizes the natural inequalities between men, the irrationality of human behavior as the basis for the human drive for order and stability and the rejection of natural rights as the basis for government.
However, from a different perspective, American conservatism has exalted three tenets of Burkean conservatism, namely the diffidence toward the power of the state, the preference of liberty over equality, patriotism while rejecting the three remaining tenets, namely loyalty to traditional institutions and hierarchies, scepticism regarding progress and elitism. In the United States the term "liberal conservatism" is not used. American "modern liberalism" happens to be quite different from European liberalism and occupies the centre-left of the political spectrum, in contrast to many European countries where liberalism is more associated with the centre-right and social democracy makes up a substantial part of the centre-left; the opposite is true in Latin America, where economically liberal conservatism is labelled under the rubric of neoliberalism both in popular culture and academic discourse. For their part, in their embracement of liberal and free market principles, European liberal conservatives are distinguishable from those holding national conservative social-conservative and/or outright populist views, let alone a right-wing populist posture.
Being liberal involves stressing free market economics and the belief in individual responsibility together with the defense of civil rights and support for a limited welfare state. Compared to other centre-right political traditions, such as Christian democracy, liberal conservatives are less traditionalist and more economically liberal, favouring low taxes and minimal state intervention in the economy; some regional varieties and peculiarities can be observed: In much of central and northwestern Europe in Germanic and traditionally Protestant countries, as well as the United Kingdom and Belgium, a divide persists between liberal conservatives and liberals. In most Nordic countries, liberal conservatives, Christian democrats and liberals form distinct political families and have each their own party. In most countries where Romance languages are spoken and where Catholicism is or has been dominant, as well as in Greece, liberal conservative movements encompassing Christian democrats and liberals, have more gained traction and the terms "conservative" and "liberal" may be understood as synonymous.
At the European level, Christian democrats and most liberal conservatives are affiliated to the European People's Party, while liberals to the Alliance of Liberals and Democrats for Europe Party. In this context, some traditionally Christian-democratic parties have become undistinguishable from other liberal-conservative parties. On the other hand, newer liberal-conservative parties have not adopted traditional labels, but their ideologies are a mixture of conservatism, Christian democracy and liberalism. In the modern European discourse, "liberal conservatism" encompasses centre-right political outlooks that reject at least to
Right-wing politics hold that certain social orders and hierarchies are inevitable, normal, or desirable supporting this position on the basis of natural law, economics, or tradition. Hierarchy and inequality may be viewed as natural results of traditional social differences or the competition in market economies; the term right-wing can refer to "the conservative or reactionary section of a political party or system". The political terms "Left" and "Right" were first used during the French Revolution and referred to seating arrangements in the French parliament: those who sat to the right of the chair of the parliamentary president were broadly supportive of the institutions of the monarchist Old Regime; the original Right in France was formed as a reaction against the "Left" and comprised those politicians supporting hierarchy and clericalism. The use of the expression la droite became prominent in France after the restoration of the monarchy in 1815, when it was applied to the Ultra-royalists.
The people of English-speaking countries did not apply the terms "right" and "left" to their own politics until the 20th century. Although the right-wing originated with traditional conservatives and reactionaries, the term extreme right-wing has been applied to movements including fascism and racial supremacy. From the 1830s to the 1880s, there was a shift in the Western world of social class structure and the economy, moving away from nobility and aristocracy towards capitalism; this general economic shift toward capitalism affected centre-right movements such as the British Conservative Party, which responded by becoming supportive of capitalism. In the United States, the Right includes both social conservatives. In Europe, economic conservatives are considered liberal and the Right includes nationalists, nativist opposition to immigration, religious conservatives, a significant presence of right-wing movements with anti-capitalist sentiments including conservatives and fascists who opposed what they saw as the selfishness and excessive materialism inherent in contemporary capitalism.
The political term right-wing was first used during the French Revolution, when liberal deputies of the Third Estate sat to the left of the president's chair, a custom that began in the Estates General of 1789. The nobility, members of the Second Estate sat to the right. In the successive legislative assemblies, monarchists who supported the Old Regime were referred to as rightists because they sat on the right side. A major figure on the right was Joseph de Maistre, who argued for an authoritarian form of conservatism. Throughout the 19th century, the main line dividing Left and Right in France was between supporters of the republic and supporters of the monarchy. On the right, the Legitimists and Ultra-royalists held counter-revolutionary views, while the Orléanists hoped to create a constitutional monarchy under their preferred branch of the royal family, a brief reality after the 1830 July Revolution; the centre-right Gaullists in post-World War II France advocated considerable social spending on education and infrastructure development as well as extensive economic regulation, but limited the wealth redistribution measures characteristic of social democracy.
