Junagadh pronunciation is the headquarters of Junagadh district in the Indian state of Gujarat. Located at the foot of the Girnar hills, 355 km southwest of the state capitals Gandhinagar and Ahmedabad, it is the 7th largest city in the state. Translated, Junagadh means "Old Fort". A different etymology derives the name from "Yonagadh", it is known as "Sorath", the name of the princely state of Junagadh. After a brief struggle between India and Pakistan, Junagadh joined India on 9 November 1947, it was a part of Saurashtra state and Bombay state. In 1960, in consequence of the Maha Gujarat movement, it became part of the newly formed Gujarat state. An early structure, Uparkot Fort, is located on a plateau in the middle of town, it was built in 319 BCE during the Mauryan dynasty by Chandragupta. The fort remained in use until the 6th century, when it was abandoned for about 300 years rediscovered by the Chudasama ruler Graharipu in 976 CE; the fort was subsequently besieged 16 times over an 1000-year period.
One unsuccessful siege lasted twelve years. Within 2 kilometres of Uparkot Fort is an inscription with fourteen Edicts of Ashoka on a large boulder; the inscriptions are in Brahmi script in a language similar to Pali and date from 250 BCE. On the same rock there is a inscription in Sanskrit, added around 150 CE by Mahakshatrap Rudradaman I, the Saka ruler of Malwa, a member of the Western Kshatrapas dynasty, and, described as "the earliest known Sanskrit inscription of any extent". Another inscription refers to Skandagupta, the last Gupta emperor. Old rock-cut Buddhist caves in this area, dating from well before 500 CE, have stone carvings and floral work. There are the Khapra Kodia Caves north of the fort, the Bava Pyara Caves south of the fort; the Bava Pyara caves contain artworks of both Jainism. The Maitraka dynasty ruled Gujarat from 475 to 767 CE; the founder of the dynasty, General Bhatarka, military governor of Saurashtra peninsula under the Gupta empire, established himself as the independent ruler of Gujarat around the last quarter of the 5th century.
The early history of the Chudasama dynasty – which ruled Saurashtra from Junagadh – is lost. The bardic legends differ much in the names and numbers of early rulers. According to tradition, the dynasty is said to have been founded in the late 9th century by Chudachandra. Subsequent rulers – such as Graharipu and Khengara – were in conflict with the Chaulukya rulers Mularaja and Jayasimha Siddharaja; these events are recorded in contemporary and Jain chronicles. After the end of the rule of the Chaulukyas and their successors, the Vaghela dynasty, in Gujarat, the Chudasamas ruled independently, or as vassals of successor states, the Delhi Sultanate and the Gujarat Sultanate. Mandalika I was the first Chudasama ruler known from inscriptions; the last king of the dynasty, Mandalika III, was defeated, forcibly converted to Islam, in 1472 by Gujarat Sultan Mahmud Begada, who annexed the state. The Uparkot Fort of Junagadh was occupied by the Chudasamas during the reign of Graharipu, it is said to have been rebuilt by Navaghana, who had transferred his capital from Vamanasthali to Junagadh.
He is credited with construction of the stepwells Navghan Kuvo and Adi Kadi Vav in the fort. His descendant Khengara is attributed with building a stepwell, Khengar Vav, on the way to Vanthali from Junagadh. Sultan Mahmud Begada changed the name of Junagadh to Mustafabad and built the fortifications around the town and the mosque in Uparkot Fort. Under the Gujarat Sultanate, Junagadh was governed by an official, styled thanadar, appointed directly by Ahmedabad; this official collected the revenue of the crown domain. The first thanadar was Tatar Khan, an adopted son of the Sultan and after him Mirza Khalil, the eldest son of the Sultan who afterwards succeeded him under the title of Sultan Muzaffar. Prince Khalil during his tenure of office founded; the Sultan installed Bhupatsingh, the son of the last Chudasama king, Mandalika III, in Junagadh as a jagirdar. The jagir allotted to Bhupatsingh was the Sil Bagasra Chovisi, they continued to rule there. Bhupatsingh was succeeded by his son Khengar.
