The Iran–Iraq War was an armed conflict between Iran and Iraq, beginning on 22 September 1980, when Iraq invaded Iran, ending on 20 August 1988, when Iran accepted the UN-brokered ceasefire. Iraq wanted to replace Iran as the dominant Persian Gulf state, was worried that the 1979 Iranian Revolution would lead Iraq's Shi'ite majority to rebel against the Ba'athist government; the war followed a long history of border disputes, Iraq planned to annex the oil-rich Khuzestan Province and the east bank of the Arvand Rud. Although Iraq hoped to take advantage of Iran's post-revolutionary chaos, it made limited progress and was repelled. For the next six years, Iran was on the offensive until near the end of the war. There were a number of proxy forces—most notably the People's Mujahedin of Iran siding with Iraq and the Iraqi Kurdish militias of the KDP and PUK siding with Iran; the United States, Soviet Union and most Arab countries provided support for Iraq, while Iran was isolated. After eight years, war-weariness, economic problems, decreased morale, repeated Iranian military failures, recent Iraqi successes, Iraqi use of weapons of mass destruction and lack of international sympathy, increased U.
S.–Iran military tension all led to a ceasefire brokered by the United Nations. The conflict has been compared to World War I in terms of the tactics used, including large-scale trench warfare with barbed wire stretched across fortified defensive lines, manned machine guns posts, bayonet charges, Iranian human wave attacks, extensive use of chemical weapons by Iraq, deliberate attacks on civilian targets. An estimated 1,000,000 Iraqi and Iranian soldiers died, in addition to a smaller number of civilians; the end of the war resulted in border changes. The Iran–Iraq War was referred to as the Gulf War until the Persian Gulf War of 1990 and 1991, after which it was known as the First Persian Gulf War; the Iraq–Kuwait conflict, known as the Second Persian Gulf War became known as the Gulf War. The Iraq War from 2003 to 2011 has been called the Second Persian Gulf War. In Iran, the war is known as the Holy Defense. State media in Iraq dubbed the war Saddam's Qadisiyyah, in reference to the seventh-century Battle of al-Qādisiyyah, in which Arab warriors overcame the Sasanian Empire during the Muslim conquest of Persia.
The relationship between the governments of Iran and Iraq improved in 1978, when Iranian agents in Iraq discovered plans for a pro-Soviet coup d'état against Iraq's government. When informed of this plot, Saddam ordered the execution of dozens of his army's officers, in a sign of reconciliation, expelled from Iraq Ruhollah Khomeini, an exiled leader of clerical opposition to the Shah. Nonetheless, Saddam considered the 1975 Algiers Agreement to be a truce, rather than a definite settlement, waited for an opportunity to contest it. Tensions between Iraq and Iran were fueled by Iran's Islamic revolution and its appearance of being a Pan-Islamic force, in contrast to Iraq's Arab nationalism. Despite Iraq's goal of regaining the Shatt al-Arab, the Iraqi government seemed to welcome the Iranian Revolution, which overthrew Shah Mohammad Reza Pahlavi, seen as a common enemy, it is difficult to pinpoint when tensions began to build, but there were frequent cross-border skirmishes at Iran's instigation.
Ayatollah Ruhollah Khomeini called on Iraqis to overthrow the Ba'ath government, received with considerable anger in Baghdad. On 17 July 1979, despite Khomeini's call, Saddam gave a speech praising the Iranian Revolution and called for an Iraqi-Iranian friendship based on non-interference in each other's internal affairs; when Khomeini rejected Saddam's overture by calling for Islamic revolution in Iraq, Saddam was alarmed. Iran's new Islamic administration was regarded in Baghdad as an irrational, existential threat to the Ba'ath government because the Ba'ath party, having a secular nature, discriminated against and posed a threat to the fundamentalist Shia movement in Iraq, whose clerics were Iran's allies within Iraq and whom Khomeini saw as oppressed. Saddam's primary interest in war may have stemmed from his desire to right the supposed "wrong" of the Algiers Agreement, in addition to achieving his desire of annexing Khuzestan and becoming the regional superpower. Saddam's goal was to replace Egypt as the "leader of the Arab world" and to achieve hegemony over the Persian Gulf.
