Pinheiro is a municipality in the state of Maranhão in the Northeast region of Brazil. The municipality contains a small part of the Baixada Maranhense Environmental Protection Area, a 1,775,035.6 hectares sustainable use conservation unit created in 1991, a Ramsar Site since 2000. List of municipalities in Maranhão
Academia Brasileira de Letras
Academia Brasileira de Letras is a Brazilian literary non-profit society established at the end of the 19th century by a group of 40 writers and poets inspired by the Académie Française. The first president, Machado de Assis, declared its foundation on December 15, 1896, with the by-laws being passed on January 28, 1897. On July 20 of the same year, the academy started its operation. According to its statutes, the Brazilian Academy of Letters is charged with the care of the "national language" of Brazil and with the promotion of Brazilian literary arts; the academy is considered the foremost institution devoted to the Portuguese language in Brazil. Its prestige and technical qualification gives it paramount authority in Brazilian Portuguese though it's not a public institution and no law grants it oversight over the language; the academy's main publication in this field is the Orthographic Vocabulary of the Portuguese Language which has five editions. The Vocabulary is prepared by the academy's Commission on Lexicography.
If a word is not included in the Vocabulary, it is considered not to exist as a correct word in Brazilian Portuguese. Since its beginning and to this day, the academy is composed of 40 members, known as the "immortals"; these members are chosen from among citizens of Brazil who have published works or books with recognized literary value. The position of "immortal" is awarded for the lifetime. New members are admitted by a vote of the academy members; the chairs are numbered and each has a Patron: the Patrons are 40 great Brazilian writers that were dead when the academy was founded. Thus, each chair is associated with its current holder, her or his predecessor, the original Founder who occupied it in the first place, with a Patron; the academicians use formal gala gilded uniforms with a sword when participating in official meetings at the academy. The initiative to establish the Academy was taken by Lúcio de Mendonça and was realised in preparatory meetings that began on 15 December 1896, under the presidency of Machado de Assis.
The statuses of the Brazilian Academy of Letters and the membership of the 40 founding fathers were approved at these meetings, on 28 January 1897. On 20 July of the same year, the inaugural session was held at the Pedagogium's facility in the centre of Rio de Janeiro. Without appointed headquarters or financial resources, the solemn meetings of the academy were held at the hall of the Royal Portuguese Cabinet of Reading, at the premises of the former National Gymnasium and at the Noble Hall of the Ministry of the Interior; the joint sessions were held at the law firm of Rodrigo Octávio, the Academy's first secretary's, at Quitanda Street, 47. In 1904, the academy obtained the left wing of the Brazilian Silogeo, a governmental building that housed other cultural institutions, it remained there until moving to its own headquarters in 1923. In 1923, thanks to the initiative of its president at the time, Afrânio Peixoto and of the then-French ambassador, Raymond Conty, the French government donated the French Pavillion building to the Academy.
The building had been built for the Independence of Brazil's Centenary International Exposition by the architect Ange-Jacques Gabriel, between 1762 and 1768 and was a replica of the Petit Trianon of Versailles. These facilities have been inscribed as Brazilian Cultural heritage since 9 November 1987 by the State Institute of Cultural Heritage, of the Municipal Secretary of Culture of Rio de Janeiro. To the present day, its halls continue to host regular meetings, solemn sessions, commemorative meetings and inauguration sessions of the new academics, as well as the traditional Thursdays' tea, they are open to the public for guided tours or for special cultural programs, such as chamber music concerts, book launches, conference cycles and theatre plays. In the buildings' first floor hall stands the decorated marble floor, a French crystal chandelier, a large white porcelain vase from Sèvres and four English bas-reliefs. Inside the building, the following premises stand out: the Noble Hall, where the solemn sessions take place.