After the accession of Sultan Muzafar, indeed during the latter part of Sultan Mahmud's reign, the seat of government was removed from Junagadh to Diu owing to the importance of that island as a naval station and to check the ravages of the Portuguese. Tatarkhan Ghori was left at Junagadh by Malik Eiaz. After the disgrace and death of Malik Eiaz, Tatarkhan Ghori became independent at Junagadh; this state of affairs continued until the first conquest of Gujarat by the Mughal emperor Akbar, when Aminkhan Ghori had succeeded his father Tatarkhan at Junagadh. When the Portuguese took over the ports of Diu and Daman in the 16th century, a fifteen-foot cannon, made in Egypt in 1531, was abandoned by a Turkish admiral opposing the Portuguese forces at Diu, now at Uparkot Fort. Ghori ruleIn 1525, Khengar was succeeded by his son Noghan. Tatarkhan Ghori had now become independent. In his time Jam Raval built Navanagar. In 15
The Azadpur Metro Station is an interchange station of the Delhi Metro. It provides interchanges between the Pink Line. From Ring road Azadpur bus stop- Delhi Transport Corporation bus routes number 78STL, 100, 100A, 100EXT, 101A, 101B, 101EXT, 103, 112, 113, 114, 120, 120A, 120B, 123, 124, 134, 135, 137, 140, 169, 169SPL, 171, 173, 191, 193, 195, 235, 259, 333, 341, 402, 402CL, 883, 901, 901CL, 921, 921CL, 921E, 921EXT, 971, 971A, 971B, 982, 982LSTL, TMS and TMS- Lajpat Nagar/ Azadpur serves the station. From Karnal road Azadpur bus stop- Delhi Transport Corporation bus routes number 17, 19A, 106A, 113EXT, 119, 129, 130, 136, 146, 154, 181, 181A, 183, 184, 805A serves the station. List of Delhi Metro stations Transport in Delhi Delhi Metro Rail Corporation Delhi Suburban Railway Delhi Transport Corporation North Delhi National Capital Region List of rapid transit systems List of metro systems Delhi Metro Rail Corporation Ltd. Delhi Metro Annual Reports "Station Information". Delhi Metro Rail Corporation Ltd..
Archived from the original on 19 June 2010. UrbanRail. Net – descriptions of all metro systems in the world, each with a schematic map showing all stations
Pete Spence was a small-time criminal known for his association with outlaw Cowboys Frank and Tom McLaury, Ike and Billy Clanton, of Tombstone, Arizona Territory. Spence was a suspect in the assassination of Morgan Earp, his wife Marietta Duarte testified that Spence and several friends had talked about killing Morgan, but the judge ruled her testimony inadmissible. Spence was first suspected of robbery in 1878 in Texas, he was suspected of stealing mules and a suspect in a stagecoach robbery outside Bisbee, Arizona. While a deputy sheriff, he pistol-whipped and killed a man for which he served 18 months of a five-year term before the governor pardoned him. In the 1880 Tombstone census he gave his age as age 28, born in Texas, listed his occupation as stock raiser, he was reported as having been born in Louisiana in 1850. Little is known about his youth, but he enlisted in the Texas Rangers under Captain Wallace in 1874. Ferguson was wanted for robbery in Goliad Co. Texas in 1878 and left the area for the Arizona Territory near Bisbee and Tombstone where he began using the name of Peter M. Spencer.
He was one of a number of outlaws from Texas who sought sanctuary on the American frontier and the wild west. Locally known as Cowboys, Tombstone resident George Parson wrote in his diary, "A Cowboy is a rustler at times, a rustler is a synonym for desperado—bandit and horse thief.". In Tombstone, Arizona Territory, Spence lived across the street from the Earps in a house which still stands in Tombstone. For a time he ran Vogan's Saloon. In October, 1880 Spence was charged with grand larceny on a charge of possessing stolen Mexican mules, but was not convicted. Spence was a business partner of Frank Stilwell in the Franklin Mine and other mining ventures, in a Bisbee saloon. On August 12, 1881, he married Marietta Duarte. On September 8, 1881, a passenger stage on the Sandy Bob line in the Tombstone, Arizona area bound for Bisbee was held up by two masked men, they robbed all of the passengers of their valuables. During their robbery the driver heard one of the robbers describe the money as "sugar", a phrase known to be used by Frank Stilwell.