He saw Iran's increased weakness due to revolution and international isolation. Saddam had invested in Iraq's military since his defeat against Iran in 1975, buying large amounts of weaponry from the Soviet Union and France. By 1980, Iraq possessed 2,000 tanks and 450 aircraft. Watching the disintegration of the powerful Iranian army that frustrated him in 1974–1975, he saw an opportunity to attack, using the threat of Islamic Revolution as a pretext. On 8 March 1980, Iran announced it was withdrawing its ambassador from Iraq, downgraded its diplomatic ties to the charge d'affaires level, demanded that Iraq do the same; the following day, Iraq declared Iran's ambassador persona non-grata, demanded his withdrawal from Iraq by 15 March. Iraq soon after expropriated the properties of 70,000 civilians believed to be of Iranian origin and expelled them from its territory. Many, if not most, of those expelled were in fact Arabic-speaking Iraqi Shias who had little to no family ties with Iran; this caused tensions between the two nations to increase further.
Iraq began planning offensives, confident
Abd al-Karim Qasim
Abd Al-Karim Qasim Muhammed Bakr Al-Fadhli Al-Zubaidi was an Iraqi Army brigadier and nationalist who seized power when the Iraqi monarchy was overthrown during the 14 July Revolution. He ruled the country as the 24th Prime Minister until his downfall and death during the 1963 Ramadan Revolution. During his rule, Qasim was popularly known as al-za‘īm or, "The Leader". Abd al-Karim's father, Qasim Muhammed Bakr Al-Fadhli Al-Zubaidi was a farmer from southern Baghdad and an Iraqi Sunni Muslim who died during World War 1, shortly after his son's birth. Qasim's mother, Kayfia Hassan Yakub Al-Sakini was a Shiite Muslim from Baghdad; when Qasim was six his family moved to Suwayra, a small town near the Tigris to Baghdad in 1926. Qasim entered secondary school on a government scholarship. After graduation in 1931, he taught at Shamiyya Elementary School from 22 October until 3 September 1932, when he was accepted into Military College. In 1934, he graduated as a second lieutenant. Qasim attended al-Arkan College and graduated with honours in December 1941.
In 1951, he completed a senior officers' course in Wiltshire. Although shy and lacking in "the rabble-rousing skills on which most successful Arab politicians rely", he was nonetheless nicknamed "the snake charmer" by his classmates in Devizes, because of his gift in convincing them to undertake improbable courses of action during military exercises. Militarily, he participated in the suppression of the tribal disturbances in the Middle Euphrates region in 1935, during the Anglo-Iraqi War in May 1941 and in the Kurdistan War in 1945. Qasim served during the Iraqi military involvement in the Arab-Israeli War from May 1948 to June 1949. Toward the latter part of the mission, he commanded a battalion of the First Brigade, situated in the Kafr Qasem area south of Qilqilya. In 1956–57, he served with his brigade at Mafraq in Jordan in the wake of the Suez Crisis. By 1957 Qasim had assumed leadership of several opposition groups. On 14 July 1958, Qasim and his followers used troop movements planned by the government as an opportunity to seize military control of Baghdad and overthrow the monarchy.
This resulted in the killing of several members of the royal family and their close associates, including Nuri as-Said. The coup was discussed and planned by the Free Officers and Civilians Movement, but was executed by Qasim and Col. Abdul Salam Arif, it was triggered when King Hussein of Jordan, fearing that an anti-Western revolt in Lebanon might spread to Jordan, requested Iraqi assistance. Instead of moving towards Jordan, Colonel Arif led a battalion into Baghdad and proclaimed a new republic and the end of the old regime. Put in its historical context, the 14 July Revolution was the culmination of a series of uprisings and coup attempts that began with the 1936 Bakr Sidqi coup and included the 1941 Rashid Ali military movement, the 1948 Wathbah Uprising, the 1952 and 1956 protests; the 14 July Revolution met with no opposition. Prince Abdul Ilah wanted no resistance to the forces that besieged the Royal Rihab Palace, hoping to gain permission to leave the country; the commander of the Royal Guards battalion on duty, Col. Taha Bamirni, ordered the palace guards to cease fire.
