1.
Henry Jones Thaddeus
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Henry Jones Thaddeus was a realist and portrait painter born and trained in County Cork, Ireland. Born Henry Thaddeus Jones in 1859, he entered the Cork School of Art when he was ten years old, there he studied under the genre painter James Brenan. Thaddeus won the Taylor Prize in 1878 enabling him to go to London and his first major painting was hung on the line at the Paris Salon of 1881. He received commissions to paint portraits, among them two papal portrait commissions, and became a Fellow of the Royal Geographic Society and he received several other portrait commissions. In his latter years he settled in the Isle of Wight and his autobiography was titled Recollections of a Court Painter, which he wrote during his retirement in California. Art historian Julian Campbell became interested in Jones, and other mid-to-late-century Irish artists, however, many of the artists exhibited, like Thaddeus, were not strictly Impressionists
2.
Salon (Paris)
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The Salon, or rarely Paris Salon, beginning in 1667 was the official art exhibition of the Académie des Beaux-Arts in Paris. Between 1748 and 1890 it was arguably the greatest annual or biennial art event in the Western world, at the 1761 Salon, thirty-three painters, nine sculptors, and eleven engravers contributed. From 1881 onward, it has been managed by the Société des Artistes Français, in 1667, the royally sanctioned French institution of art patronage, the Académie royale de peinture et de sculpture, held its first semi-public art exhibit at the Salon Carré. The Salons original focus was the display of the work of recent graduates of the École des Beaux-Arts, exhibition at the Salon de Paris was essential for any artist to achieve success in France for at least the next 200 years. Exhibition in the Salon marked a sign of royal favor, in 1725, the Salon was held in the Palace of the Louvre, when it became known as Salon or Salon de Paris. In 1737, the exhibitions, held from 18 August 1737 to 5 September 1737 at the Grand Salon of the Louvre and they were held, at first, annually, and then biennially, in odd-numbered years. They would start on the feast day of St. Louis, once made regular and public, the Salons status was never seriously in doubt. In 1748 a jury of awarded artists was introduced, from this time forward, the influence of the Salon was undisputed. The Salon exhibited paintings floor-to-ceiling and on every inch of space. The jostling of artwork became the subject of other paintings. Printed catalogues of the Salons are primary documents for art historians, critical descriptions of the exhibitions published in the gazettes mark the beginning of the modern occupation of art critic. The French revolution opened the exhibition to foreign artists, the vernissage of opening night was a grand social occasion, and a crush that gave subject matter to newspaper caricaturists like Honoré Daumier. Charles Baudelaire, Denis Diderot and others wrote reviews of the Salons, the 1848 revolution liberalized the Salon. The amount of refused works was greatly reduced, the increasingly conservative and academic juries were not receptive to the Impressionist painters, whose works were usually rejected, or poorly placed if accepted. The Salon opposed the Impressionists shift away from traditional painting styles, in 1863 the Salon jury turned away an unusually high number of the submitted paintings. An uproar resulted, particularly from regular exhibitors who had been rejected, in order to prove that the Salons were democratic, Napoleon III instituted the Salon des Refusés, containing a selection of the works that the Salon had rejected that year. It opened on 17 May 1863, marking the birth of the avant-garde, the Impressionists held their own independent exhibitions in 1874,1876,1877,1879,1880,1881,1882 and 1886. In 1881, the government withdrew official sponsorship from the annual Salon, in December 1890, the leader of the Société des Artistes Français, William-Adolphe Bouguereau, propagated the idea that Salon should be an exhibition of young, not-yet awarded, artists
3.
Land War
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The Land War in Irish history was a period of agrarian agitation in rural Ireland in the 1870s, 1880s, and 1890s. While there were violent incidents and some deaths in this campaign, it was not actually a war. The late 19th century witnessed major land reform, spearheaded by the Land League under Michael Davitt demanding what became known as the 3 Fs, fair rent, free sale, and fixity of tenure. Parliament passed laws in 1870,1881,1903, and 1909 that enabled most tenant farmers to purchase their lands and lowered the rents of the others. From 1870 and as a result of the Land War agitations and subsequent Plan of Campaign of the 1880s, various British governments introduced a series of Irish Land Acts. William OBrien played a role in the 1902 Land Conference to pave the way for the most advanced social legislation in Ireland since the Union. This Act set the conditions for the break-up of large estates and gradually devolved to rural landholders and it effectively ended the era of the absentee landlord, finally resolving the Irish Land Question. At this point, most Irish tenant farmers outside Ulster had few rights at law, the Ulster Custom was itself an informal extra-legal business practice designed to attract busier and richer tenants. Tenant farmers had no right to be given a written lease, when evicted, they could not claim compensation for any improvements they had made on their farm, which was not the case in Britain or Ulster. If they had a lease, they could not sell the remaining term and this had passed into law rapidly in August, reforming some unfair contractual aspects where a land tenancy was economically viable. Gladstone found that Irish and English tenant farmers had different rights, unfortunately, the 1870 reforms became less relevant in the worsening economics of the following decade. Farm produce prices and earnings had been strong in the 1850s and 1860s and this was followed by years of low world prices, bad weather, and poor harvests after 1874 all over Europe, known now as the Long Depression. Wheat from new sources, such as the United States and Ukraine, many consider that the spark that set off the events in Ireland was the murder of the unpopular Earl of Leitrim at Carrigart in April 1878. The three assailants went unpunished for lack of evidence as no witness wanted to testify against them, further, the term of most Irish land tenancies had dropped from a typical 31 years or lease for three lives in the 18th century down to annual or 11-month tenancies after 1850. This made Gladstones attempt to equalise them with long-term English tenancies impractical, English tenants could also claim for the value of improvements and fertilisers when a lease came up for renewal, this sometimes applied in Ulster, but not in Connacht, the crucible of the Land War. The Long Depression resulted in violence, widespread upheavals, and extensive evictions when Irish tenant farmers were unable or unwilling to pay their rents and resorted to a rent strike. This was the case particularly in Connacht where the land is poorer, weather is wetter, farmers were poorer, the first monster meeting of tenant farmers was held on 20 April 1879 near Claremorris in County Mayo. This was followed by the localised, but worrying,1879 famine that occurred mainly in Connacht, the Land League was founded in 1879 by Michael Davitt - a former Irish Republican Brotherhood member and radical politician
4.
Irish language
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Irish, also referred to as Gaelic or Irish Gaelic, is a Goidelic language of the Indo-European language family originating in Ireland and historically spoken by the Irish people. Irish is spoken as a first language by a minority of Irish people. Irish enjoys constitutional status as the national and first official language of the Republic of Ireland and it is also among the official languages of the European Union. The public body Foras na Gaeilge is responsible for the promotion of the language throughout the island of Ireland and it has the oldest vernacular literature in Western Europe. The fate of the language was influenced by the power of the English state in Ireland. Elizabethan officials viewed the use of Irish unfavourably, as being a threat to all things English in Ireland and its decline began under English rule in the 17th century. In the latter part of the 19th century, there was a decrease in the number of speakers. Irish-speaking areas were hit especially hard, by the end of British rule, the language was spoken by less than 15% of the national population. Since then, Irish speakers have been in the minority, efforts have been made by the state, individuals and organisations to preserve, promote and revive the language, but with mixed results. Around the turn of the 21st century, estimates of native speakers ranged from 20,000 to 80,000 people. In the 2011 Census, these numbers had increased to 94,000 and 1.3 million, there are several thousand Irish speakers in Northern Ireland. It has been estimated that the active Irish-language scene probably comprises 5 to 10 per cent of Irelands population, there has been a significant increase in the number of urban Irish speakers, particularly in Dublin. In Gaeltacht areas, however, there has been a decline of the use of Irish. Údarás na Gaeltachta predicted that, by 2025, Irish will no longer be the language in any of the designated Gaeltacht areas. Survey data suggest that most Irish people think highly of Irish as a marker of identity. It has also argued that newer urban groups of Irish speakers are a disruptive force in this respect. In An Caighdeán Oifigiúil the name of the language is Gaeilge, before the spelling reform of 1948, this form was spelled Gaedhilge, originally this was the genitive of Gaedhealg, the form used in Classical Irish. Older spellings of this include Gaoidhealg in Classical Irish and Goídelc in Old Irish, the modern spelling results from the deletion of the silent dh in the middle of Gaedhilge, whereas Goidelic languages, used to refer to the language family including Irish, comes from Old Irish
5.