In British politics, the terms "right" and "left" came into common use for the first time in the late 1930s in debates over the Spanish Civil War. The Right has gone through five distinct historical stages: the reactionary right sought a return to aristocracy and established religion; the meaning of right-wing "varies across societies, historical epochs, political systems and ideologies". According to The Concise Oxford Dictionary of Politics, in liberal democracies, the political right opposes socialism and social democracy. Right-wing parties include conservatives, Christian democrats, classical liberals, nationalists and on the far-right. Roger Eatwell and Neal O'Sullivan divide the right into five types: reactionary, radical and new. Chip Berlet argues that each of these "styles of thought" are "responses to the left", including liberalism and socialism, which have arisen since the 1789 French Revolution; the reactionary right looks toward the past and is "aristocratic and authoritarian".
The moderate right, typified by the writings of Edmund Burke, is tolerant of change, provided it is gradual and accepts some aspects of liberalism, including the rule of law and capitalism, although it sees radical laissez-faire and individualism as harmful to society. The moderate right promotes nationalism and social welfare policies. Radical right is a term developed after World War II to describe groups and ideologies such as McCarthyism, the John Birch Society and the Republikaner Party. Eatwell stresses that this use has "major typological problems" and that the term "has been applied to democratic developments"; the radical right includes various other subtypes. Eatwell argues that the extreme right' has four traits: "1) anti-democracy; the New Right consists of the liberal conservatives, who stress small government, free markets and individual initiative. Other authors make a distinction between the cent
1989 Chilean general election
General elections were held in Chile on 14 December 1989, bringing to an end the military regime, in place since 1973. Patricio Aylwin of the Coalition of Parties for Democracy alliance was elected President, whilst the alliance won a majority of seats in the Chamber of Deputies and in the elected Senate seats. From the 1989 elections onwards the military had left the political future of the country to civilians to be elected. Pinochet did not endorse any candidate publicly. Former dictatorship minister Hernán Büchi ran for president as candidate of the two right-wing parties, RN and UDI, he had little political experience and was a young technocrat credited for Chile's good economic performance in the half of the 1980s. The right parties faced several problems in the elections: there was considerable infighting between RN and UDI, Büchi had only reluctantly accepted to run for president and right-wing politicians struggled to define their position towards the Pinochet regime. In addition to this right-wing populist Francisco Javier Errázuriz Talavera ran independently for president and made several election promises Büchi could not match.
The centre-left coalition Concertación was rather confident. Its candidate Patricio Aylwin, a Christian Democrat, behaved as if he had won and refused a second television debate with Büchi. Büchi attacked Aylwin on a remark he had made concerning that inflation rate of 20% was not much and he accused Aylwin of making secret agreements with the Communist Party of Chile, a party, not part of Concertación. Aylwin spoke with strength about the need to clarify human rights violations but did not confront the dictatorship for it, in contrast Büchi as a regime collaborator lacked any credibility when dealing with human right violations. Büchi and Errázuriz lost to Patricio Aylwin; the electoral system meant that the Pinochet-sympathetic right was overrepresented in parliament in such way that it could block any reform to the constitution. This over-representation was crucial for UDI to obtain places in parliament and secure its political future. Pinochet declared himself to be satisfied with the election.
The far-left and the far-right performed poorly in the election
Augusto José Ramón Pinochet Ugarte was a Chilean general and dictator of Chile between 1973 and 1990 who remained the Commander-in-Chief of the Chilean Army until 1998 and was President of the Government Junta of Chile between 1973 and 1981. Pinochet assumed power in Chile following a United States-backed coup d'état on 11 September 1973 that overthrew the democratically elected socialist Unidad Popular government of President Salvador Allende and ended civilian rule. Several academics – including Peter Winn, Peter Kornbluh and Tim Weiner – have stated that the support of the United States was crucial to the coup and the consolidation of power afterward. Pinochet had been promoted to Commander-in-Chief of the Army by Allende on 23 August 1973, having been its General Chief of Staff since early 1972. In December 1974, the ruling military junta appointed Pinochet Supreme Head of the nation by joint decree, although without the support of one of the coup's instigators, Air Force General Gustavo Leigh.