On 14 July 1958, the royal family including King Faisal II. When all of them arrived in the courtyard they were told to turn towards the palace wall. All were shot by Captain Abdus Sattar As Sab’, a member of the coup led by Brigadier Abd al-Karim Qasim. King Faisal II and Princess Hiyam were wounded; the King died before reaching hospital. Princess Hiyam was not managed to receive treatment, she left for Saudi Arabia where her family lived. She moved to Egypt and lived there until her death. In the wake of the successful coup, the new Iraqi Republic was headed by a Revolutionary Council. At its head was a three-man sovereignty council, composed of members of Iraq's three main communal/ethnic groups. Muhammad Mahdi Kubbah represented the Shi’a population; this tripartite was to assume the role of the Presidency. A cabinet was created, composed of a broad spectrum of Iraqi political movements: this included two National Democratic Party representatives, one member of al-Istiqlal, one Ba’ath representative and one Marxist.
After seizing power, Qasim assumed the post of Prime Minister and Defence Minister, while Colonel Arif was selected as Deputy Prime Minister and Interior Minister. They became the highest authority in Iraq with legislative powers. Muhammad Najib ar-Ruba'i became chairman of the Sovereignty Council, but his power was limited. On July 26, 1958, the Interim Constitution was adopted, pending a permanent law to be promulgated after a free referendum. According to the document, Iraq was to be a republic and a part of the Arab nation whilst the official state religion was listed as Islam. Powers of legislation were vested in the Council of Ministers, with the approval of the Sovereignty Council, whilst executive function was vested in the Council of Ministers; the constitution proclaimed the equality of all Iraqi citizens under the law and granting them freedom without regard to race, language or religion. The government freed political prisoners and granted amnesty to the Kurds who participated in the 1943 to 1945 Kur
President of Iraq
The President of Iraq is the head of state of Iraq and "safeguards the commitment to the Constitution and the preservation of Iraq's independence, unity, the security of its territories in accordance with the provisions of the Constitution". The President is elected by the Council of Representatives by a two-thirds majority, is limited to two four-year terms; the President is responsible for ratifying treaties and laws passed by the Council of Representatives, issues pardons on the recommendation of the Prime Minister, performs the "duty of the Higher Command of the armed forces for ceremonial and honorary purposes". Since the mid-2000s, the Presidency is a symbolic office, by convention since 2005 held by a Kurdish Iraqi; the Presidency Council was an entity that operated under the auspices of the "transitional provisions" of the Constitution. According to the Constitution, the Presidency Council functioned in the role of the President until one successive term after the Constitution was ratified and a government was seated.
The Presidency Council had the additional power to send legislation back to the Council of Representatives for revision. List of Presidents of Iraq List of Prime Ministers of Iraq List of Kings of Iraq
Ibrahim al-Eshaiker al-Jaafari is an Iraqi politician, Prime Minister of Iraq in the Iraqi Transitional Government from 2005 to 2006, following the January 2005 election. He served as Minister of Foreign Affairs from 2014–2018, he was one of the two Vice Presidents of Iraq under the Iraqi Interim Government from 2004 to 2005, he was the main spokesman for the Islamic Dawa Party. He withdrew his nomination for premiership for the permanent government because he disagreed with some of the Kurdish leaders with regards to securing Kirkuk as part of Iraq. Members of his own group, the United Iraqi Alliance, conspired with Sunni and Kurdish politicians who pressured President George W. Bush and British prime minister Tony Blair to convince al-Jafari to withdraw his nomination. Al-Jafari refused any foreign interference in Iraqi politics and instead gave the United Iraqi Alliance the choice to decide whom they wanted, be it him or another political figure as Prime Minister, he was born Ibrahim al-Eshaiker in Karbala on 25 March 1947.
He hails from a family. His great grandfather, Mahdi bin Ali bin Baqir al-Eshaiker, led the al-Eshaiker revolt in Karbala in 1876 against the Ottoman Empire; the Al-Eshaiker family originated from the city of Ushaiger in. Jaafari was educated at Mosul university as a medical doctor, he moved with his family to Iran where he lived and worked with the Islamic Revolution Council of Iraq. He moved to London where he continued his political activities by heading the Dawa Islamic Party, he joined the Islamic Dawa Party in 1968. Upon graduation from school in 1974 he worked for the party in Iraq, trying to overthrow the Ba'athist secular government, he left for Iran in 1980 and became involved in the movement against Saddam Hussein there as part of the Supreme Council for the Islamic Revolution in Iraq where he represented the Islamic Dawa Party. He adopted the name al-Jaafari in exile to protect his family in Iraq from retribution by Saddam, he moved to London in 1989 where he became the al-Dawa spokesman in the UK and an important participant in the wider anti-Saddam movement.