Tenant farmer
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A tenant farmer is one who resides on land owned by a landlord. Depending on the contract, tenants can make payments to the either of a fixed portion of the product. The rights the tenant has over the land, the form, in some systems, the tenant could be evicted at whim, in others, the landowner and tenant sign a contract for a fixed number of years. In most developed countries today, at least some restrictions are placed on the rights of landlords to evict tenants under normal circumstances, historically, rural society utilised a three tier structure of landowners, tenant farmers, and farmworkers. Originally, tenant farmers were known as peasants, many tenant farmers became affluent and socially well connected, and employed a substantial number of labourers and managed more than one farm. Tenancy could be either in perpetuity or rotated by the owners, high rates of inheritance taxes in the postwar period led to the breakup or reduction of many large estates, allowing many tenants to buy their holdings at favourable prices. The landmark 1948 Act was enacted at a time when food rationing was still in force. Succession rights were withdrawn for new tenancies in 1984 and this was consolidated in the Agricultural Holdings Act 1986. These two statutes also laid down rules for the determination of rents by the arbitration process, in addition, there was a uniform rent ascertainment scheme contained in section 12. The protection of the 1986 Act remains in respect of tenancies created prior to the existence of the 1995 Act, for all other tenancies granted on or after 1 September 1995 their regulation is within the 1995 Act framework. That Act was altered with effect from 18 October 2006 by the Regulatory Reform Order 2006 SI 2006/2805, there is for all tenancies within the scope of the Act a mandatory tenants right to remove fixtures and buildings together with compensation for improvements. The rent review provisions in Part II may be the subject of choice to a greater extent than previously. Disputes under the Act are usually, by the terms of Part IV, in the cycle of animal husbandry and land use and improvement, the long-term effect of the Farm Business Tenancy on the landscape of Britain is not yet proven. Tenant farming immigrants came to Canada not just from the British Isles but also the United States of America. Until about 1900, the majority of Ireland was held by landlords, as much as 97% in 1870, the majority of the people had no access to land. 1. 5% of the population owned 33. 7% of the nation, absenteeism was common and detrimental to the countrys progress. Tenants often sub-rented small plots on a basis from local farmers paying for them by labour service in a system known as conacre most without any lease or land rights. Irish smallholders were indistinguishable from the cottiers of England, the abuse of tenant farmers led to widespread emigration to the United States and the colonies and was a key factor within the Home Rule Movement
6.
Thomas Croke
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Thomas William Croke D. D. was the second Catholic Bishop of Auckland, New Zealand and later Archbishop of Cashel and Emly in Ireland. He was important in the Irish nationalist movement especially as a Champion of the Irish National Land League in the 1880s, the main Gaelic Athletic Association stadium in Dublin is named Croke Park, in his honour. Thomas Croke was born in Castlecor, County Cork, in 1824, after William Croke died in 1834 his brother, the Reverend Thomas Croke, supervised the education and upbringing of the children. Two of Thomass brothers entered the priesthood, while two sisters became nuns and he was educated in Charleville, County Cork and at the Irish College in Paris and the Irish College in Rome, winning academic distinctions including a doctorate of divinity with honours. He was ordained in May 1847, returning to Ireland for a short time he was appointed a Professor in Carlow College. Crokes brother, James, was also a priest and served in the Pacific Northwest helping to found several churches including St. Josephs Catholic Church in Oregon Territory, the Irish radical William OBrien said that Thomas Croke fought on the barricades in Paris during the 1848 French Revolution. Croke returned to Ireland and spent the next 23 years working there, in 1858 he became the first president of St Colmans College, Fermoy, County Cork and then served as both parish priest of Doneraile and Vicar General of Cloyne diocese from 1866 to 1870. Thomas Croke attended the First Vatican Council as the theologian to the Bishop of Cloyne 1870, Croke gained the good opinion of the Irish ecclesiastical authorities and was rewarded in 1870 by his promotion to Bishop of Auckland in New Zealand. His former professor, Paul Cullen, by then Cardinal Archbishop of Dublin, was responsible for filling the Australasian Catholic church with fellow Irishmen. His strong recommendations led to Crokes appointment, Croke arrived at Auckland on 17 December 1870 on the City of Melbourne. During his three years as bishop he restored firm leadership to a left in disarray by his predecessor. He appointed Walter McDonald administrator of the Cathedral and he was intolerant of non-Irish Catholic traditions, represented in New Zealand by the Marists and Benedictines. Under him the energies of Auckland Catholicism were devoted to saving the souls of the Irish immigrant rather than to converting the Māori, however, generally, Crokes image was uncontroversial. There was also little sign of the strongly Irish nationalist line he would adopt during his subsequent career in Ireland. On 28 January 1874, after three years in office, Croke departed for Europe, on what was ostensibly a 12-month holiday. Croke became a member of the Irish hierarchy when he was translated to be Archbishop of Cashel, had a manifesto against paying taxes been issued al the tifne I should certainly have supported it on principle. I am precisely the same frame of mind just now and he also associated himself with the Temperance Movement of Fr. Mathew and Gaelic League from its foundation in 1893, within Catholicism he was a supporter of Gallicanism, as opposed to the Ultramontanism favoured by the Archbishop of Dublin, Cardinal Cullen
7.
Castlebar
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Castlebar is the county town of County Mayo, Ireland. It is the largest town in County Mayo, a campus of Galway-Mayo Institute of Technology and the Country Life section of the National Museum of Ireland are two important local amenities. The town is linked by railway to Dublin, Westport and Ballina, the main route by road is the N5. The modern town grew up as a settlement around the de Barry castle, the castle was located at the end of Castle Street, where the town river is thought to have originally flowed. Castlebar Barracks operated in the town for years, it was finally closed in March 2012. Armed conflict has been the centrepiece of the historical heritage. A short-lived provisional Irish Republic had been declared upon General Humberts arrival at Killala, following the victory at Castlebar John Moore, head of the Mayo United Irishmen and the brother of a local landowner, was declared president of the Province of Connacht. The town received its charter from King James I in 1613, and is governed by an urban district council. The Lake in Castlebar is also known as Lough Lannagh, the Irish National Land League was founded by Michael Davitt, of Straide in County Mayo, at the Imperial Hotel in Castlebar on 21 October 1879. The name of the town comes from the built in 1235. This castle is depicted in the top of the crest, with two yew trees on either side because Castlebar is the county town of Mayo, the crosses represent the parish of Aglish. The 1798 Races of Castlebar is commemorated with the Pikes in the top left-hand corner, underneath, the words Ar Aghaidh can be found, which means Forward. Castlebar expanded rapidly during the 1980s, 1990s and 2000s, castlebars population boomed in the late 1990s, rising by one-third in six years, though this growth has slowed in recent years. According to the 2011 Census it stands at 10,826 inside urban boundaries and 12,318 with environs, by comparison, in 1926 the population of Castlebar was 4,256. Castlebar is the location for important festivals and traditions, among which is the International Four Days Walk, a well-established blues music festival in venues across the town took place for many years on the weekend before the first Monday in June, but has not taken place since 2011. During the 1970s and 1980s the town hosted the International Castlebar Song Contest which was televised nationally on RTÉ, the Museum of Country Life is located on the outskirts of Castlebar, and is the only branch of the National Museum of Ireland located outside Dublin. Castlebar is home to The Linenhall Arts Centre, which exhibits visual art throughout the year, as well as hosting live drama, the Linenhall also organises an annual childrens arts festival called Roola Boola. The Royal Theatre and Event Centre, with a capacity of two thousand two hundred fully seated, four standing, hosts larger-scale productions and popular music concerts
8.
County Mayo
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County Mayo is a county in Ireland. In the West of Ireland, it is part of the province of Connacht and is named after the village of Mayo, Mayo County Council is the local authority for the county. The population of the county was 130,638 at the 2011 census, the boundaries of the county, which was formed in 1585, reflect the Mac William Íochtar lordship at that time. It is bounded on the north and west by the Atlantic Ocean, to the south by County Galway, the east by County Roscommon, Mayo is the third-largest of Irelands 32 counties in area and 15th largest in terms of population. It is the second-largest of Connacht’s five counties in size and population. There is a distinct difference between the west and the east of the county. The west consists largely of poor subsoils and is covered with areas of extensive Atlantic blanket bog. Agricultural land is more productive in the east than in the west. As a county council, it is governed by the Local Government Act 2001, the County is divided into four municipal areas Castlebar, Ballina, Claremorris and West. The council is responsible for housing and community, roads and transportation, urban planning and development, amenity and culture, the county town is at Áras an Contae in Castlebar the main population centre located in the centre of the county. For national elections half of the Claremorris Municipal District is in Galway West, murrisk south west containing Westport, Louisburgh, Croagh Patrick etc. These are followed by Westport, which has 5,543 residents and Claremorris, a survey of the terrestrial and freshwater algae of Clare Island was made between 1990 and 2005 and published in 2007. A record of Gunnera tinctoria is also noted, consultants working for the Corrib gas project have carried out extensive surveys of wildlife flora and fauna in Kilcommon Parish, Erris between 2002 and 2009. This information is published in the Corrib Gas Proposal Environmental impact statements 2009 and 2010, County Mayo has a long history and prehistory. At Belderrig on the north Mayo coast, there is evidence for Mesolithic communities around 4500 cal, BC. while throughout the county there is a wealth of archaeological remains from the Neolithic period, particularly in terms of megalithic tombs and ritual stone circles. The first people who came to Ireland – mainly to areas as the interior was heavily forested – arrived during the Middle Stone Age. Artefacts of hunter/gatherers are sometimes found in middens, rubbish pits around hearths where people would have rested and cooked over open fires. Once cliffs erode, midden-remains become exposed as blackened areas containing charred stones, bones and they are usually found a metre below the surface
9.
The Connaught Telegraph
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The Connaught Telegraph is a weekly local newspaper published in Castlebar, County Mayo in Ireland. The paper is in format, and published every Tuesday. It has the highest circulation of the paid-for Mayo newspapers, according to an independent audit, it has a circulation of approximately 13,506. Frederick Cavendish founded the Connaught Telegraph or Mayo Telegraph as it was named, on 17 March 1828. He swiftly established a reputation as a man of authority and strong opinions, as editor, Cavendish earned a reputation as a man to be respected. When setting up the newspaper, he incorporated it into the titles of local publications. As a result, many believe the Telegraph goes back as far as 1808
10.