On the second floor, one can find the Library the Tea Room. The Tea Room is the academics' meeting point on Thursdays; the Library holds a collection of Manuel Bandeira. During periods like the Vargas' totalitarian dictatorship or the Brazilian military government, the academy's neutrality in choosing proper members dedicated to the literary profession was compromised with the election of politicians with few or no contributions to literature, such as ex-president and dictator Getúlio Vargas in 1943; the Academy is accused of not having defended culture expression and freedom of speech during both Varga
Military dictatorship in Brazil
The Brazilian military government was the authoritarian military dictatorship that ruled Brazil from April 1, 1964 to March 15, 1985. It began with the 1964 coup d'état led by the Armed Forces against the administration of President João Goulart—who, having been vice-president, had assumed the office of president upon the resignation of the democratically elected president Jânio Quadros—and ended when José Sarney took office on March 15, 1985 as President; the military revolt was fomented by Magalhães Pinto, Adhemar de Barros, Carlos Lacerda, governors of Minas Gerais, São Paulo, Guanabara. The coup was supported by the State Department of the United States through its embassy; the military dictatorship lasted for twenty-one years. The regime adopted nationalism, economic development, anti-communism as its guidelines; the dictatorship reached the height of its popularity in the 1970s with the so-called "Brazilian Miracle" as the regime censored all media, tortured and exiled dissidents. João Figueiredo became President in March 1979.
While combating the "hardline" members of the regime and supporting a re-democratization policy, he couldn't control the crumbling economy, chronic inflation and concurrent fall of other military dictatorships in South America. Amid massive popular demonstrations in the streets of the main cities of the country, the first free elections in 20 years were held for the national legislature in 1982. In 1985, another election was held, this time to elect a new president, being contested between civilian candidates for the first time since the 1960s, won by the opposition. In 1988, a new Constitution was passed and Brazil returned to democracy. Since the military has remained under the control of civilian politicians, with no official role in domestic politics. Brazil's military regime provided a model for other military regimes and dictatorships around Latin America, systematizing the “Doctrine of National Security”, which "justified" the military's actions as operating in the interest of national security in a time of crisis, creating an intellectual basis upon which other military regimes relied.
In 2014, nearly 30 years after the regime collapsed, the Brazilian military recognized for the first time the excesses committed by its agents during the years of the dictatorship, including the torture and murder of political dissidents. In May 2018, the United States government released a memorandum, written by Henry Kissinger, dating back to April 1974, confirming that the leadership of the Brazilian military regime was aware of the killing of dissidents, it is estimated that 434 people were either confirmed killed or went missing during the military dictatorship in Brazil. While some human rights activists and others assert that the true figure could be much higher, the armed forces have always disputed this. Brazil's political crisis stemmed from the way in which the political tensions had been controlled in the 1930s and 1940s during the Vargas Era. Vargas' dictatorship and the presidencies of his democratic successors marked different stages of Brazilian populism, an era of economic nationalism, state-guided modernization, import substitution trade policies.
Vargas' policies were intended to foster an autonomous capitalist development in Brazil, by linking industrialization to nationalism, a formula based on a strategy of reconciling the conflicting interests of the middle class, foreign capital, the working class, the landed oligarchy. This was the epic of the rise and fall of Brazilian populism from 1930 to 1964: Brazil witnessed over the course of this time period the change from export-orientation of the First Brazilian Republic to the import substitution of the populist era and to a moderate structuralism of 1964–80; each of these structural changes forced a realignment in society and caused a period of political crisis. Period of right-wing military dictatorship marked the transition between populist era and the current period of democratization; the Brazilian Armed Forces acquired great political clout after the Paraguayan War. The politicization of the Armed Forces was evidenced by the Proclamation of the Republic, which overthrew the Empire, or within Tenentismo and the Revolution of 1930.