Stilwell had until the prior month been a deputy for Sheriff Johnny Behan but had been fired for "accounting irregularities". Deputy U. S. Marshal Virgil Earp assisted by his brother Wyatt and Sheriff's posse led by Behan attempted to track the Bisbee stage robbers. At the scene of the holdup, Wyatt discovered an unusual boot print left by someone wearing a custom-repaired boot heel; the Earps checked a shoe repair shop in Bisbee known to provide widened boot heels, were able to link the boot print to Frank Stilwell. Stilwell had just arrived in Bisbee with Spence, his livery stable partner, Virgil and Wyatt arrested both of them at the stable, for the stage robbery, on September 10. Cowboy friends provided Stilwell and Spence with an alibi, saying they were elsewhere during the robbery, the state robbery charges were dropped. Spence and Stilwell were re-arrested on October 13 by Virgil Earp for the Bisbee robbery on a new federal charge of interfering with a mail carrier; the Cowboys saw the Earp's filing of federal charges as further evidence they were being unfairly harassed and targeted by the Earps.
They let. Local newspapers erroneously reported that Spence and Stilwell had been arrested for a different stage robbery that occurred on October 8 near Contention City. Stilwell was in jail in Tucson on these federal charges on the day of the gunfight on October 26, 1881, but Spence had been released several days before. At 10:50 p.m. on Saturday, March 18, 1882, Morgan Earp was shot by assailants who fired through a glass-windowed, locked door at the Campbell & Hatch Billiard Parlor in Tombstone. At the time, Morgan was playing a late round of billiards against owner Bob Hatch; the shooters narrowly missed Wyatt Earp, watching the game. Spence's wife, Marietta Duarte, testified at the coroner’s inquest that her husband, Frank Stilwell, Frederick Bode, Florentino "Indian Charlie" Cruz, a half-breed named Fries bragged about shooting Morgan, her husband had threatened her with violence. The coroner's jury concluded that Spence and his accomplices were the suspects in Morgan's assassination; when she was called to testify at Spence's preliminary hearing, the defense objected because her testimony was hearsay and because a spouse could not testify against her husband.
The judge dismissed the charges. However, when Wyatt Earp learned of the coroner's jury findings, he took action on his own. After escorting the still recuperating Virgil to the rail road in Tucson, he found Frank Stilwell lying in wait and killed him. Assembling a federal posse, he set out to find and kill the remaining Cowboys whose friends' alibis or legal technicalities had gotten them off. Spence owned a ranch and woodcutting camp at South Pass in the Dragoon Mountains, where he employed Indian Charlie Cruz. Cruz was the lookout during the Morgan Earp shooting. On March 20, 1882, Wyatt Earp and a federal posse asked for him, but Spence had turned himself in to Cochise County Sheriff Johnny Behan figuring he was safer behind bars. When the Earp posse learned Spence was in jail, they asked about Cruz, they soon killed him. In June 1883, Spence was working as a deputy sheriff in Georgetown, New Mexico, when he pistol-whipped Rodney O’Hara, killing him, he was convicted of manslaughter and sentenced to a five year term in the Arizona Territorial Penitentiary.
Less than 18 months he was granted a full pardon by the territorial governor. He operated a goat ranch sout
The North Bay is a subregion of the San Francisco Bay Area, in California, United States. The largest city is Santa Rosa, the fifth-largest city in the Bay Area, it is the location of the Napa and Sonoma wine regions, is the least populous and least urbanized part of the Bay Area. It consists of Marin, Napa and Sonoma counties; the North Bay is connected to San Francisco by the Golden Gate Bridge and to the East Bay by the Richmond–San Rafael Bridge, Carquinez Bridge and the Benicia–Martinez Bridge. Several ferry routes operate between the North Bay and San Francisco, from terminals located in Angel Island, Sausalito and Vallejo; the Sonoma–Marin Area Rail Transit, a commuter rail line from Larkspur to Cloverdale, was approved by voters in November 2008. Passenger service began between the Sonoma County Airport station and San Rafael in August 2017 and was completed as far south as Larkspur in 2019; the area is said to have been populated by Pomo Native Americans before European intervention. The Russians first settled the area at Fort Ross as a fur-trading post, but the area was settled by the Spanish-Mexican Alta California.