Irishtown, County Mayo
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Irishtown is a village in County Mayo, Ireland, located on the southern county border with County Galway about halfway between Claremorris and Tuam on the R328 regional road. Irishtown is in the Civil Parish of Crossboyne, Barony of Clanmorris and it is sometimes referred to as The Cradle of the Land League due to its connections with the founding of the Irish National Land League. The meeting was the genesis of what would later that year become the Land League, there are several facilities situated in the village, including the National School, community centre, church, corner shop, playground and playing fields, the former being renovated in 2010. The one remaining house in the village, Bourkes Bar, was once a renowned venue for the Showbands period of the 1960s. Gaelic football is the predominant sport in the village and its environs, since 1973, Irishtown and its neighbouring village, Ballindine, amalgamated to form Davitts G. A. A. Since its conception, Davitts have won numerous titles, most noteworthy being the three consecutive Under-21 Mayo County titles in 1983,1984 and 1985 respectively. The club has won two Mayo Intermediate titles in 1981 and 2011. They were also crowned Connacht Intermediate Champions in 2011 and went on to play in the All-Ireland Intermediate final in that year where they lost out to Kerry side Milltown-Castlemaine. The club contested numerous Senior finals in the 1980s and in 1996, Davitts G. A. A. has had numerous players who went on to play for Mayo in underage and senior levels. Those players who represented Mayo in Senior level were David McDonagh, Alan Roche, Colm Boyle, Paul Carey, Liam Nyland and Michael Conroy
11.
Claremorris
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Claremorris is a town in County Mayo in the west of Ireland, at the junction of the N17 and the N60 national routes. The population of Claremorris in the 2011 Census was 3,979, the town sits at the bottom of a valley, all roads leading to the town follow hills, in particular the old Knock road and Courthouse road. Although low-lying, the town does not experience flooding, there is no major river through the town. Claremorris is the fastest growing town in County Mayo, there was a 31% increase in the towns population between 2006 and 2011 and a 23% increase between 2002 and 2006. The town derived its name from Maurice de Prendergast, a Norman who came to Ireland in 1169, the town was established during the 18th century. In 1822 the Roman Catholic Chapel was built, which was demolished to make way for the town hall. The present Roman Catholic Church St Colmans Church, was built in 1911, St. Johns Anglican Church, now the town library, was built in 1828. The main landlord family in Claremorris was the Browne family, one of whom and he was afterwards MP for Mayo in the UK Parliament. In April 2011, Claremorris had a population of 3,412 people. 23. 1% percent of the population were non-Irish nationals and 96. 1% of the resident population had lived at the address the year before. There were 2,945 Roman Catholics in the area at the time of making it the largest religion in the area. Many new shops have added in the last few years. With the development of Chapel Lane from a street to a commercial street. Four supermarkets compete for customers in the town including retail giants Tesco, there are three hotels including the modern 4-star McWilliam Park Hotel, which opened in late 2006. It has a centre, swimming pool and conference facilities. The town has several restaurants catering for Italian, Indian, Chinese, Claremorris has many pubs, however a number have closed down in recent years. The town has two nightclubs namely Rumours and Diceys, a swimming pool and leisure centre opened on 1 September 2009. A new Garda Station opened in 2008, a new 6-screen cinema has been planned
12.
John O'Connor Power
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He practised as a barrister from 1881. He was born in Clashaganny, County Roscommon and was the son of Patrick Power from Ballinasloe and his wife Mary OConnor of County Roscommon. He contracted smallpox and spent some time in the Ballinasloe Fever hospital, on the death of his parents he was raised by Catherine OConnor Duffield in her home in Society Street. At fifteen years of age, he went to live with relatives in Lancashire where he recruited for the Irish Republican Brotherhood and it was here that he first met Michael Davitt. He became known to the police under alias names John Fleming, John Webster, after his return he was arrested in Dublin on 17 February 1868 and spent five months in Kilmainham and Mountjoy jails. John Power, alias John Webster, alias Charles Fleming was a Roman Catholic who was born in County Roscommon and he was 5 ft 9in, stout, with a long face, dark brown hair, grey eyes, a large nose and a large mouth. His whiskers were dark and he had no beard and his fresh complexion was pitted and he had a large wart on the small finger of his left hand. He was a reporter and lived in Lancashire, in Bolton or in Rochdale. He was a member of the Irish Republican Brotherhood Supreme Council and was believed to be involved in gun-running, while he remained an active member during his early years in Parliament, as early as 1868–69 he had promoted co-operation with constitutional politicians such as George Henry Moore. It was the beginning of the New Departure, from January 1871 to 1874 he obtained an education at St. Jarlaths College, Tuam, with his fees and expenses paid by a combination of teaching and lectures in Britain and America. In his final year he was Professor of Humanities in the college, although there was clerical opposition, he was supported by John MacHale, Archbishop of Tuam and Fr Ulick Burke, President of St Jarlaths, and was successful at the Mayo by-election in May that year. Biggar therefore pioneered the new policy of obstructionism, whereby they obstructed House of Commons business by making long speeches and they were joined in this more successful policy by Charles Stewart Parnell on his election in April 1875. The ODonoghue, M. P. for County Kerry, in a letter to Cardinal Cullen,6 August 1877, denounced the strategy and this led to Gladstone lending his support to Fenian amnesty. Davitt was released early on 19 December 1877, and Fenians Thomas Chambers, Charles McCarthy, Charles McCarthy collapsed and died in Dublin shortly after his release. He and Davitt therefore had them printed in pamphlet form and circulated and this was published, with a selection of OConnor Powers speeches on amnesty in the House of Commons, in March 1878. In 1876, OConnor Power and Parnell were sent to the United States by the Home Rule League to congratulate the President Ulysses S. Grant on the American Centennial, at an informal meeting with the President, they asked that Irelands bid for independence be given recognition. He also used the American visit to resume contact with nationalist supporters, along with J. G. Biggar, he was expelled from the IRB Supreme Council in 1876. The Fenians of the New Departure refused to work with him, T. D. John OConnor Power, MP, on a non-political subject
13.
Daniel O'Connell
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Daniel OConnell, often referred to as The Liberator or The Emancipator, was an Irish political leader in the first half of the 19th century. OConnell was born at Carhan near Cahersiveen, County Kerry, to the OConnells of Derrynane, a once-wealthy Roman Catholic family, among his uncles was Daniel Charles, Count OConnell, an officer in the Irish Brigades of the French Army. A famous aunt was Eibhlín Dubh Ní Chonaill, while Sir James OConnell, in his early years, he became acquainted with the pro-democracy radicals of the time and committed himself to bringing equal rights and religious tolerance to his own country. While in Dublin studying for the law, OConnell was under his Uncle Maurices instructions not to become involved in any militia activity, when Wolfe Tones French invasion fleet entered Bantry Bay in December 1796, OConnell found himself in a quandary. Politics was the cause of his unsettlement and he desired to enter Parliament, yet every allowance that the Catholics had been led to anticipate, two years previously, was now flatly vetoed. As a law student, OConnell was aware of his own talents and he read the Jockey Club as a picture of the governing class in England and was persuaded by it that, vice reigns triumphant in the English court at this day. The spirit of liberty shrinks to protect property from the attacks of French innovators, the corrupt higher orders tremble for their vicious enjoyments. Later that month, for the sake of expediency, he joined the Lawyers Artillery Corps, on 19 May 1798, OConnell was called to the Irish Bar and became a barrister. Four days later, the United Irishmen staged their rebellion which was put down by the British with great bloodshed, OConnell did not support the rebellion, he believed that the Irish would have to assert themselves politically rather than by force. He went on the Munster circuit, and for over a decade, although he was ultimately to inherit Derrynane from his uncle Maurice, the old man lived to be almost 100 and in the event Daniels inheritance did not cover his debts. He also condemned Robert Emmets Rebellion of 1803, of Emmet, a Protestant, he wrote, A man who could coolly prepare so much bloodshed, so many murders—and such horrors of every kind has ceased to be an object of compassion. He was noted for his fearlessness in Court, if he thought poorly of a judge he had no hesitation in making this clear, OConnell returned to politics in the 1810s. In 1811, he established the Catholic Board, which campaigned for Catholic emancipation, that is, the opportunity for Irish Catholics to become members of parliament. In 1823, he set up the Catholic Association which embraced other aims to better Irish Catholics, such as, electoral reform, reform of the Church of Ireland, tenants rights, and economic development. The Association was funded by membership dues of one penny per month, the subscription was highly successful, and the Association raised a large sum of money in its first year. The money was used to campaign for Catholic emancipation, specifically funding pro-emancipation members of parliament standing for the British House of Commons. Members of the Association were liable to prosecution under a statute. OConnell was often briefed for the defence, and showed extraordinary vigour in pleading the rights of Catholics to argue for emancipation, in 1815 a serious event in his life occurred
14.