Tensions escalated again in the 1950s, as important military circles joined the elite, medium classes and right-wing activists in attempts to stop Presidents Juscelino Kubitschek and João Goulart from taking office, due to their supposed support for Communist ideology. While Kubitschek proved to be friendly to capitalist institutions, Goulart promised far-reaching reforms, expropriated business interests and promoted economical-political neutrality with the USA. After Goulart assumed power in 1961, society became polarized, with the elites fearing that Brazil would become another Cuba and join Communist Bloc, while many thought that the reforms would boost the growth of Brazil and end its economical subservience with the US, or that Goulart could be used to increase the popularity of the Communist agenda. Influential politicians, such as Carlos Lacerda and Kubitschek, media moguls, the Church, l
Paulo Salim Maluf is a Brazilian politician with a career spanning over four decades and many functions, including those of State Governor of São Paulo, Mayor of the City of São Paulo and Presidential candidate. As of 2011, Maluf is on a second consecutive term as Federal Deputy, his political base is founded on the provision of major public works. His career has been plagued with substantial allegations of corruption, although he was only convicted by Brazilian Courts in 2017, he is now under house arrest due to his poor health and advanced age. He is the president of the local branch, in the state of São Paulo, of the right-wing Progressive Party of Brazil, heir to the old National Renewal Alliance Party. Interpol has issued a Red Notice to arrest Maluf, extradite him and try him in the United States on charges of conspiracy and criminal possession. Paulo Salim Maluf, the son of Lebanese Christian immigrants Salim Farah Maluf and Maria Stephan Maluf, was born in São Paulo, graduated 1954 in engineering at the University of São Paulo, where coincidentally he was a colleague of the late Mário Covas, another important Brazilian politician who would become one of his biggest political rivals.
At the time a self-acknowledged playboy with a taste for fast-racing sportscars, Maluf entered professional politics thanks to his family's friendship with the military president Artur da Costa e Silva, with whom he shared a common interest in Horse racing bets. Banking on this friendship, he was to be appointed mayor of São Paulo in 1969, replacing the popular Faria Lima. In a manner similar to New York’s Robert Moses, he suspended the construction of the São Paulo Metro and built one of the most controversial constructions of Brazil: Costa e Silva elevated expressway known as Minhocão; this expressway is seen as responsible for the degradation of a great area of São Paulo’s downtown by placing a high-traffic elevated road in the middle of a residential area and is considered as the hallmark of the military dictatorship's – and Maluf's – authoritarian, road enhancement and private-car-friendly urban policies in São Paulo – its building being made possible only by the impossibility of a public reaction to it on the surrounding community's side.
In 1972, following his mayorship, he served as secretary of transport of the state of São Paulo. He would dispute a convention of the dictatorship's ruling party, ARENA –, supposed to be a rubber-stamping caucus aimed at choosing as official "candidate" to the state government the former governor Laudo Natel. Maluf, succeed in being appointed official candidate for the following indirect elections by the State Legislative – something he did by means of abundant personal promises to the convention's members – being afterwards elected governor for the state of São Paulo in 1978. During his ensuing term, Maluf used his position for advertising his prospective candidacy to the Presidency in the forthcoming 1985 indirect elections, by means of schemes such as donation of ambulances to impoverished municipalities in Northeastern Brazil, as well as decorating influential people with the State's chief decoration – having them flown to São Paulo free of charge and lodged in luxury hotels before the official decoration ceremony.
He spent wildly in public works, including in some schemes of doubtful validity, such as in an failed plan to move the state's capital city. It was because of such schemes that one of the most notable accusations of corruption against him emerged, concerning the oil company Paulipetro; this was a state company founded by Maluf during his tenure as governor with the purpose of digging the state for oil and which consumed around US$500 million whilst drilling 21 holes and finding nothing but a few pockets of natural gas and water. By Maluf had fostered a reputation "for engaging in corrupt machine politics". In 1982, he was elected federal deputy with a national record 672 629 votes and came to stand as the military's preferred presidential candidate for the 1985 presidential elections – the last to be held by means of an Electoral College – where he stood a good chance of winning, his overweening strategy, estranged him from most of the party bosses – the civilian caucus which had provided political support to the military dictatorship in the last twenty years.