The Bear Flag Revolt took place in the town of Sonoma, the location of the last of the California Missions. General Mariano Guadalupe Vallejo, the last secretary to the Governor of California before its annexation to the United States, kept his home in Sonoma; the North Bay remained rural well into the 20th Century. The opening of the Golden Gate Bridge in the 1930s transformed Marin County from a dairy farming region into an upscale suburban area; until the 1990s, the region's growth was at a gradual pace, with significant restrictions on development being imposed in Marin and Napa Counties in the 1970s. The largest city in the North Bay is Santa Rosa, with a population of 175,000. Other major cities include: Vallejo 121,000 Fairfield 116,000 Vacaville 100,000 Napa 80,000 Petaluma 60,000 San Rafael 59,000 Novato 56,000 North Coast AVA North Coast San Pablo Bay National Wildlife Refuge
Carlos Reyes-Manzo is a social documentary photographer and poet. He studied with Bob Borowicz and Rafael Sánchez S. J. at the Instituto Filmico of the Pontificia Universidad Catolica de Chile and in 1964 began working as a photojournalist at Revista Vea in Zig Zag publishing. He was one of the leaders of the Regional Santiago-Litoral and of the Departamento Campesino of the Central Committee of the Socialist Party of Chile. From 1971 until the military coup of 11 September 1973 he worked at the 16mm department of Chile Films. A member of the Socialist Party in clandestinity, in June 1974 Reyes-Manzo was detained and imprisoned in torture centres and concentration camps, in the underground garage of La Moneda Presidential Palace, Londres 38, Tres Álamos, Cuatro Álamos, Cárcel Pública de Santiago, Puchuncaví-Melinka. Exiled under Decree 504 to Panama in September 1975, he worked as a photojournalist for Revista Senda, ACAN-EFE and Associated Press documenting social and political issues in Panama and Central America including the Nicaraguan Revolution and the negotiations for the handover of the Panama Canal from the United States.
In November 1979 he was kidnapped in Panama by the Chilean secret police and sent back to Chile via London where he escaped from the plane. Establishing the Andes Press Agency in 1982, a photographic agency and publishing house focusing on social and economic issues, Reyes-Manzo has been documenting people in Latin America, Africa and the Middle East who are marginalised from society and suffer human rights abuses, he was invited by Julian Filochowski, Director of CAFOD to accompany Cardinal Basil Hume to document the 1984 Ethiopia famine and the photographs were published in the book, I Was Hungry.... He returned to Ethiopia with Save the Children on the 20th anniversary of the famine and the exhibition "Beyond Band Aid: Ethiopia Then and Now 1984/2004" was held at The Bargehouse in London, he Planted His Cross Where the Moon Rises marking the 500th anniversary of the Spanish conquest of Latin America was held at the Barbican Centre in October 1992. A Portrait of the Family, an exhibition on the different concepts of family around the world sponsored by CAFOD was held in June 1994.
Dancing Dragons in the Night in 1996 highlighted the social and economic conditions of bonded labourers in Nepal and in India where many people from Nepal migrate to in search of a better life. A touring exhibition to raise awareness of the social and political divide between and within countries was held at a number of venues across the UK and Europe including Canterbury Christ Church University College. Reyes-Manzo travelled to Iraq in 2002 as part of a Caritas International delegation to document the effects of ten years of sanctions on the people of Iraq, the Christian communities. An exhibition was held in February 2003 at Foyles Gallery just before the invasion of Iraq. In May 2003 he returned to Iraq to document the suffering of the Christian communities during the war, he returned to Iraq with Save the Children in February 2004 to document the lives of children and Christian communities in Basra and a second exhibition was held in Foyles in March 2004. Impunity was held at The Oxo Gallery in London in February 2004 as part of Amnesty International's Stop Violence Against Women campaign.