While in the UK he attended many Iraqi Events giving religious sermons. He returned to Iraq soon after, he was picked in July 2003 as member of the U. S.-backed Iraqi Governing Council, served as its first chairman and Iraq's first post-Saddam interim President for one month. On 1 June 2004, he was selected to be one of the two vice-presidents in the Iraqi Interim Government, he brought al-Dawa into the United Iraqi Alliance coalition of Shi'ite parties and was second on the party's list after SCIRI leader Abdel-Aziz Hakim. Following the January 2005 Iraqi elections the strength of the UIA in the parliament made him a candidate to become the nation's new Prime Minister. Only Ahmed Chalabi challenged him for the position. Chalabi dropped out of the race, being less than a favourite for a majority of the parties in the UIA tainted by several scandals, thus leaving al-Jaafari unchallenged to become the alliance's candidate for the post, he was designated as Prime Minister on 7 April 2005, following the election of a Presidency Council the day before.
After a long period of negotiations aimed at establishing a broad-based government, he and his cabinet were approved by the National Assembly of Iraq on 28 April. In the national election of December 2005, the UIA once again won the majority of the votes, which according to the new Iraqi constitution, gets to pick the Prime Minister. UIA members voted for the Prime Minister with only two main candidates. Al-Jaafari was the SCIRI member Adel Abdul Mahdi, a secular economist. Jaafari won the vote only by one, his win was credited to the support of Muqtada Al Sadr's members of UIA. Despite this win, however, he became associated with the failure to end the violence in Iraq and to improve services; because of this, the Sunni and secular groups in the parliament refused to agree to him continuing as Prime Minister, leading to deadlock. His refusal to stand down began to alienate those who had backed him up to that point, but it is believed that only when Ayatollah Ali al-Sistani intervened that he stepped down.
The US government had expressed dissatisfaction with him in two months earlier, with George W. Bush stating that he "doesn't want, doesn't support, doesn't accept" his retention as Prime Minister, he was succeeded by al-Maliki as Dawa Party secretary-general in May 2007. In May 2008, al-Jaafari launched, he was formally expelled from the Dawa party as a consequence, his new party was seen as a vehicle for an attempt at regaining power. He was appointed as Minister of Foreign Affairs by newly-elect Prime Minister Haider al-Abadi on 8 September 2014. In February 2018, al-Jaafari condemned the Turkish invasion of northern Syria aimed at ousting U. S.-backed Syrian Kurds from the enclave of Afrin. He stated: "We reject any foreign nation from intervening in the affairs of another country." List of foreign ministers in 2017 Official website The Man to Heal Iraq The Guardian interview in Baghdad 24 February 2005
Kurds or the Kurdish people are an Iranian ethnic group of Western Asia inhabiting a contiguous area known as Kurdistan. Geographically, those four adjacent and often-mountainous areas include southeastern Turkey, northwestern Iran, northern Iraq, northern Syria. There are exclaves of Kurds in central Anatolia and Khorasan. Additionally, there are significant Kurdish diaspora communities in the cities of western Turkey, in particular Istanbul, while a Kurdish diaspora has developed in Western Europe in Germany. Numerically, the Kurds are estimated to number anywhere from a low of 30 million, to as high as 45 million. Kurds speak the Kurdish languages, such as Kurmanji and Southern Kurdish. Religiously, although the majority of Kurds belong to the Shafi‘i school of Sunni Islam, there are prominent numbers of Kurds who practice Shia Islam and Alevism. Minority of the Kurdish people are adherents to Yarsanism, Yazidism and Christianity. After World War One and the defeat of the Ottoman Empire, the victorious Western allies made provision for a Kurdish state in the 1920 Treaty of Sevres.
However, that promise was nullified three years when the Treaty of Lausanne set the boundaries of modern Turkey and made no provision for a Kurdish state, leaving Kurds with minority status in their respective countries. This fact has led to numerous genocides and rebellions, along with the current ongoing armed guerrilla conflicts in Turkey and Syria / Rojava. Although Kurds are the majority population in the autonomous region of Iraqi Kurdistan, because of their statelessness, Kurdish nationalist movements continue to pursue greater cultural rights and independence throughout Greater Kurdistan. Kurdish is a collection of related dialects spoken by the Kurds, it is spoken in those parts of Iran, Iraq and Turkey which comprise Kurdistan. Kurdish holds official status in Iraq as a national language alongside Arabic, is recognized in Iran as a regional language, in Armenia as a minority language; the Kurdish languages belong to the northwestern sub‑group of the Iranian languages, which in turn belongs to the Indo-Iranian branch of the Indo-European family.