Following his rise to power, Pinochet persecuted leftists and political critics, resulting in the executions of from 1,200 to 3,200 people, the internment of as many as 80,000 people and the torture of tens of thousands. According to the Chilean government, the number of executions and forced disappearances was 3,095. Under the influence of the free market-oriented "Chicago Boys", Pinochet's military government implemented economic liberalization, including currency stabilization, removed tariff protections for local industry, banned trade unions and privatized social security and hundreds of state-owned enterprises; these policies produced high economic growth, but critics state that economic inequality increased and attribute the devastating effects of the 1982 monetary crisis on the Chilean economy to these policies. For most of the 1990s, Chile was the best-performing economy in Latin America, though the legacy of Pinochet's reforms continues to be in dispute, his fortune grew during his years in power through dozens of bank accounts secretly held abroad and a fortune in real estate.
He was prosecuted for embezzlement, tax fraud and for possible commissions levied on arms deals. Pinochet's 17-year rule was given a legal framework through a controversial 1980 plebiscite, which approved a new constitution drafted by a government-appointed commission. In a 1988 plebiscite, 56% voted against Pinochet's continuing as President, which led to democratic elections for the presidency and Congress. After stepping down in 1990, Pinochet continued to serve as Commander-in-Chief of the Chilean Army until 10 March 1998, when he retired and became a senator-for-life in accordance with his 1980 Constitution. However, Pinochet was arrested under an international arrest warrant on a visit to London on 10 October 1998 in connection with numerous human rights violations. Following a legal battle, he was released on grounds of ill-health and returned to Chile on 3 March 2000. In 2004, Chilean Judge Juan Guzmán Tapia ruled that Pinochet was medically fit to stand trial and placed him under house arrest.
By the time of his death on 10 December 2006, about 300 criminal charges were still pending against him in Chile for numerous human rights violations during his 17-year rule and tax evasion and embezzlement during and after his rule. He was accused of having corruptly amassed at least 28 million USD. Pinochet was born in Valparaíso, the son of Augusto Pinochet Vera, a descendant of an 18th-century French Breton immigrant from Lamballe, Avelina Ugarte Martínez, a woman whose family had been in Chile since the 17th century and was of partial Basque descent. Pinochet went to primary and secondary school at the San Rafael Seminary of Valparaíso, the Rafael Ariztía Institute in Quillota, the French Fathers' School of Valparaíso, to the Military School in Santiago, which he entered in 1931. In 1935, after four years studying military geography he graduated with the rank of alférez in the infantry. In September 1937, Pinochet was assigned in Concepción. Two years in 1939 with the rank of Sub-lieutenant, he moved to the "Maipo" Regiment, garrisoned in Valparaíso.
He returned to Infantry School in 1940. On 30 January 1943, Pinochet married Lucía Hiriart Rodríguez, with whom he had five children: Inés Lucía, María Verónica, Jacqueline Marie, Augusto Osvaldo and Marco Antonio. By late 1945, Pinochet had been assigned to the "Carampangue" Regiment in the northern city of Iquique. Three years he entered the Chilean War Academy but had to postpone his studies because, being the youngest officer, he had to carry out a service mission in the coal zone of Lota; the following year he returned to his studies in the Academy, after obtaining the title of Officer Chief of Staff, in 1951, he returned to teach at the Military School. At the same time, he worked as a teachers' aide at the War Academy, giving military geography and geopolitics classes, he was the editor of the institutional magazine Cien Águilas. At the beginning of 1953, with the rank of major, he was sent for two years to the "Rancagua" Regiment in Arica. While there, he was appointed professor of the Chilean War Academy, returned to Santiago to take up his new position.
