The Iran–Contra affair, popularized in Iran as the McFarlane affair, the Iran–Contra scandal, or Iran–Contra, was a political scandal in the United States that occurred during the second term of the Reagan Administration. Senior administration officials secretly facilitated the sale of arms to the Khomeini government of the Islamic Republic of Iran, the subject of an arms embargo; the administration hoped to use the proceeds of the arms sale to fund the Contras in Nicaragua. Under the Boland Amendment, further funding of the Contras by the government had been prohibited by Congress; the official justification for the arms shipments was that they were part of an operation to free seven American hostages being held in Lebanon by Hezbollah, a paramilitary group with Iranian ties connected to the Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps. The plan was for Israel to ship weapons to Iran, for the United States to resupply Israel, for Israel to pay the United States; the Iranian recipients promised to do everything in their power to achieve the release of the hostages.
The first arms sales authorized to Iran were in 1981, prior to the American hostages having been taken in Lebanon. The plan was complicated in late 1985, when Lieutenant Colonel Oliver North of the National Security Council diverted a portion of the proceeds from the Iranian weapon sales to fund the Contras, a group of anti-Sandinista rebels, in their insurgency against the socialist government of Nicaragua. While President Ronald Reagan was a vocal supporter of the Contra cause, the evidence is disputed as to whether he authorized the diversion of funds to the Contras. Handwritten notes taken by Defense Secretary Caspar Weinberger on 7 December 1985 indicate that Reagan was aware of potential hostage transfers with Iran, as well as the sale of Hawk and TOW missiles to "moderate elements" within that country. Weinberger wrote that Reagan said "he could answer to charges of illegality but couldn't answer to the charge that'big strong President Reagan passed up a chance to free the hostages.'"
After the weapon sales were revealed in November 1986, Reagan appeared on national television and stated that the weapons transfers had indeed occurred, but that the United States did not trade arms for hostages. The investigation was impeded when large volumes of documents relating to the affair were destroyed or withheld from investigators by Reagan administration officials. On 4 March 1987, Reagan made a further nationally televised address, taking full responsibility for the affair and stating that "what began as a strategic opening to Iran deteriorated, in its implementation, into trading arms for hostages"; the affair was investigated by the U. S. Congress and by Reagan-appointed Tower Commission. Neither investigation found evidence that President Reagan himself knew of the extent of the multiple programs. In the end, fourteen administration officials were indicted, including then-Secretary of Defense Caspar Weinberger. Eleven convictions resulted; the rest of those indicted or convicted were all pardoned in the final days of the presidency of George H. W. Bush, Vice President at the time of the affair.
The United States was the largest seller of arms to Iran under Mohammad Reza Pahlavi, the vast majority of the weapons that the Islamic Republic of Iran inherited in January 1979 were American-made. To maintain this arsenal, Iran required a steady supply of spare parts to replace those broken and worn out. After Iranian students stormed the American embassy in Tehran in November 1979 and took 52 Americans hostage, U. S. President Jimmy Carter imposed an arms embargo on Iran.:213 After Iraq invaded Iran in September 1980, Iran needed weapons and spare parts for its current weapons. After Ronald Reagan took office as President on 20 January 1981, he vowed to continue Carter's policy of blocking arms sales to Iran on the grounds that Iran supported terrorism.:213A group of senior Reagan administration officials in the Senior Interdepartmental Group conducted a secret study on 21 July 1981, concluded that the arms embargo was ineffective because Iran could always buy arms and spare parts for its American weapons elsewhere, while at the same time the arms embargo opened the door for Iran to fall into the Soviet sphere of influence as the Kremlin could sell Iran weapons if the United States would not.:213 The conclusion was that the United States should start selling Iran arms as soon as it was politically possible to keep Iran from falling into the Soviet sphere of influence.:213 At the same time, the declared goal of Ayatollah Khomeini to export his Islamic revolution all over the Middle East and overthrow the governments of Iraq, Saudi Arabia and the other states around the Persian Gulf led to the Americans perceiving Khomeini as a major threat to the United States.:213In the spring of 1983, the United States launched Operation Staunch, a wide-ranging diplomatic effort to persuade other nations all over the world not to sell arms or spare parts for weapons to Iran.:213 At least part of the reason the Iran–Contra affair proved so humiliating for the United States when the story first broke in November 1986 that the US was selling arms to Iran was that American diplomats, as part of Operation Staunch had, from the spring of 1983 on, been lecturing other nations about how morally wrong it was to sell arms to the Islamic Republic of Iran and applying strong pressure to prevent these arms sales to Iran.:213 At the same time that the American government was considering their options on selling arms to Iran, Contra militants based in Honduras were waging a guerrilla war to topple the Sandinista National Liberation Front revolutionary government of Nicara
Kathy is an American late-night talk show hosted by Kathy Griffin. The show aired every Thursday; the show was renewed for a second and final season, which started airing on January 10, 2013 as started to air Live at 10:00PM on Bravo, changed to 11:30PM in mid-season. On April 6, 2013, Bravo announced the cancellation of Kathy after two seasons; the show relies on Kathy Griffin's stand-up in the first part of the program. Kathy's mother Maggie Griffin, Kathy's assistant Tiffany Rinehart, both seated in the front row of the audience, are introduced; the main parts of the show feature a panel of "civilians" and sometimes celebrities, chatting about hot issues of the week. The next part of the show is a pre-recorded segment involving comedic antics Kathy has done during the week. Maggie gives her opinions on topics and the night's events in a segment called "Maggie Tucks Us In". In season 2, the set of the show was re-decorated, it was revealed that the studio of the show, Studio 58, used to be the studio of The Late Late Show with Craig Ferguson before it moved to Studio 56.