County Roscommon
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County Roscommon is a county in the western region of the Republic of Ireland. It is also part of the province of Connacht and it is the 11th largest Irish county by area and 27th most populous. Its county town and largest town is Roscommon, Roscommon County Council is the local authority for the county. The population of the county is 64,065 according to the 2011 census and it is the third largest of Connacht’s five counties by size and fourth largest in terms of population. The county borders every other Connacht county - Galway, Mayo, Sligo and Leitrim, in 2008, a news report said that statistically, Roscommon has the longest life expectancy of any county on the island of Ireland. County Roscommon is named after the county town of Roscommon, Roscommon comes from the Irish Ros meaning a wooded, gentle height and Comán, the first abbot and bishop of Roscommon who founded the first monastery there in 550 AD. Roscommon is the eleventh largest of the 32 counties of Ireland by area and it has an area of 984 square miles. Lough Key in north Roscommon is noted for having thirty-two islands, the geographical centre of Ireland is located on the western shore of Lough Ree in the south of the county. Seltannasaggart which is located along the border with County Leitrim is the tallest point in County Roscommon measuring to a height of 428 m. There are nine historical baronies in County Roscommon, south Roscommon Ballymoe shared with County Galway includes Ballymoe, Creggs and Glenamaddy. Rathcroghan, near Tulsk, a complex of sites, the home of Queen Medb, was the seat of Kings of Connacht. This was the point of the Táin Bó Cúailnge, or Cattle Raid of Cooley. County Roscommon as a division has its origins in the medieval period. With the conquest and division of the Kingdom of Connacht, those districts in the east retained by King John as The Kings Cantreds covered County Roscommon and these districts were leased to the native kings of Connacht and eventually became the county. In 1585 during the Tudor re-establishment of counties under the Composition of Connacht, a well defined and original fine metal workshop was active in county Roscommon in the twelfth century. The workshop has been linked to St. Assicus of Elphin, John ODonovan, historian and scholar, visited County Roscommon in 1837. He was compiling information for the Ordnance Survey, entering St. Peters parish in Athlone in June 1837, he wrote I have now entered upon ia region totally different from Longford, and am very much pleased with the intelligence of the people. But he had problems with place-names
15.
County Galway
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County Galway is a county in Ireland. In the West of Ireland, it is part of the province of Connacht and is named after the city of Galway, there are several Irish-speaking areas in the west of the county. The population of the county is 258,552 according to the 2016 census, while it is named after the city of Galway, a different authority governs that territory. The county proper is administered by Galway County Council, the first inhabitants in the Galway area arrived over 7000 years ago. Shell middens indicate the existence of people as early as 5000 BC, the county originally comprised several kingdoms and territories which predate the formation of the county. These kingdoms included Aidhne, Uí Maine, Maigh Seóla, Conmhaícne Mara, Soghain, County Galway became an official entity around 1569 AD. In modern times, a number of inhabited islands are administered by the county. With the arrival of Christianity many monasteries were built in the county, monasteries kept written records of events in the area and of its people. These were followed by a number of law-tracts, genealogies, annals, extant manuscripts containing references to Galway include, Nearly 20% of the population of County Galway live in the Gaeltacht. County Galway is home to the largest Gaeltacht Irish-speaking region in Ireland, there are over 48,907 people living within this region which extends from Galway city westwards through Connemara. The region consists of the following Irish speaking areas, Galway City Gaeltacht, Gaeltacht Cois Fharraige, Conamara Theas, Aran Islands, all schools within the Gaeltacht use the Irish language for classroom instruction. There is also a constituent college of NUIG called Acadamh na hOllscolaíochta Gaeilge in Carraroe. Spiddal is the largest town in the region, Galway city is also home to Irelands only Irish-language theatre Taibhdhearc na Gaillimhe. There is a strong Irish-language media presence in this area too, the Aran Islands are also part of the Galway Gaeltacht. There are about 30,000 -40,000 Irish speakers in County Galway, there are 3,006 attending the ten Gaelscoil and three Gaelcholáiste outside of the Galway Gaeltacht. According to the Irish Census 2006 there are 10,788 in the county who identify themselves as being daily Irish speakers outside of the education system. Prior to the enactment of the Local Government Act 2001, the county was a whole despite the presence of two local authorities. Since that time, the administrative re-organisation has reduced the extent of the county by the extent of the area under the jurisdiction of Galway City Council
16.
Long Depression
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The Long Depression was a worldwide price and economic recession, beginning in 1873 and running either through the spring of 1879, or 1896, depending on the metrics used. It was the most severe in Europe and the United States, the episode was labeled the Great Depression at the time, and it held that designation until the Great Depression of the 1930s. Though a period of deflation and a general contraction, it did not have the severe economic retrogression of the Great Depression. It was most notable in Western Europe and North America, at least in part because reliable data from the period is most readily available in parts of the world. The United Kingdom is often considered to have been the hardest hit, the National Bureau of Economic Research dates the contraction following the panic as lasting from October 1873 to March 1879. At 65 months, it is the longest-lasting contraction identified by the NBER, in the US, from 1873 to 1879,18,000 businesses went bankrupt, including 89 railroads. Ten states and hundreds of banks went bankrupt, unemployment peaked in 1878, long after the panic ended. Different sources peg the peak U. S. unemployment rate anywhere from 8. 25% to 14%, the period preceding the depression was dominated by several major military conflicts and a period of economic expansion. New technologies in such as the Bessemer converter were being rapidly applied. This essentially ended the bimetallic standard of the US, forcing it for the first time onto a gold standard. This measure, referred to by its opponents as the Crime of 1873 and it also drove down silver prices further, even as new silver mines were being established in Nevada, which stimulated mining investment but increased supply as demand was falling. Silver miners arrived at US mints, unaware of the ban on production of silver coins, by September, the US economy was in a crisis, deflation causing banking panics and destabilizing business investment, climaxing in the Panic of 1873. The Panic of 1873 has been described as the first truly international crisis, the optimism that had been driving booming stock prices in central Europe had reached a fever pitch, and fears of a bubble culminated in a panic in Vienna beginning in April 1873. Financial panic arrived in the Americas only months later on Black Thursday, September 18,1873 after the failure of the house of Jay Cooke. The New York Stock Exchange closed for ten days on September 20, the financial contagion then returned to Europe, provoking a second panic in Vienna and further failures in continental Europe before receding. France, which had been experiencing deflation in the preceding the crash, was spared financial calamity for the moment. The primary cause of the depression in the United States was the tight monetary policy that the US followed to get back to the gold standard after the US Civil War. The US government was taking out of circulation to achieve this goal
17.
Connacht
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Connacht /ˈkɒnɔːt/ or Connaught is one of the provinces of Ireland, situated in the west of the country. Two of its greatest kings, Tairrdelbach Ua Conchobair and his son Ruaidri Ua Conchobair greatly expanded the kingdoms dominance, the English colony in Connacht shrank from c. Only with in the late 1500s, during the Tudor conquest of Ireland, was Connacht shired into its present counties, the province of Connacht has the greatest number of Irish language speakers at between 5–10% of the population. There are Gaeltacht areas in Counties Galway and Mayo, the province of Connacht has no official function for local government purposes, but it is an officially recognised subdivision of the Irish state. It is listed on ISO-3166-2 as one of the four provinces of Ireland, along with counties from other provinces, Connacht lies in the Midlands-North-West constituency for elections to the European Parliament. The Irish language is spoken in the Gaeltacht areas of Counties Mayo and Galway, the Galway Gaeltacht is the largest Irish-speaking region in Ireland covering Cois Fharraige, parts of Connemara, Conamara Theas, Aran Islands, Dúithche Sheoigeach and Galway City Gaeltacht. Irish-speaking areas in County Mayo can be found in Iorras, Acaill, according to the 2011 census Irish is spoken outside of the education system on a daily basis by 14,600 people. There are between 40, 000–55,000 Irish speakers in the province, over 30,000 in Galway, there is also the 4,265 attending the 18 Gaelscoils and three Gaelcholáiste outside the Gaeltacht across the province. The GDP of the province of Connacht is around 15 billion euro, the province is divided into five counties, Galway, Leitrim, Mayo, Roscommon and Sligo. Connacht is the smallest of the four Irish provinces, with a population of 542,547, Galway is the only official city in the province. The highest point of Connacht is Mweelrea, in County Mayo, the largest island in Connacht is Achill. The biggest lake is Lough Corrib, much of the west coast is ruggedly inhospitable and not conducive for agriculture. It contains the main areas in Connacht, including the Twelve Bens, Maumturks, Mweelrea, Croagh Patrick, Nephin Beg, Ox Mountains. Killary Harbour, Irelands only true fjord, is located at the foot of Mweelrea, Connemara National Park is in County Galway. The Aran Islands, featuring prehistoric forts such as Dún Aonghasa, have been a regular tourist destination since the 19th century, inland areas such as east Galway, Roscommon and Sligo have enjoyed greater historical population density due to better agricultural land and infrastructure. Rivers and lakes include the River Moy, River Corrib, the Shannon, Lough Mask, Lough Melvin, Lough Allen, the largest urban area in Connacht is Galway, with a population of 76,778. Other large towns in Connacht are Sligo, Castlebar and Ballina, the name Connacht comes from the medieval ruling dynasty, the Connacht, later Connachta, whose name means descendants of Conn, from the mythical king Conn of the Hundred Battles. Before the Connachta dynasty, the province was known as Cóiced Ol nEchmacht, in Modern Irish, the province is usually called Cúige Chonnacht, the Province of Connacht, where Chonnacht is plural genitive case with lenition of the C to Ch
18.