In 1956, Pinochet and a group of young officers were chosen to form a military mission to collaborate in the organization of the War Academy of Ecuador in Quito. He remained with the Quito mission for four-and-a-half years, during which time he studied geopolitics, military geography and military intelligence. At the end of 1959 he returned to Chile and was sent to General Headquarters of the 1st Army Division, based in Antofa
Hernán Alberto Büchi Buc is a Chilean economist who served as minister of finance of the Pinochet dictatorship. In 1989 he ran unsuccessfully for president with support of Chilean right-wing parties. Büchi was born into a Roman Catholic family of Swiss and Croatian descent arrival to Iquique. After receiving a diploma in mining at the University of Chile he went to the U. S. and earned an MBA from Columbia University in 1975. Despite this fact, he is mentioned together with the Chicago Boys who studied economics at the University of Chicago, because he represents similar neoliberal market positions. In 1975, Hernán Büchi began as a consultant of the Secretary of Economics, Pablo Baraona, as a chair of the board of directors of the state-owned sugar refiner Industria Azucarera Nacional. In 1978, he joined the board of the state-owned telephone company Compañía de Teléfonos. In 1979 he became Vice-Secretary of Economics for the ministry of treasury, he worked with the Minister for Labor and Social Security José Piñera, who started the private pension system in Chile.
In 1981 he was appointed Vice-Secretary of Health where he prepared the privatization of health insurance. During the 1983 / 1984 recession in Chile he became Minister of Planning and Superintendent of Banks and Financial Institutions, he returned to the principles of monetarism. Büchi's appointment as finance minister, according to British historian Edwin Williamson:...marked the beginning of economic recovery. Büchi's strategy was to create the financial conditions for stable, export-led growth and to reorganize the productive structures of the export sector. Control of public spending, periodic devaluations, incentives for domestic savings, foreign investment and the repatriation of capital brought inflation down to 12 per cent by 1989, the lowest rate in Latin America. A vigorous campaign to sell parcels of the public debt to private investors in exchange for shares in Chilean industries reduced the nation's debt burden by over $4 billion... Economic growth averaged between 5 per cent and 6 per cent in 1985-8, the highest rate in the region.
After Pinochet stepped down in 1990, Büchi founded the "Liberty and Development Institute", where he is the chairman of the "International Economy Center Council" and a consultant. It has been funded by The Tinker Foundation, Atlas Economic Research Foundation, Center for International Private Enterprise, the German Hanns Seidel Foundationper its website. Since 1990 he has been an adviser in several government bodies in Latin America, Eastern Europe and Asia, he has been a chairman and/or member of the board of several public companies. During the 1989 Chilean presidential election Büchi stood for the right-wing Democracy and Progress Party and Unión Demócrata Independiente but was supported by Renovación Nacional and Democracia Radical. Büchi's campaign hired a former public relations adviser to former British Prime Minister Margaret Thatcher, Timothy Bell. Büchi came in second with 2,051,975 votes after Patricio Aylwin with 55.2%. However he "received more support from women than men in 59 of the 60 electoral districts, the exception being in southernmost district of Magallanes, where his support was about equal between the sexes".
Since 1994 Büchi has been the chair of the board of directors the Chilean food company Lucchetti, owned by the late Andrónico Luksic and his Luksic group, Chile's first multinational corporation, where Büchi holds further positions. Lucchetti was acquired by Tresmontes, Tresmontes Lucchetti S. A. was bought by Grupo Nutresa S. A. in October 2013. Büchi has been chair of the board of directors of the Chilean Mining Company, an advisor to the board of directors of Banco de Chile since 2008, with an annual compensation of 79,900,000 CLP, a chairman of the Directive Council of Universidad del Desarrollo, Adviser to the Instituto Libertad y Desarrollo, he has acted as member of the board of directors of the large holding company Quiñenco S. A. and Consorcio Nacional de Seguros, a large Chilean insurance company, Falabella S. A.. In 1996, Büchi detailed his experience as Minister of the Treasury of Chile during 1985–1989, in a book called "The Economic Transformation of Chile: A Personal Account", where he discusses the liberalization of the Chilean economy, the role he played in it.
It was translated into English in 2009. Crisis of 1982 El ladrillo Sergio de Castro Chicago Boys The Tinker Foundation http://www.tinker.org Media related to Hernán Büchi at Wikimedia Commons
Opus Dei, formally known as the Prelature of the Holy Cross and Opus Dei, is an institution of the Catholic Church which teaches that everyone is called to holiness and that ordinary life is a path to sanctity. The majority of its membership are lay people. Opus Dei is Latin for "Work of God". Opus Dei was founded in Spain in 1928 by Catholic saint and priest Josemaría Escrivá and was given final Catholic Church approval in 1950 by Pope Pius XII. St. John Paul II made it a personal prelature in 1982 by the apostolic constitution Ut sit; as of 2016, there were 94,776 members of the Prelature: 2,109 priests. These figures do not include the diocesan priest members of Opus Dei's Priestly Society of the Holy Cross, estimated to number 2,000 in the year 2005. Members are in more than 90 countries. About 70% of Opus Dei members live in their private homes, leading traditional Catholic family lives with secular careers, while the other 30% are celibate, of whom the majority live in Opus Dei centers. Aside from their personal charity and social work, Opus Dei members organize training in Catholic spirituality applied to daily life.