That caused his PDS party to splinter into the PFL, a move that made good the mutual alienation between the ruling military scheme and its civilian base, something which resulted in the election of opposition candidate Tancredo Neves. Since Maluf only managed to get himself elected to the Executive once, in 1992, again as mayor of São Paulo, despite his participation in nearly every gubernatorial and mayoral election for São Paulo state and São Paulo city, with the exception of 1989 when he was a presidential candidate in the first direct presidential elections since 1960 – in what was a disastrous campaign, remembered in Brazilian political lore only because of Maluf's "antic", said at a speech made to Medical Faculty students in Belo Horizonte: declaring himself favourable to capital punishment in cases of rape followed by murder, he said jokingly that "if one has sexual urges, that's okay. Maluf remained a regional political force in São Paulo, the election of Celso Pitta as São Paulo city mayor being directly attributed to his endorsement.
When he ended his last mayoral term in 1996, he was considered the best mayor São Paulo had had up until receiving an 80%
Feudalism was a combination of legal and military customs in medieval Europe that flourished between the 9th and 15th centuries. Broadly defined, it was a way of structuring society around relationships derived from the holding of land in exchange for service or labour. Although derived from the Latin word feodum or feudum in use, the term feudalism and the system it describes were not conceived of as a formal political system by the people living in the Middle Ages. In its classic definition, by François-Louis Ganshof, feudalism describes a set of reciprocal legal and military obligations among the warrior nobility revolving around the three key concepts of lords and fiefs. A broader definition of feudalism, as described by Marc Bloch, includes not only the obligations of the warrior nobility but those of all three estates of the realm: the nobility, the clergy, the peasantry bound by manorialism. Since the publication of Elizabeth A. R. Brown's "The Tyranny of a Construct" and Susan Reynolds's Fiefs and Vassals, there has been ongoing inconclusive discussion among medieval historians as to whether feudalism is a useful construct for understanding medieval society.
There is no accepted modern definition of feudalism, at least among scholars. The adjective feudal was coined in the 17th century, the noun feudalism used in a political and propaganda context, was not coined until the 19th century, from the French féodalité, itself an 18th-century creation. In a classic definition by François-Louis Ganshof, feudalism describes a set of reciprocal legal and military obligations among the warrior nobility, revolving around the three key concepts of lords and fiefs, though Ganshof himself noted that his treatment related only to the "narrow, legal sense of the word". A broader definition, as described in Marc Bloch's Feudal Society, includes not only the obligations of the warrior nobility but those of all three estates of the realm: the nobility, the clergy, those living by their labour, most directly the peasantry bound by manorialism. Since the publication of Elizabeth A. R. Brown's "The Tyranny of a Construct" and Susan Reynolds's Fiefs and Vassals, there has been ongoing inconclusive discussion among medieval historians as to whether feudalism is a useful construct for understanding medieval society.
Outside a European context, the concept of feudalism is used only by analogy, most in discussions of feudal Japan under the shōguns, sometimes medieval and Gondarine Ethiopia. However, some have taken the feudalism analogy further, seeing feudalism in places as diverse as Spring and Autumn period in China, ancient Egypt, the Parthian empire, the Indian subcontinent and the Antebellum and Jim Crow American South; the term feudalism has been applied—often inappropriately or pejoratively—to non-Western societies where institutions and attitudes similar to those of medieval Europe are perceived to prevail. Some historians and political theorists believe that the term feudalism has been deprived of specific meaning by the many ways it has been used, leading them to reject it as a useful concept for understanding society; the term "féodal" was used in 17th-century French legal treatises and translated into English legal treatises as an adjective, such as "feodal government". In the 18th century, Adam Smith, seeking to describe economic systems coined the forms "feudal government" and "feudal system" in his book Wealth of Nations.