Charles Stewart Parnell
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Charles Stewart Parnell was an Irish nationalist politician and one of the most powerful figures in the British House of Commons in the 1880s. Born into a wealthy and powerful Anglo-Irish Protestant landowning family, he entered the House of Commons in 1875 and he was imprisoned in Kilmainham Gaol in 1882 but, a very capable negotiator, was released when he renounced violent extra-Parliamentary action. That same year he reformed the Home Rule League as the Irish Parliamentary Party, the hung Parliament of 1885 saw him hold the balance of power between William Gladstones Liberals and Lord Salisburys Conservatives. His power was one factor in Gladstones adoption of Home Rule as the central tenet of the Liberal Party and his reputation peaked in 1889-90 when letters published in The Times linking him to the Phoenix Park murders of 1882 were shown to have been forged by Richard Pigott. He headed a minority faction until his death in 1891. Gladstone described him as, I do not say the ablest man, I say the most remarkable and the most interesting. Liberal leader H. H. Asquith called him as one of the three or four greatest men of the 19th century, while Lord Haldane described him as the strongest man the House of Commons had seen in 150 years. Taylor says, More than any man he gave Ireland the sense of being an independent nation. There were eleven children in all, five boys and six girls, admiral Stewarts mother, Parnells great-grandmother, belonged to the Tudor family, so Parnell had a distant relationship with the British Royal Family. The family produced a number of figures, including Thomas Parnell. Parnells grandfather William Parnell, who inherited the Avondale Estate in 1795, was a liberal Irish MP for Wicklow from 1817–1820, yet it was as a leader of Irish Nationalism that Parnell established his fame. Parnells parents separated when he was six, and as a boy he was sent to different schools in England and his father died in 1859 and he inherited the Avondale estate, while his older brother John inherited another estate in Armagh. The young Parnell studied at Magdalene College, Cambridge but, due to the financial circumstances of the estate he inherited, he was absent a great deal. In 1871, he joined his elder brother John Howard Parnell and their travels took them mostly through the South and apparently the brothers neither spent much time in centres of Irish immigration nor sought out Irish-Americans. In 1874, he became High Sheriff of Wicklow, his county in which he was also an officer in the Wicklow militia. He was noted as a landowner who played an important part in opening the south Wicklow area to industrialisation. His attention was drawn to the theme dominating the Irish political scene of the mid-1870s and it was in support of this movement that Parnell first tried to stand for election in Wicklow, but as high sheriff was disqualified. He failed again in 1874 as home rule candidate in a County Dublin by-election, historian Kevin Flynn reports, When Gladstone came to know him in later years, he was astonished to find that Parnell was ignorant even of the basic facts of Irish history
19.
Tom Kettle
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Thomas Michael Tom Kettle was an Irish economist, journalist, barrister, writer, poet, soldier and Home Rule politician. As a member of the Irish Parliamentary Party, he was Member of Parliament for East Tyrone from 1906 to 1910 at Westminster, a gifted speaker with an incisive mind and devastating wit, his death was regarded as a great loss to Irelands political and intellectual life. One of his brothers was the pioneer, Laurence Kettle. Andrew Kettle influenced his son considerably through his activities, having been involved from an early age in the constitutional movement to achieve Home Rule. Andrew joined Michael Davitt in the foundation of the Irish Land League and was one of the signatories of the No Rent Manifesto and he had adhered to Parnell in the 1890 crisis, and stood for election as a nationalist candidate on several occasions. Thomas was raised in rural surroundings. Like his brothers he was educated at the Christian Brothers OConnell School at Richmond Street, Dublin, in 1894 he went to study with the Jesuits at Clongowes Wood College in County Kildare, known as a wit and a good debater. He enjoyed athletics, cricket and cycling and attained honours in English, entering University College Dublin in 1897, he was regarded as a charismatic student. His friends and contemporaries at UCD included Hugh Kennedy, Francis Sheehy-Skeffington, Oliver St. John Gogarty, due to illness he interrupted his studies in 1900, his health always being fragile. He went abroad to renew his spirits by travelling on the continent, improving his German, returning to Dublin he renewed his studies, and in 1902 took a BA in mental and moral science. He then read law after admission to the Irish Law bar in 1903 and he practiced sporadically, devoting most of his time to political journalism. He maintained his contacts to University College and his students, participating in debates, contributing to. He helped to found the Cui Bono Club, a group for recent graduates. He attracted the attention of the Irish Party leader John Redmond, Kettle declined the offer to stand for a parliamentary seat, instead edited a newspaper, The Nationist, an unconventional weekly journal. He resigned his editorship in 1905 on the grounds of a controversy about an allegedly anti-clerical article, after the death in 1906 of Patrick Doogan, the MP for East Tyrone, Kettle accepted the candidature for the vacant parliamentary seat at the resulting by-election. Lauded as a party leader, in late 1906 he went to America, participating in a number of propaganda. He was deeply steeped in European culture, Kettles ideal was an Ireland identified with the life of Europe. In Ireland he wrote, My only programme for Ireland consists in equal parts of Home Rule and my only counsel to Ireland is, that to become deeply Irish, she must become European
20.
Michael Davitt
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Michael Davitt was an Irish republican and agrarian campaigner who founded the Irish National Land League. He was also a leader, Home Rule politician and Member of Parliament. Michael Davitt was born in Straide, County Mayo, Ireland, at the height of the Great Famine and they were of poor farming origin, but Davitts father had a good education and could speak English and Irish. Irish was the language, and Davitt used it later in life on a visit to Australia. In 1850, when Michael was four-and-a-half years old, his family was evicted from their home in Straide due to arrears in rent and they travelled to Dublin with another local family and in November reached Liverpool, walking the 77 kilometres to Haslingden, in East Lancashire. Davitt was brought up in the world of a poor Irish immigrant community with strong nationalist feelings. Here he was put to operate a spinning machine, on 8 May 1857 his right arm was entangled in a cogwheel and mangled so badly it had to be amputated. He did not receive any compensation, when he recovered from his operation, a local benefactor, John Dean, helped to send him to a Wesleyan school, which was connected to the Methodist Church, and here he received a good education. In 1861, at the age of 15, he went to work in a local post office, owned by Henry Cockcroft, despite his injury, he learned to be a typesetter. He was later promoted to letter carrier and bookkeeper and worked in the office for five years. Davitt took night classes at the local Mechanics Institute and used its library, in 1865, this interest led Davitt to join the Irish Republican Brotherhood, which had strong support among working-class Irish emigrants. He soon became part of the circle of the local group. Davitt was involved in a raid on Chester Castle to obtain arms on 11 February 1867 in advance of the Fenian Rising in Ireland. In the Haslingden area he helped to organise the defence of Catholic churches against Protestant attack in 1868 and he was arrested in Paddington Station in London on 14 May 1870 while awaiting a delivery of arms. He was convicted of felony and sentenced to 15 years of penal servitude in Dartmoor Prison. He was kept in confinement and received harsh treatment. In prison he concluded that ownership of the land by the people was the solution to Irelands problems. He managed to get a contact to Irish Parliamentary Party MP John OConnor Power
21.
Irish Land Acts
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The Land Acts were a series of measures to deal with the question of peasant proprietorship of land in Ireland in the nineteenth and twentieth centuries. Five such acts were introduced by the government of the United Kingdom between 1870 and 1909, further acts were introduced by the government of the Irish Free State after 1922. Gladstone desired to bring peace with fairness to Ireland, and by extension, the rest of the UK, the Landlord & Tenant Act 1870 was partly the work of Chichester Fortescue, John Bright and Gladstone. The Irish situation was favourable, with improving and pressure on the land decreasing since the Great Irish Famine. The Encumbered Estates Court and agitation by the Tenant Right League had led to the sale of estates by debt-ridden mainly absentee landlords. As well as the Land Act, the Liberal government also passed the Irish Church Act 1869, policymakers made much use of the statistical data recently collated in Griffiths Valuation. The Custom of Ulster or any similar custom prevailing elsewhere, was given the force of law where it existed. To prevent eviction by rack-renting, and so avoiding paying compensation to tenants, but the House of Lords in a wrecking amendment substituted exorbitant in its place. This enabled landlords to raise rents above what tenants could pay, however well-intentioned, the Act was at best irrelevant, at worst counter-productive. Fewer than 1,000 tenants took up the Bright Clauses, since the terms were beyond most peasants, many substantial leasehold farmers, who had led the campaign for land reform, were excluded from the Act because their leases were longer than 31 years. Legal disputes over rights and exorbitant rents actually worsened landlord-tenant relations. Figures do not indicate any impact of the Act on the rate of eviction, though relatively conservative, the legislation had a symbolic significance far beyond its immediate effects. The Land Act turned the tide of laissez-faire legislation favouring capitalist landlordism, for the first time in Ireland tenants now had a legal interest in their holdings. It declared, Freedom of contract, in the case of the majority of Irish tenants, large and small, does not really exist. By a majority of 4 to 1 the commissioners declared in favour of the Three Fs as demanded by the Land League, fair rent, free sale, from 1873 to 1896 farmers in Britain and Ireland suffered the Long Depression with its lower prices. Grain from America was cheaper and better, and was exported to Europe in ever-increasing amounts, meat could be sent in refrigerated ships from as far as New Zealand and Argentina. For many tenant farmers in Ireland this meant lower net incomes with which to pay the rents they had agreed and this impacted most on the poorer, wetter western parts of the island that also suffered from the 1879 famine. This provided the context and arguments for further legal reforms, the Land Law Act 1881 gave tenants real security, though by this time the Irish were demanding proprietorship
22.