Most Kurds are either bilingual or multilingual, speaking the language of their respective nation of origin, such as Arabic and Turkish as a second language alongside their native Kurdish, while those in diaspora communities speak three or more languages. According to Mackenzie, there are few linguistic features that all Kurdish dialects have in common and that are not at the same time found in other Iranian languages; the Kurdish dialects according to Mackenzie are classified as: Northern group Central group Southern group including Kermanshahi and LakiThe Zaza and Gorani are ethnic Kurds, but the Zaza–Gorani languages are not classified as Kurdish. Commenting on the differences between the dialects of Kurdish, Kreyenbroek clarifies that in some ways and Sorani are as different from each other as is English from German, giving the example that Kurmanji has grammatical gender and case endings, but Sorani does not, observing that referring to Sorani and Kurmanji as "dialects" of one language is supported only by "their common origin... and the fact that this usage reflects the sense of ethnic identity and unity of the Kurds."
The number of Kurds living in Southwest Asia is estimated at close to 30 million, with another one or two million living in diaspora. Kurds comprise anywhere from 18% to 20% of the population in Turkey as high as 25%. Kurds form regional majorities in all four of these countries, viz. in Turkish Kurdistan, Iraqi Kurdistan, Iranian Kurdistan and Syrian Kurdistan. The Kurds are the fourth largest ethnic group in West Asia after the Arabs and Turks; the total number of Kurds in 1991 was placed at 22.5 million, with 48% of this number living in Turkey, 18% in Iraq, 24% in Iran, 4% in Syria. Recent emigration accounts for a population of close to 1.5 million in Western countries, about half of them in Germany. A special case are the Kurdish populations in the Transcaucasus and Central Asia, displaced there in the time of the Russian Empire, who underwent independent developments for more than a century and have developed an ethnic identity in their own right; this groups' population was estimated at close to 0.4 million in 1990.
"The land of Karda" is mentioned on a Sumerian clay-tablet dated to the 3rd millennium B. C; this land was inhabited by "the people of Su". Other Sumerian clay-tablets referred to the people, who lived in the land of Karda, as the Qarduchi and the Qurti. Karda/Qardu is etymologically related to the Hebrew term Ararat. Qarti or Qartas, who were settled on the mountains north of Mesopotamia, are considered as a probable ancestor of the Kurds. Akkadians were attacked by nomads coming through Qartas territory at the end of 3rd millennium B. C. Akkadians distinguished them as Guti, they conquered Mesopotamia in 2150 B. C. and ruled with 21 kings. Many Kurds consider themselves descended from the Medes, an ancient Iranian people, use a calendar dating from 612 B. C. when the Assyrian capital of Nineveh was conquered by the Medes. The claimed Median descent is refl
Ayad Allawi is an Iraqi politician. He served as Vice President of Iraq from 2014 to 2015, interim Prime Minister of Iraq from 2004 to 2005 and was the President of the Governing Council of Iraq in 2003, he became Vice President again, in October 2016. A prominent Iraqi political activist who lived in exile for 30 years, Allawi, a Shia Muslim, became a member of the Iraq Interim Governing Council, established by U. S.-led coalition authorities following the 2003 invasion of Iraq. He became Iraq's first head of government since Saddam Hussein when the council dissolved on June 1, 2004 and named him Prime Minister of the Iraqi Interim Government, his term as Prime Minister ended on April 7, 2005, after the selection of Islamic Dawa Party leader Ibrahim al-Jaafari by the newly elected transitional Iraqi National Assembly. A former Ba'athist, Allawi helped found the Iraqi National Accord, which today is an active political party. In the lead up to the 2003 invasion of Iraq, the INA provided intelligence about alleged weapons of mass destruction to MI6.