The panelists consist of celebrities rather than "civilians". The segment "Maggie Tucks Us In" has been cut. Kathy Griffin: My Life on the D-List List of Kathy Griffin stand-up specials List of late-night American network TV programs List of programs broadcast by Bravo McNamara, Mary. "'Kathy' review: Kathy Griffin finds a new level of reality". Show Tracker. Los Angeles Times. Retrieved June 2, 2012. Official website Kathy on IMDb Kathy at TV.com
The Ikpeng language is the language of the Ikpeng people who live in the Xingu Indigenous National Park in Mato Grosso, Brazil. There are 500 speakers. Ikpeng is a language with high transmission, meaning it is passed on from parent to child at a high rate, with all members speaking the language; the majority of members are bilingual speakers of Portuguese. The Ikpeng language is part of the Carib language family; the Ikpeng were known to inhabit the same land as the Txipaya peoples, near the Iriri River, they a strong alliance with that group in times of war. One oral history traces the Ikpeng ancestral territory as far as the Jari River. By 1850, the Ikpeng were known to inhabit an area of converging rivers thought to be the Teles Pires-Juruena river basin. Before 1900, the Ikpeng were at war with several polities, encountered settlers of European descent. War and the colonization of the Teles Pires-Juruena basin pushed the Ikpeng across the Formosa Mountain formation and into the Upper Xingu Basin.
In October 19, 1964, Orlando and Cláudio Villas-Boas encountered Ikpeng villages as they were flying over the Ronuro River in Mato Grosso. They lived near the Ronuro and Jabotá rivers and, when they were found malnourished and exposed to disease, they accepted resources and relocation to the Xingu National Park in 1967; the Ikpeng dispersed for a short time, with different family groups living in different parts of the park, but regrouped in the early 1970s near the Leonardo Villas-Boas Indigenous Post. By the 1980s, they had moved to the middle Xingu region, administer the Pavuru Indigenous Post, as well as the Ronuro Vigilance Post, near their traditional land on the Jabotá river. From this post, they help defend the Xingu Park from illegal fishermen; the Ikpeng made an expedition in 2002 to the Jabotá River to collect medicinal shells. They seek to regain this territory. In the 1990s, the Ikpeng began to elaborate an education system within their community. In 1994, Ikpeng teachers developed a form of writing with the help of linguists.
This was done through the Instituto Socioambiental's Teacher Training program, which has allowed Ikpeng children to learn their own language alongside Portuguese in the Ikpeng School. This school plays a central role in the project, it is responsible for the creation of material and distribution of this material for Ikpeng communities within the Xingu Park; the Carib language family referred to as Karib or Cariban, is a family with languages spoken in Colombia, the Mato Grosso region of Brazil and the three Guianas. The Carib language family comprises 50 languages and is most separated into regional language groups, such as Carib Central, Northern etc.. Carib languages were first encountered in the seventeenth and eighteenth century by Europeans, the full spatiality of the language family was not uncovered until the nineteenth century when Karl von den Steinen documented the existence of Carib languages in Central Brazil. Although large, with a population of over twenty-two thousand speakers, Carib languages have faced drastic changes in its geography and prevalence in the region.
Precolonial contact Carib languages were found throughout the Greater Antilles, much of the indigenous population was wiped out and the remaining population does not speak their indigenous languages. The first record of documentation of Ikpeng was conducted by Eduardo Galvano in 1964 when he created a word list of 12 Ikpeng words; the Ikpeng language has been analyzed a number of academics most extensively by Frantome Pachecho and Cilene Campetela. Beginning in 1997, Pacheco wrote "Aspectos da gramática Ikpeng", which explored the morphology, grammar structure, prosodic aspects, among other topics. Further into the exploration of Ikpeng, Pacheco wrote "Morfossintaxe do verbo Ikpeng" in 2001, an academic article focused on the morphology and syntax of Ikpeng. In 2005 he wrote "O Ikpeng em contato com o português: empréstimo lexical e adaptação lingüística" an article on the influence of Portuguese on the Ikpeng language and its impact on cultural practices. Most in 2007 he wrote, "Morfofonologia dos prefixos pessoais em Ikpeng" which focuses on phonology and morphology.
Cilene Campetela concurrently with Pacheco has published articles on Ikpeng since 1997. In 1997 she released "Análise do sistema de marcação de caso nas orações independentes da língua Ikpeng", which focused on phonology and morphology. "Aspectos prosódicos da língua Ikpeng" by Campetela was released in 2002 and analysed the prosodic aspects of Ikpeng. Along with Pacheco and Capetela, there have been a number of studies done by other researchers. Most notably, the 2008 ProDocLin project documenting the Ikpeng language in different social contexts via audiovisuals with an accompanying lexicon database was conducted by Dr. Angela Fabiola Alves Chagas with assistance from Ingrid Lemos and Maria Luisa Freitas. Further research on the Ikpeng language includes an analysis of the Ikpeng Phonology by Eduardo Alves Vasconcelos, Maria Luisa Freitas' 2015 piece on the Grammatical pedagogy and Linguistic Changes by Wellington Quintino; the Museu do Indio's documentation department, the Documentation Project of Indigenous Languages, has executed a documentation projec