John Dillon
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John Dillon was an Irish politician from Dublin, who served as a Member of Parliament for over 35 years and was the last leader of the Irish Parliamentary Party. By political disposition Dillon was an advocate of Irish nationalism, originally a follower of Charles Stewart Parnell, supporting land reform, John Dillon was born in Blackrock, Dublin, a son of the former Young Irelander John Blake Dillon. He was educated at Catholic University School, at Trinity College, Dublin and his family financial means enabled him to turn and devote all his energies to political life. He entered the Parliament of the United Kingdom in 1880 as member for County Tipperary and he travelled to the United States with Parnell on a fund-raising mission for the Land League. On his return he denounced William Ewart Gladstones Land Act of 1881 as achieving nothing for small farmers and his views on agrarian reform and on Home Rule led him being branded an extremist, which resulted in his arrest from May until August 1881 under the Irish Coercion Act. Parnell sought to end the Land War by agreeing the Kilmainham treaty after which they were released from prison in May 1882, shortly afterwards they received the freedom of the city of Dublin. Unhappy with Parnells New Departure and because his health had suffered, he resigned his seat in Parliament on 6 March 1883, and retired from politics to Colorado in America where his brother lived. Returning in 1885, Parnell nominated him as the Irish Parliamentary Party candidate for East Mayo in the election in November 1885. He represented the constituency without a break until 1918, when in 1888 he defended Munster farmers he was again imprisoned for six months under the provisions of the new Criminal Law Procedure Bill, or Coercion Act. In all he was imprisoned six times and he was released in September, and in the spring of 1889 sailed for Australia and New Zealand, where he collected funds for the Nationalist party. On his return to Ireland he was arrested, but, being allowed bail, sailed to America. When these broke down they surrendered to the police in February, both he and OBrien had become increasingly perturbed with the tenor of Irish politics as epitomised by Timothy Healy. After Parnells divorce case the leader refused to step down and the party split, Dillon was one of his strongest opponents and joined the majority anti-Parnellite block, the Irish National Federation, with Justin McCarthy becoming its leader. John Redmond led the minority pro-Parnellite Irish National League after Parnells death later in 1891, when the Liberals reclaimed office in 1892 Dillon took part in the negotiations on the second Home Rule Bill, the Irish Government Bill 1893, which was rejected by the House of Lords. Although he never lost sight of home rule or the question, particularly the evicted tenants. When home rule became postponed after the Conservative Party returned to power in 1895 and he also opposed Horace Plunkett in his attempts to bring Unionists and Nationalists together, and his efforts to help small farmers through his co-operative movement. In November Dillon married Elizabeth Mathew at the Brompton Oratory who bore him six children, in February 1896 he took over as chairman of the INF on McCarthys resignation. That autumn he arranged a convention of the Irish race, which included 2,000 delegates from various parts of the world and he was suspended on 20 March for violent language addressed to Joseph Chamberlain
23.
Landlord and Tenant (Ireland) Act 1870
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The Landlord and Tenant Act 1870 was an Act passed by the Parliament of the United Kingdom in 1870. Between the Acts of Union 1800 and 1870, Parliament had passed many Acts dealing with Irish land, the Incumbered Estates Act 1849 had led to a new class of speculators as landlords in Ireland. Their first priority was raising tenants rents to increase their income, a report on landlord-tenant relations written by poor law inspectors in 1869 for the Chief Secretary for Ireland drew attention to the hardships inflicted on tenants under the new landlords. The Liberal Party under the leadership of William Ewart Gladstone had been elected in 1868 promising to bring justice for Ireland, the President of the Board of Trade, John Bright, believed that the solution to Irish land question was to transform the tenants into owners. I am most anxious to meet the evil before it is too great for control, Gladstone replied, doubting to the wisdom of the government embarking on a very large involvement in Irish land, purchasing estates from landlords to resell them to the tenants. He believed that economic laws might afterwards return Irish land again into fewer hands, from September 1869 Gladstone was busily engaged in investigating landlord-tenant relations in Ireland and also elsewhere in Europe to devise a scheme to regulate landlord-tenant relations. For the next three months Gladstone went to work on modifying Parkinson-Fortescues plan and he wrote to the Duke of Argyll on 5 December, For the last three months I have worked daily, I think, upon the question, and so I shall continue to do. The literature of it is large, larger than I can master and we have before us a crisis, and a great crisis, for us all, to put it on no higher ground, and a great honour or a great disgrace. On 15 February 1870 he laid the Bill before the House of Commons, when the Liberal MP William Fowler moved an amendment the government majority against it was only 32. The debate in the Commons lasted over three and a months and the third reading was passed without division, in the House of Lords it was read a second time without division. On 1 August the Bill received Royal Assent, the Ulster custom or any similar custom prevailing elsewhere was given the force of law where it existed. The clauses relating to custom affected only a minority of the 600,000 tenant farmers in Ireland, therefore, it was the clauses relating to yearly tenants unprotected by custom which formed the most important clauses in the Act. The overall effect, however, was to strengthen the position of the tenant by presuming that the improvements were his work, beckett, The Making of Modern Ireland 1603–1923. John Morley, The Life of William Ewart Gladstone, sir Wemyss Reid, The Life of William Ewart Gladstone. E. D. Steele, Irish Land and British Politics, Tenant-right and Nationality, 1865–1870
24.
Land Commission
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The Irish Land Commission was created in 1881 as a rent fixing commission by the Land Law Act 1881, also known as the second Irish Land Act. For a century it was the responsible for re-distributing farmland in most of Ireland. With the Ashbourne Act 1885, the Commission developed into a tenant-purchasing commission and this was a response to the turbulent Land War that had started in 1879. The Commission eventually transferred 13.5 million acres by 1920 and this was managed by the Land Commission, along with ancillary work such as compiling statistics. Valuations were reckoned on a years purchase basis, the price being a multiple of the annual rent, the Commission had to supervise the haggling process and find the fairest multiple for every transfer. The loans issued by government were resold in the markets as Land Bonds. By 1908 the emerging problem was whether the new owners would be viable on their small farms. It was realised by now that existing rural poverty arose from small sizes, yet the Acts procedures. The aim had been to create peasant proprietors owning what were usually small farms, by definition the activists in the 1880s Land War period had been poorer and more desperate, and few came from larger prosperous farms. This remained a matter of debate for the rest of the Commissions existence. Larger commercial farmers were characterised as landlords or grazers simply because they had more land than the average. In 1915 Birrell confirmed in Parliament that all Irish land transfers from 1885 to the end of 1914 had cost the British Government £91,768,450, and the tenants had invested a further £1,584,516. The Land Commission files for Northern Ireland were separated, allowing for the Land Commission to be re-established in, the Land Acts were varied in Northern Ireland in 1925, and the activities of the Land Commission were finally abolished in 1935. Some remaining tenants who had not to exercise their right to buy their farms formed the Unbought Tenants Association. The Commission was reconstituted in the Irish Free State by section 2 of the Land Law Act,1923, the Act also dissolved the Congested Districts Board. Provision was made for purchase of land owned by a non-Irish citizen. From 1923, the amounts outstanding were paid to the British Government as land annuities and this was fixed at £250,000 annually in 1925. In December 1925 William Cosgrave lamented that there were already,250,000 occupiers of uneconomic holdings, despite this, his government continued to subdivide larger landholdings, primarily to gain electoral support
25.
Irish Coercion Act
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The Coercion Acts, formally Protection of Person and Property Acts were Acts of Parliament to respond with force to popular discontent and disorder. In December 1816, a meeting took place at Spa Fields near London. The Coercion Act of 1817 was an act of Parliament that suspended Habeas Corpus, the Coercion Act was the result of this mass meeting. The total number of Coercion Acts relating to Ireland is a matter of definition, michael Farrell in 1986 put the total from 1801 to 1921 at 105. John Spencer, 5th Earl Spencer said in the House of Lords that 87 such acts had been passed between the Acts of Union 1801 and 1887, a rate of one per year. The figure was repeated by John Redmond, whereas a writer in a Union Defence League pamphlet put the figure at 76 between 1801 and 1908, plus 22 during Grattans Parliament. An Irish Coercion Bill was proposed by Sir Robert Peel to calm the increasing difficult situation in Ireland as a result of the Great Famine 1844–47, the Bill was blocked and this led, in part, to Peels retirement as Prime Minister. Later attempts to introduce Irish coercion acts were blocked by the filibustering of Joseph Biggar, the Act resulted in the imprisonment of hundreds of people including over twenty MPs. An influential analysis of the pros and cons of the Act was published in 1888 by William Henry Hurlbert, E. Kenny, Andrew Kettle, Denis Kilbride, Pat OBrien, William OBrien, James OKelly, Charles Stewart Parnell, Douglas Pyne, Willie Redmond, Timothy Sullivan. The act was the first of over a hundred such Acts that aimed to suppress the increasing discontent in Ireland with British rule. England was seen in Ireland as responsible for having turned the failures of the crop into the Great Famine. The Irish National Land League and the Fenian Brotherhood were part of the dissent in Ireland in the years from the Famine to the Irish War of Independence, historical Dictionary of the British Empire
26.