Allawi has lived about half of his life in the UK. His wife and children still live in the UK for their security, he survived assassination attempts in 1978, in 2004, on April 20, 2005. Allawi's first name is sometimes rendered as Eyad. Allawi was born in 1944 to a prominent Shia merchant family, he became involved in Ba'athism at a young age and organized against the government of Abdul Karim Qassim. In the 1960s, he studied at medical school in Baghdad at Baghdad University, he had attended high school and college at Baghdad College, a Catholic, Jesuit high school and college. He obtained his master's degree at University College in London and performed a residency at Guy's Hospital. Allawi has three children, one of them, studies in a school in Surrey. Allawi's cousin's son is called Hayder Allawi, his best friend is called Naji Aziz. Allawi is related to Ahmed Chalabi, another prominent former exile who died in 2015, through Chalabi's sister. Former minister of trade Ali Allawi is Chalabi's sister's son as well as Ayad Allawi's cousin.
The relationship between Chalabi and Allawi had been described as alternating between rivals and allies. In addition, Nouri Badran, interim Minister of Interior, is married to Iyad Allawi's sister. In 1971, he moved to London due to increasing differences with the Ba'ath party and in order to continue his medical education, he resigned from the Ba'ath party in 1975, "having decided that Saddam was exerting too much control over it". Allawi himself states that he remained active in the international Ba'athist movement, but had no ties to the Ba'ath Party's Iraqi Regional Branch. At first Saddam Iraq's vice president, pressured Allawi, in contact with senior military and party officers that were critical of Saddam, to rejoin the Ba'ath Party. In 1978, friends told Allawi. In February 1978 Allawi was awoken in bed one night by an intruder in his Surrey home, who proceeded to attack him with an axe; the intruder convinced that Allawi was dead as he lay in a pool of blood. He survived the attempted murder, spent the next year in hospital recovering from his injuries.
His first wife, was wounded in the attack. It is presumed, he separated with his wife after mutual agreement. While still recovering in hospital from the attack, Allawi started organising an opposition network to work against the government of Saddam Hussein. Through the 1980s he built this network, recruiting Iraqis while traveling as a businessman and for the UNDP. In December 1990, Allawi announced the existence of the Iraqi National Accord. Six years using disillusioned Ba'athists in the military and government, it mounted an unsuccessful coup in Baghdad. One of Allawi's allies in the INA was Salah Omar Al-Ali, a former member of the Iraqi Revolutionary Command Council and ambassador to the United Nations; the INA received open backing from the UK, Jordan, Saudi Arabia and the United States. The group consisted of former military personnel who had defected from Saddam Hussein's Iraq to instigate a military coup. Allawi established links and worked with the CIA in 1992 as a counterpoint to Chalabi, because of the INA's links in the Ba'athist establishment.
It is alleged Allawi's INA organised attacks in Iraq. This campaign never posed a threat to Saddam Hussein's rule, but was designed to test INA's capability to effect regime change. Though Saddam's government claimed the attacks have caused up to 100 civilian deaths there are no true records of these statistics to date. A military coup was planned for 1996, in which Iraqi generals were to lead their units against Baghdad and remove Saddam Hussein; the CIA supported the plot, code-named DBACHILLES, added Iraqi officers that were not part of INA. The plan ended in disaster. US support was questionable - requests by the CIA station chief in Amman for American air support were refused by the Clinton administration. Many participants were executed. Lands and factories belonging to the Allawi family were confiscated, their graveyard in Najaf was seized, although it was returned. According to Allawi, his family lost $250M worth of assets. US support for INA continued, receiving $6 million in covert aid in 1996 and $5 million in 1995.
The INA channelled the report from an Iraqi officer
University of Baghdad
The University of Baghdad is the largest university in Iraq and the second largest in the Arab world, behind the University of Cairo. Both University of Baghdad and Baghdad University are used interchangeably; the College of Islamic Sciences claims that it originated in 1067 A. D. as Abu-Haneefa. However, the College of Law, the earliest of the modern institutions that were to become the first constituent Colleges of the University of Baghdad, was founded in 1908; the College of Engineering was established in 1921. In 1942, the first higher institution for girls, Queen Alia College, was established. In 1943, proposals for further new Colleges appeared, leading to the foundation of the College of Arts and the College of Science in 1949, Abu Ghraib College of Agriculture in 1950. In 1922, a scheme had been initiated by the King for the organisation of a university at Bab al-Mu’azzam, but there were insufficient students qualified for admission. Nonetheless, a start was made on the creation of the university with the building of the Theological College.