Opus Dei was founded by a Catholic priest, Josemaría Escrivá de Balaguer, on 2 October 1928 in Madrid, Spain. According to Escrivá, on that day he experienced a vision in which he "saw Opus Dei", he gave the organization the name "Opus Dei", which in Latin means "Work of God", in order to underscore the belief that the organization was not his work, but was rather God's work. Throughout his life, Escrivá held. Escrivá summarized Opus Dei's mission as a way of helping ordinary Christians "to understand that their life... is a way of holiness and evangelization... And to those who grasp this ideal of holiness, the Work offers the spiritual assistance and training they need to put it into practice."Initially, Opus Dei was open only to men, but in 1930, Escrivá started to admit women, based on what he believed to be a communication from God. In 1936, the organization suffered a temporary setback with the outbreak of the Spanish Civil War, as many Catholic priests and religious figures, including Escrivá, were forced into hiding.
The many atrocities committed during the civil war included the murder and rape of religious figures by anti-Franco Anarchists. After the civil war was won by General Francisco Franco, Escrivá was able to return to Madrid. Escrivá himself recounted that it was in Spain where Opus Dei found "the greatest difficulties" because of traditionalists who he felt misunderstood Opus Dei's ideas. Despite this, Opus Dei flourished during the years of the Franquismo, spreading first throughout Spain, after 1945, expanding internationally. In 1939, Escrivá published The Way, a collection of 999 maxims concerning spirituality for people involved in secular affairs. In the 1940s, Opus Dei found an early critic in the Jesuit Superior General Wlodimir Ledóchowski, who told the Vatican that he considered Opus Dei "very dangerous for the Church in Spain," citing its "secretive character" and calling it "a form of Christian Masonry."In 1947, a year after Escrivá moved the organization's headquarters to Rome, Opus Dei received a decree of praise and approval from Pope Pius XII, making it an institute of "pontifical right", i.e. under the direct governance of the Pope.
In 1950, Pius XII granted definitive approval to Opus Dei, thereby allowing married people to join the organization, secular clergy to be admitted to the Priestly Society of the Holy Cross. In 1975, Escriva was succeeded by Álvaro del Portillo. In 1982, Opus Dei was made into a personal prelature; this means that Opus Dei is part of the universal Church, the apostolate of the members falls under the direct jurisdiction of the Prelate of Opus Dei wherever they are. As to "what the law lays down for all the ordinary faithful", the lay members of Opus Dei, being no different from other Catholics, "continue to be... under the jurisdiction of the diocesan bishop", in the words of John Paul II's Ut Sit. In 1994, Javier Echevarria became Prelate upon the death of his predecessor. One-third of the world's bishops sent letters petitioning for the canonization of Escrivá. Escriva was beatified in 1992 in the midst of controversy prompted by questions about Escriva's suitability for sainthood. In 2002 300,000 people gathered in St. Peter's Square on the day Pope John Paul II canonized Josemaría Escrivá.
According to one author, "Escrivá is... venerated by millions". There are other members whose process of beatification has been opened: Ernesto Cofiño, a father of five children and a pioneer in pediatric research in Guatemala. During the pontificate of John Paul II, two members of Opus Dei, Juan Luis Cipriani Thorne and Julián Herranz Casado, were made cardinals. In September 2005, Pope Benedict XVI blessed a newly installed statue of Josemaría Escrivá placed in an outside wall niche of St Peter's Basilic
Jaime Jorge Guzmán Errázuriz was a Chilean lawyer and senator and doctrinal founder of the conservative Independent Democrat Union party. In the 1960s he opposed the University Reform and became the main ideologist of the gremialismo thought, he opposed President Salvador Allende and became a close advisor of Pinochet and his dictatorship. A professor of Constitutional Law, he played an important part in the drafting of the 1980 Constitution, he was assassinated in 1991, during the transition to democracy, by members of the communist urban guerrilla Manuel Rodríguez Patriotic Front. Jaime Guzmán was born in Santiago to Carmen Errázuriz Edwards. Between 1951 and 1962 he studied in the Colegio de los Sagrados Corazones de Santiago, where at a young age he showed interest in literature and strong leadership qualities. During his senior year he began to show interest in political life. An excellent student, he graduated from high school at the age of 15. In 1963, only 16 years old, he was accepted to study law at the Pontifical Catholic University of Chile, graduating in 1968 with highest honours.