Kilmainham Gaol
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Kilmainham Gaol is a former prison in Kilmainham, Dublin, Ireland. It is now a run by the Office of Public Works. Many Irish revolutionaries, including the leaders of the 1916 Easter Rising, were imprisoned and executed in the prison by the British and it was officially called the County of Dublin Gaol, and was originally run by the Grand Jury for County Dublin. Originally, public hangings took place at the front of the prison, however, from the 1820s onward very few hangings, public or private, took place at Kilmainham. A small hanging cell was built in the prison in 1891 and it is located on the first floor, between the west wing and the east wing. There was no segregation of prisoners, men, women and children were incarcerated up to 5 in each cell, with only a candle for light. Most of their time was spent in the cold and the dark and its cells were roughly 28 square metres in area. Children were sometimes arrested for petty theft, the youngest said to be a seven-year-old child, at Kilmainham the poor conditions in which women prisoners were kept provided the spur for the next stage of development. Remarkably, for an age that prided itself on an attitude for the weaker sex. As early as his 1809 report the Inspector had observed that prisoners were supplied with iron bedsteads while females lay on straw on the flags in the cells. Half a century there was little improvement. The womens section, located in the west wing, remained overcrowded, in an attempt to relieve the overcrowding 30 female cells were added to the Gaol in 1840. These improvements had not been long before the Great Famine occurred. Kilmainham Gaol was decommissioned as a prison by the Irish Free State government in 1924, seen principally as a site of oppression and suffering, there was at this time no declared interest in its preservation as a monument to the struggle for national independence. The Irish Prison Board contemplated reopening it as a prison during the 1920s, in 1936 the government considered the demolition of the prison but the price of this undertaking was seen as prohibitive. However, with the advent of the Emergency the proposal was shelved for the duration of the war, an architectural survey commissioned by the Office of Public Works after World War II revealed that the prison was in a ruinous condition. This proposal was not acted upon, however, no advance was made and the material condition of the prison continued to deteriorate. From the late 1950s a grassroots movement for the preservation of Kilmainham Gaol began to develop, provoked by reports that the Office of Public Works was accepting tenders for the demolition of the building, Lorcan C. G
27.
Rent strike
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A rent strike is a method of protest commonly employed against large landlords. In a rent strike, a group of tenants come together and this can be a useful tactic of final resort for use against intransigent landlords, but carries the obvious risk of eviction in some cases. These women left behind were seen as a target and were faced with a rent increase of up to 25%. As a result of this rent increase, there was a backlash against the landlords. This was led by Mary Barbour, who with her army would prevent the bailiffs from entering the tenements. The Leeds rent strike in 1914 In early January 1914, around 300 tenants living in the Burley area of Leeds went on rent strike against a 6d increase in rents imposed by the landlords. The rent increase had been called for by the Leeds branch of the Property Owners Association, at a mass meeting of the tenants on Sunday January 10, the rent strike organisers called for a citywide protest against the increase. A week later, the Leeds Trades Council hosted a Labour conference intended to organise mass rent resistance, a Tenants Defence League was formed with a central committee of nine and a mission to spread the rent campaign across the city through a series of public meetings and neighbourhood canvassing. In the end, committee members had been evicted and blacklisted from renting any other home in the area. Kirkby Rent Strike A 14-month-long rent strike initiated by 3,000 tenants on October 9,1972 in the town of Kirkby, outside Liverpool, south Africa massive rent strikes 1980s to end Apartheid and gain ownership of housing by the tenants. The government sent in troops in Soweto in 1987, residents of some public housing have not paid their rents in several years, and in many cases officials have stopped trying to collect and have turned ownership over to tenants. In Soweto, for instance, Government officials say at least 50,000 rental units have been given to tenants, anti-Rent Movement New York 1839-1850s New York City has a long history of tenants using rent strikes to address housing conditions. One of the organizers was 16-year-old Pauline Newman, housewives. It lasted from December 26 until January 9 and led to about 2,000 families having their rents reduced, New York City rent strike over repairs In the winter of 1963-1964, a rent strike erupted in Harlem. It was led by Jesse Gray, a tenant organizer there since 1953, the focus of the strike was not rent levels but poor maintenance. National wave of rent strikes throughout the US in 1960s and early 70s Rent strikes spread through the US in response to the neglect of repairs in both urban private and public housing stock
28.
Boycott
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The purpose of a boycott is to inflict some economic loss on the target, or to indicate a moral outrage, to try to compel the target to alter an objectionable behavior. Sometimes, a boycott can be a form of consumer activism, when a similar practice is legislated by a national government, it is known as a sanction. As harvests had been poor that year, Lord Erne offered his tenants a ten percent reduction in their rents, in September of that year, protesting tenants demanded a twenty five percent reduction, which Lord Erne refused. Boycott then attempted to evict eleven tenants from the land, while Parnells speech did not refer to land agents or landlords, the tactic was first applied to Boycott when the alarm was raised about the evictions. Despite the short-term economic hardship to those undertaking this action, Boycott soon found himself isolated – his workers stopped work in the fields and stables, local businessmen stopped trading with him, and the local postman refused to deliver mail. The concerted action taken against him meant that Boycott was unable to hire anyone to harvest the crops in his charge, eventually 50 Orangemen from Cavan and Monaghan volunteered to do the work. This protection ended up costing far more than the harvest was worth, after the harvest, the boycott was successfully continued. Within weeks Boycotts name was everywhere, the New York Tribune reporter, James Redpath, first wrote of the boycott in the international press. The Irish author, George Moore, reported, Like a comet the verb boycott appeared and it was used by The Times in November 1880 as a term for organized isolation. According to an account in the book The Fall of Feudalism in Ireland by Michael Davitt, john OMalley of County Mayo to signify ostracism applied to a landlord or agent like Boycott. The Times first reported on November 20,1880, The people of New Pallas have resolved to boycott them, the Daily News wrote on December 13,1880, Already the stoutest-hearted are yielding on every side to the dread of being Boycotted. By January of the year, the word was being used figuratively. She Boycotted London from Kew to Mile End, girlcott is a portmanteau of girl and boycott intended to focus on the rights or actions of women. The term was coined in 1968 by American track star Lacey ONeal during the 1968 Summer Olympics in Mexico City, speaking for black women athletes, she advised that the group would not girlcott the Olympic Games, because female athletes were still focused on being recognized. It also appeared in Time magazine in 1970, and was used by retired tennis player Billie Jean King in reference to Wimbledon. The term girlcott was revived in 2005 by women in Allegheny County, Pennsylvania protesting what they said were sexist, during the 1973 oil crisis, the Arab countries enacted a crude oil embargo against the West. The first Olympic boycott was in the 1956 Summer Olympics with several countries boycotting the games for different reasons, iran also has an informal Olympic boycott against participating against Israel, and Iranian athletes typically bow out or claim injuries when pitted against Israelis. A boycott is typically a one-time affair intended to correct a single wrong. g
29.
Irish Coercion Bill
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The Coercion Acts, formally Protection of Person and Property Acts were Acts of Parliament to respond with force to popular discontent and disorder. In December 1816, a meeting took place at Spa Fields near London. The Coercion Act of 1817 was an act of Parliament that suspended Habeas Corpus, the Coercion Act was the result of this mass meeting. The total number of Coercion Acts relating to Ireland is a matter of definition, michael Farrell in 1986 put the total from 1801 to 1921 at 105. John Spencer, 5th Earl Spencer said in the House of Lords that 87 such acts had been passed between the Acts of Union 1801 and 1887, a rate of one per year. The figure was repeated by John Redmond, whereas a writer in a Union Defence League pamphlet put the figure at 76 between 1801 and 1908, plus 22 during Grattans Parliament. An Irish Coercion Bill was proposed by Sir Robert Peel to calm the increasing difficult situation in Ireland as a result of the Great Famine 1844–47, the Bill was blocked and this led, in part, to Peels retirement as Prime Minister. Later attempts to introduce Irish coercion acts were blocked by the filibustering of Joseph Biggar, the Act resulted in the imprisonment of hundreds of people including over twenty MPs. An influential analysis of the pros and cons of the Act was published in 1888 by William Henry Hurlbert, E. Kenny, Andrew Kettle, Denis Kilbride, Pat OBrien, William OBrien, James OKelly, Charles Stewart Parnell, Douglas Pyne, Willie Redmond, Timothy Sullivan. The act was the first of over a hundred such Acts that aimed to suppress the increasing discontent in Ireland with British rule. England was seen in Ireland as responsible for having turned the failures of the crop into the Great Famine. The Irish National Land League and the Fenian Brotherhood were part of the dissent in Ireland in the years from the Famine to the Irish War of Independence, historical Dictionary of the British Empire
30.
Knock, County Mayo
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Knock is a village in County Mayo, Ireland. Its notability is derived from the Knock Shrine, at which the Virgin Mary, together with Saint Joseph and John the Evangelist, in the 20th century Knock became one of Europes major Catholic Marian shrines, alongside Lourdes and Fatima. One and a million pilgrims visit Knock Shrine annually. Pope John Paul II, a supporter of devotion to the Virgin Mary, the Parish of Knock covers 45 townlands. 35 of The townlands are in the Costello Barony while 10 townlands along the western boundary of Knock Parish are in the Clanmorris Barony. Knock is one of the only Parishes in Ireland to be in two Baronies, Knock is located only five miles from the Town of Clare and is between Clare and Ballyhaunis. Monsignor James Horan became parish priest of Knock in 1963 and achieved three major, landmark accomplishments, construction of a new basilica, Our Lady, Queen of Ireland, at Knock Shrine in 1967 that can accommodate 10,000. The construction of Ireland-West Airport A visit by Pope John Paul II to visit Knock in 1979 to commemorate the centenary of the apparition, monsignor Horan died on 1 August 1986. The local primary school is Knock National School, built in 1966, the local football club is Kiltimagh Knock United F. C. established in 2002. Their ground, CMS Park, is situated on the Knock/Kiltimagh Road, though there is no other sports clubs located in the parish area, there is a considerate amount of clubs within a short distance. Aghamore GFC is the local Gaelic football club while most of the play for the Tooreen Hurling Club a few miles outside of nearby Ballyhaunis. Ireland West Airport Knock was opened by Monsigner James Horan on 30 May 1986, list of towns and villages in Ireland Apparition Peter H. Görg, Das Wunder von Knock - Die Erscheinung der Jungfrau Maria in Irland in Zeiten sozialer Not, Illertissen 2010. Tom Neary, I Saw Our Lady, Knock,156 p. John Scally, I Was Cured at Knock - The extraordinary story of an extraordinary woman, the heroic force in the Knock Shrine story, Knock,254 p. The Custodians of Knock Shrine, Knock – Heiligtum Unserer Lieben Frau, the Custodians of Knock Shrine, Knock Shrine. A Pilgrim’s Guide Book, Englisch, Französisch, Deutsch, Spanisch, Italienisch, Knock - Vision of Hope, Knock,36 p. Tom Lane CM, Reflecting at Knock Before our Merciful Lamb, Knock,127 p. Msgr. Michael Walsh, The Apparition at Knock - A Critical Analysis of Facts and Evidence, michael Walsh, The Glory of Knock, Knock 2000,51 p. Donal Flanagan, The Meaning of Knock, Knock 1997. Mary Francis Clare Cusack, Three Visits to Knock, New York 1882, Knock Shrine Knock, Co Mayo Ireland-West Airport, Knock
31.