In January 1925, the Engineering School was transferred to the vacant upper floor of the Theological College building. In 1935, the Monroe Commission had argued that Iraq was not ready for a university, the next attempt to establish a University did not commence until 1945; the ‘Morgan Report’ was prepared for the Iraqi government in 1947 by a senior member of the British Council’s staff. In 1948, the British Council’s proposals were rejected in favour of a plan drawn up by the Ministry, but no action followed. In May 1953, the British Council sponsored a further visit to Baghdad by a group of British university professors to give encouragement, once again, to the establishment of a university. However, the first university in the country, Al-Hikma University, was founded by the American Roman Catholic Fathers in 1956. In the same year, the government announced plans to amalgamate the existing state funded Colleges, enacting Royal decree number 60 of 1956 to establish the University of Baghdad.
Its first President was appointed by Royal decree in 1957, it commenced operations in 1958. Following the Ba’athist coup, in autumn 1968, Al Hikma University was taken over by the state and integrated into Baghdad University. A new university campus was commissioned by the Royal Government of Iraq in the late 1950s and situated near the Tigris river, its buildings were designed by Walter Gropius, Louis McMillen and Robert McMillan of The Architects Collaborative, who commenced their master plan in the 1950s for a new university campus for the Colleges of Engineering and Liberal Arts for a total of 6,800 students. The campus was expanded in 1982 to accommodate 20,000 students plus support facilities. Architect Hisham N. Ashkouri and Robert Owen developed the full academic space program for the entire campus. In September 2018, the university was listed in the Times Higher Education World University Rankings, a yearly classification of the best 1,250 universities in the world, for the first time.
Dr. Matti Aqrawi - 5 /10/1957- 1 /8 /1958 Dr. Abdul Jabbar Abdullah - 19/3 /1959 - 8 /3 /1963 Dr. Abed Al-Azeez Al-Duri - 10/2 /1963 -27/11/1965 and 10/9 /1966 - 7 /8 /1968 Dr. Jassem Mohammad Al-Kallaf - 9 /9 /1968 - 8 /8 /1970 Dr. Abed Allatif Al-Badry - 8 /8 /1970 - 1 /3 /1971 Dr. Saad Abed Al-Bakki Al-Rawi - 15/6 /1971 - 23/1 /1974 Dr. Taha Ibrahim Al-Abdalla - 14/3 /1974 - 15/10/1977 Dr. Sulttan Abed Al-Kader Al-Shawi - 18/10/1977 - 1 /3 /1978 Dr. Taha Tayh Diab Al-Ne'ami - 30/6 /1980 - 27/12/1990 Dr. Adil Shakir Al-Tai - 10/7/1990 - 28/2/1991 Dr. Khidir Jasim Al-Duri - 1/3/1991 - 10/11/1993 Dr. Abed Al-Iillah Yossif Al-Kashab - 14/11/1993 - 7 /6 /2001 Dr. Mohammad Abed Allah Falah Al-Rawi - 12/6 /2001 - 30/4 /2003 Dr. Sammi Abed Al-Mahdi Al-Mudaffar - 24/5 /2003 - 28/9 /2003 Dr. Musa Juwad Aziz Al-Musawi - 2003– 20/11/2012 Dr. Alaa Abdulrasool Alkashwan- 20/11/2012–present. College of Engineering Al-Khwarizmi College of Engineering College of Science College of Political Science College of Physical Education College of Science for Women College of Education for Women Institute of Laser for Postgraduate Studies Institute of Urban and Regional Planning Institute of Genetic Engineering Institute of Accounting & Financial Studies college of agricultural College of Medicine College of Dentistry College of Pharmacy College of Nursing College of Education - Ibn Rushd College of Arts College of Languages College of Information College of Islamic Sciences College of Physical Education for Women College of Law College of Administration and Economy College of Education - Ibn Al-Haytham College of Fine Arts College of Veterinary Al-Kindi College of Medicine Mohammed Alkobaisi - Islamic scholar Hisham N. Ashkouri - Architect Serwan Baban - Minister in the Kurdistan Regional Government Abd al-Rahman al-Bazzaz – Former Prime Minister of Iraq Emad Zaki Yehya - International Petroleum Consultant & Former President of Reservoir Engineering in the Ministry of Oil Saadoun al-Dulaimi - Former Iraqi Defense Minister Ghanim Al-Jumaily – Professor of engineering at Southern New Hampshire University.