He was awarded the Monseñor Carlos Casanueva prize for being the best student in his class. During his university years he founded the Movimiento Gremial Universitario, a conservative political movement that in 1968 won the presidency of the student union of the Pontifical Catholic University of Chile, maintaining an uninterrupted leadership until NAU, a left wing group, became majority since 2009; the Movimiento Gremial expanded through the main universities in Chile. After the military coup, Guzmán became a close advisor to General Augusto Pinochet and a influential policy maker in Chile at this time, including being summoned by Pinochet to take part in the Comisión Ortúzar charged with drafting a new constitution, he was a key participant in the drafting of Pinochet's Chacarillas speech of 1978, one of the founding texts of the military regime. Enjoying close contacts with Jorge Alessandri, he converted himself to the neoliberal economic policies supported by the Chicago Boys and distanced himself from Alessandri, while getting closer to Pinochet and to his minister Sergio Fernández.
Though Guzmán never assumed any official position in the military dictatorship of Pinochet, he remained one of the closest collaborators, playing an important ideological role. He participated in the design of important speeches of Pinochet, provided frequent political and doctrinal advice and consultancy. Following Chile's return to democracy, Jaime Guzmán presented himself as a candidate in the legislative elections. Despite coming third place, behind important figures of the Concertación, Andrés Zaldívar and Ricardo Lagos, he was still elected due to the binomial electoral system. Guzmán continued until his death his functions as a professor of constitutional law in the Faculty of Law of the Catholic University of Chile, he was known to have a vast knowledge of Scholasticism. Guzmán died on 1 April 1991, shot at the exit of the Catholic University where he was a professor of Constitutional Law, he was driven to a nearby hospital by his driver but died 3 hours from several bullet wounds. His assassination was executed by members of the far-left urban guerrilla movement Frente Patriotico Manuel Rodriguez, Ricardo Palma Salamanca and Raúl Escobar Poblete, however the operation is believed to have been planned by the leaders of the movement Galvarino Apablaza, Mauricio Hernández Norambuena and Juan Gutiérrez Fischmann.
Who had been planning the murder of Guzman since the 80s. Hernández was the only one arrested and tried for the murder of Guzman, but after serving less than 3 years in a Chilean prison escaped and sought refuge in Cuba. In 2002 Hernandez was arrested in Brazil for the kidnapping of Brazilian businessman Washington Olivetto, he is serving a 30-year sentence in the Brazilian Federal Mossoro Prison. Apablaza, lives with his wife and three sons in Buenos Aires, Argentina. In 2010 Argentina's Supreme Court granted a request of extradition by the Chilean Government. However, this request was overturned by the Argentina's National Commission for Refugees, being freed in September 2010. At the age of 12 Jaime Guzmán participated in the political campaign of Jorge Alessandri distributing propaganda. About this Guzmán recognizes he had «a close ideological and personal proximity with Jorge Alessandri», he adds that «he was the person who influenced me most in my interest for politics, his presidential candidacy in 1958 and his presidency, between my 12 and 18 years, made me admire him as a superior man».
Guzmán was influenced by Plinio Correa Oliveira. Regarding Juan Vázquez de Mella there has been a dispute on whether or not Jaime's gremialismo thought was influenced by him. From about the time of 1973 Chilean coup d'état Guzmán became familiarized with the ideas of Milton Friedman and the Chicago School of Economics, this thanks to his contacts with Chicago Boys such as Miguel Kast. According to historian Renato Cristi in the writing of the new Constitution of Chile Guzmán based his work on the pouvoir constituant concept used by Carl Schmitt, a German intellectual associated with Nazism, as well as in the ideas of market society of Friedrich Hayek; this way Guzmán enabled a framework for an authoritarian state with a free market system. In the aspects where Guzmán was not satisfied with Hayek's thought he found meaning in the Spanish translation of the book The Spirit of Democratic Capitalism by Michael Novak