Royal Irish Constabulary
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The Royal Irish Constabulary was the armed police force of the United Kingdom in Ireland from the early nineteenth century until 1922. About seventy-five percent of the RIC were Roman Catholic and about twenty-five percent were of various Protestant denominations, the Catholics mainly constables and the Protestants officers. In consequence of the Anglo-Irish Treaty, the RIC was disbanded in 1922 and was replaced by the Garda Síochána in the Irish Free State and the Royal Ulster Constabulary in Northern Ireland. The 1822 Act established a force in each province with chief constables, by 1841 this force numbered over 8,600 men. The original force had been reorganised under The Act of 1836, the discipline was strict and the pay low. The police faced civil unrest among the Irish rural poor, and was involved in bloody confrontations during the period of the Tithe War, other deployments were against organisations like the Ribbonmen, which attacked landlords, their property and stock. This was followed by a period of relative calm, the advent of the Irish Republican Brotherhood, founded in 1858, brought a plan for an armed uprising. Direct action began with the Fenian Rising of 1867, Fenians attacked on the more isolated police barracks and smaller stations. This rebellion was put down with ruthless efficiency, the police had infiltrated the Fenians with informers. The RIC presided over a decline in general crime around the country. The unstable rural unrest of the nineteenth century characterised by secret organisations. Policing generally became a routine of controlling misdemeanours such as moonshine distilling, public drunkenness, minor theft, a Land War broke out in the 1879–82 Depression period, causing some general unrest. In Belfast, with its boom, the working population mushroomed. Much of the increase arose from Catholic migration and there were serious riots in 1857,1864,1872 and 1886. As a result, the small Belfast Town Police civic force was disbanded, likewise in 1870, the RIC took over the duties of the Londonderry Borough Police. About 70% of the force in Belfast declared their support of the strikers and were encouraged by Larkin to carry out their own strike for higher wages. It never came to fruition, however, as dissident policemen were transferred out of Belfast four days before the strike was to begin, barrett and six other constables were dismissed and extra British Army troops were deployed to Belfast. The dock strike ended on 28 August 1907, the RICs existence was, increasingly troubled by the rise of the Home Rule campaign in the early twentieth century period prior to World War I
32.
Sectarianism
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This article concentrates on sectarianism as conflict between groups. For sectarianism as a characteristic of sects, see sect, sectarianism is a form of bigotry, discrimination, or hatred arising from attaching relations of inferiority and superiority to differences between subdivisions within a group. Common examples are denominations of a religion, ethnic identity, class, or region for citizens of a state, the ideological underpinnings of attitudes and behaviours labelled as sectarian are extraordinarily varied. Sometimes a group that is under economic or political pressure will kill or attack members of group which it regards as responsible for its own decline. At other times, sectarianism may be the expression of a nationalistic or cultural ambitions. The phrase sectarian conflict usually refers to violent conflict along religious or political lines such as the conflicts between Nationalists and Unionists in Northern Ireland and it may also refer to general philosophical, political disparity between different schools of thought such as that between Shia and Sunni Muslims. Non-sectarians espouse that free association and tolerance of different beliefs are the cornerstone to successful peaceful human interaction and they espouse political and religious pluralism. Wherever people of different religions live in proximity to each other, religious sectarianism can often be found in varying forms. In some areas, religious sectarians now exist peacefully side-by-side for the most part, although these differences have resulted in violence, death, probably the best-known example in recent times were The Troubles. Catholic-Protestant sectarianism has also been a factor in U. S. presidential campaigns, prior to John F. Kennedy, only one Catholic had ever been a major party presidential nominee, and he had been solidly defeated largely because of claims based on his Catholicism. Many Sunni religious leaders, including those inspired by Wahhabism and other ideologies have declared Shias to be heretics and/or apostates, since the 12th century there has been sectarian conflict of varying intensity in Ireland. This religious sectarianism is connected to a degree with nationalism and this has been particularly intense in Northern Ireland since the early 17th century plantation of Ulster under James I. Sectarian tensions can be found in regions of the British Isles to this day, including Scotland, Liverpool, Birmingham. Historically, some Catholic countries once persecuted Protestants as heretics, for example, the substantial Protestant population of France was expelled from the kingdom in the 1680s following the revocation of the Edict of Nantes. In Spain, the Inquisition sought to root out crypto-Jews but also crypto-Muslims, in most places where Protestantism is the majority or official religion, there have been examples of Catholics being persecuted. In countries where the Reformation was successful, this often lay in the perception that Catholics retained allegiance to a foreign power, sometimes this mistrust manifested itself in Catholics being subjected to restrictions and discrimination, which itself led to further conflict. For example, before Catholic Emancipation was introduced with the Roman Catholic Relief Act 1829, the invasion of Ireland by English parliamentarian forces under Oliver Cromwell in 1659 was notoriously brutal and witnessed the widespread ethnic cleansing of the native Irish. The failure of the Rebellion of 1798, which sought to unite Protestants and Catholics for an independent Ireland, the conflict was primarily fought over the existence of the Northern Irish state rather than religion, though sectarian relations within Northern Ireland fueled the conflict
33.
Ulster
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Ulster is a province in the north of the island of Ireland. In ancient Ireland, it was one of the fifths ruled by a rí ruirech, the definition of the province was fluid from early to medieval times. It took a shape in the reign of King James I of England when all the counties of Ireland were eventually shired. This process of evolving conquest had been under way since the Norman invasion of Ireland, particularly as advanced by the Cambro-Norman magnates Hugh de Lacy, Ulster was a central topic role in the parliamentary debates that eventually resulted in the Government of Ireland Act 1920. Under the terms of the Act, Ireland was divided into two territories, Southern Ireland and Northern Ireland, with the passing through the province. While these six counties and two boroughs were all in the province of Ulster, three other counties of the province – Cavan, Donegal and Monaghan – were assigned to the Irish Free State. Ulster has no function for local government purposes in either country. However, for the purposes of ISO-3166-2, Ulster is used to refer to the three counties of Cavan, Donegal and Monaghan only, which are given country sub-division code IE-U. It has also suggested to have derived from Uladh plus the Norse suffix ster. The Irish name, Cúige Uladh, means the province of the Ulaid, the Ulaidh were a group of tribes who dwelt in the region. Ulaidh has historically been anglicised as Ulagh or Ullagh and Latinised as Ulidia or Ultonia, the latter two have yielded the terms Ulidian and Ultonian. Words that have used in English are Ullish and Ulsterman/Ulsterwoman. Northern Ireland is often referred to as Ulster, despite including only six of Ulsters nine counties and this usage is most common amongst people in Northern Ireland who are unionist, although it is also used by the media throughout the United Kingdom. Most Irish nationalists object to the use of Ulster in this context, Ulster has a population of just over 2 million people and an area of 21,552 square kilometres. About 62% of the area of Ulster is in the UK while the remaining 38% is in the Republic of Ireland. Ulsters biggest city, Belfast, has an population of over half a million inhabitants, making it the second-largest city on the island of Ireland. Three Ulster counties – Cavan, Donegal and Monaghan – form part of the Republic of Ireland, about half of Ulsters population lives in counties Antrim and Down. 8% to 42. 7%. While the traditional counties continue to demarcate areas of government in the Republic of Ireland
34.
Irish National League
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The Irish National League was a nationalist political party in Ireland. It was founded on 17 October 1882 by Charles Stewart Parnell as the successor to the Irish National Land League after this was suppressed. Whereas the Land League had agitated for reform, the National League also campaigned for self-government or Irish Home Rule, further enfranchisement. The League was the base of support for the Irish Parliamentary Party. In 1884, the League secured the support of the Roman Catholic Church in Ireland and its secretary was Timothy Harrington who organised the Plan of Campaign in 1886. The Irish League was effectively controlled by the Parliamentary Party, which in turn was controlled by Parnell, the majority of the League, which opposed Parnell, broke away to form the Anti-Parnellite Irish National Federation under John Dillon. John Redmond assumed the leadership of the minority Pro-Parnellite group who remained faithful to Parnell, despite the split, in the 1892 general election the combined factions still retained the Irish nationalist pro-Home Rule vote and their 81 seats. The Penguin Dictionary of British History, ed. Juliet Gardiner