In the 19th century the adjective "feudal" evolved into a noun: "feudalism". The term feudalism is recent, first appearing in French in 1823, Italian in 1827, English in 1839, in German in the second half of the 19th century; the term "feudal" or "feodal" is derived from the medieval Latin word feodum. The etymology of feodum is complex with multiple theories, some suggesting a Germanic origin and others suggesting an Arabic origin. In medieval Latin European documents, a land grant in exchange for service was called a beneficium; the term feudum, or feodum, began to replace beneficium in the documents. The first attested instance of this is from 984, although more primitive forms were seen up to one-hundred years earlier; the origin of the feudum and why it replaced beneficium has not been well established, but there are multiple theories, described below. The most held theory was proposed by Johan Hendrik Caspar Kern in 1870, being supported by, amongst others, William Stubbs and Marc Bloch.
Kern derived the word from a putative Frankish term *fehu-ôd, in which *fehu means "cattle" and -ôd means "goods", implying "a moveable object of value." Bloch explains that by the beginning of the 10th century it was common to value land in monetary terms but to pay for it with moveable objects of equivalent value, such as arms, horses or food. This was known as feos, a term that took on the general meaning of paying for something in lieu of money; this meaning was applied to land itself, in which land was used to pay for fealty, such as to a vassal. Thus the old word feos meaning movable property changed little by little to feus meaning the exact opposite: landed property. Another theory was put forward by Archibald R. Lewis. Lewis said the origin of'fief' is not feudum, but rather foderum, the earliest attested use being in Astronomus's Vita Hludovici. In that text is a passage about Louis the Pious that says annona militaris quas vulgo foderum vocant, which can be translated as "Louis forbade that military provender (which they popular
Marly de Pádua Macieira Sarney is the wife of the former president of Brazil José Sarney. She was First Lady of Brazil during the presidency of her husband, between 1985 and 1990. Sarney married José Sarney on July 12, 1952
Antônio Carlos Magalhães
Antônio Carlos Peixoto de Magalhães was a Brazilian politician. His paternal grandparents were Portuguese, he served as Governor of Bahia three times and represented Bahia in the Senate of Brazil three times. Magalhães was one of Brazil's most powerful politicians serving as a Minister for Communications, as Leader of the Liberal Front Party and as President of the Federal Senate. Magalhães was born in 1927 in Salvador and went to medical school, his political career started at the age of 27. He was soon elected to the federal Chamber of Deputies. At first he was a protégé of Juscelino Kubitschek, the President of Brazil. Magalhães supported the military coup, he was appointed Mayor of Salvador and as the Governor of Bahia twice. He served as the head of the government's electricity agency, which enabled him to dispense patronage nationally. Magalhães was known for his harsh treatment of opponents of the regime and for his ability to make deals; this led to some of his opponents dubbing him "Toninho Malvaldeza".
In 1985, he switched allegiance to Tancredo Neves and helped José Sarney form the Liberal Front Party. Magalhães became the Minister for Communications in Sarney's Government allowing him to grant radio and television licenses to friends and supporters; when accused of corruption, he once said "I have good and bad friends, but I only govern with the good ones."In 1991, he was elected as Governor of Bahia for the third time before being elected to the Senate in 1994. He became the President of the Senate in 1997. Magalhães became the leader of the Liberal Front Party with the Social Democrat President of Brazil Fernando Henrique Cardoso relying on his support to pass legislation; this enabled Magalhães to have supporters placed in influential positions in the Government. When Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva of the left wing Workers' Party was elected President, Magalhães claimed that he came from "the Workers’ Party wing of the Liberal Front Party" and was successful in having supporters appointed in Silva's administration.
In January 2003 Senator-elect Magalhães shook hands with Fidel Castro as Castro was leaving a luncheon given in Brasília in Castro's honor. On Castro's way to and from state visits to Africa, Castro would stop in Salvador da Bahia and spend a couple of days sharing stories with Magalhães. Through this, right-winged Magalhães and communist Fidel Castro developed a friendship to the dismay of Castro's left-wing admirers in Brazil. Magalhães was forced to resign from the Senate in 2001 after being accused of looking at how fellow Senators voted on an impeachment issue, he was re-elected in 2002 and he continued to play an influential role in Brazilian politics until his death in 2007 from multiple organ failure. List of mayors of Salvador, Bahia