The exhibition highlighted the murders of women in Ciudad Juarez, in Guatemala and the impunity of the perpetrators of the crimes. Resilience and Dreams: Women as Global Citizens was held at the University of Prince Edward Island in 2008 as part of the launch of a new course, Global Issues 151: Critical Thinking and Writing, and a social documentary study on six rural communities in Prince Edward Island was published in Voice of the Community, a collaborative project with a research team from UPEI led by Dr Vianne Timmons. In March 2009, Reyes-Manzo was invited to deliver the inaugural Forward Together lecture at the University of Regina where he presented a paper on Representation and Human Rights; the Faculty of International Education at Vancouver Island University invited Reyes-Manzo to hold Rights and Wrongs: The Resilience of the World's Indigenous People during International Development Week in February 2012. The following year the exhibition toured venues in Vancouver Island North in a collaborative project between VIU and North Island College.
Oranges in Times of Moon was published in 2006, that year Reyes-Manzo participated in the Sidaja International Festival of Poetry in Trieste. He was Amnesty International's inaugural poet-in-residence from 2011-2012 during its 50th anniversary year. During the residency he participated in Poetry and the State, an evening of poetry at Amnesty International's Human Rights Action Centre organized by Poet in the City and Modern Poetry in Translation. In November 2012 he was appointed as the first poet-in-residence at Buglife. Appointed first Ben Pimlott Writer-in-Residence in 2014, Reyes-Manzo is Associate Research Fellow at the Department of Politics, University of London where he graduated with a Master's degree in Global Politics in 2013; the exhibition Dwellings at the Peltz Gallery in Birkbeck's School of Arts in 2015 focused on housing as a fundamental human right, the effects of inadequate living conditions on the social development of individuals and communities. Across Frontiers ISBN 978-0-9527182-1-5 Oranges in Times of Moon ISBN 978-0-9527182-4-6 Voice of the Community ISBN 978-0-9527182-5-3 Resilience and Dreams: Women as Global Citizens ISBN 978-0-919013-57-5 Keeping Hope Alive: Who finds refuge in Britain?
The Revolt of the Chibata or Revolt of the Lash was a naval mutiny in Rio de Janeiro, Brazil, in late November 1910. It was the direct result of the use of whips by white naval officers when punishing Afro-Brazilian and mulatto enlisted sailors. In 1888, Brazil became the last country in the Western Hemisphere to abolish slavery; the move was opposed by Brazilian elites, they led a successful coup d'état in 1889. The resulting instability contributed to several revolts and rebellions, but at the beginning of the new century rising demand for coffee and rubber enabled Brazilian politicians to begin plotting the country's transformation into an international power. A key part of this would come from modernizing the Brazilian Navy, neglected since the revolution, by purchasing battleships of the new "dreadnought" type. While enormously expensive, these two dreadnoughts garnered much international attention before their delivery in 1910. Social conditions in the Brazilian Navy, were not keeping pace with the new technology.
Elite white officers were in charge of black and mulatto crews, many of whom had been forced into the navy on long-term contracts. These officers utilized corporal punishment on their crewmen for minor offenses, something, banned in most other countries and in the rest of Brazil. In response, sailors used the new warships for a planned and executed mutiny on 22 November 1910, they took control of both new dreadnoughts, one of the cruisers and an older warship—a total that gave the mutineers the kind of firepower that dwarfed the rest of the Brazilian Navy. Led by João Cândido Felisberto, the mutineers sent a letter to the government that demanded an end to what they called the "slavery" being practiced by the navy. While the executive branch of the Brazilian government plotted to retake or sink the rebelling warships, they were hampered by personnel distrust and equipment problems. At the same time, Congress—led by Rui Barbosa, a senator—pursued a route of amnesty, appointing a former navy captain as their liaison to the rebels.
This latter route was successful, a bill granting amnesty to all involved and ending the use of corporal punishment passed the lower house by a veto-proof margin. However, many of the sailors were discharged from the navy, after an unrelated second rebellion took place a few weeks many of the original mutineers were rounded up and thrown into jail or sent to work camps on the rubber plantations to the north. In the years preceding the revolt, the Brazilian populace saw frequent changes in the country's political and social climate. For example, in May 1888, slavery in Brazil was abolished with the enactment into law of the Lei Áurea, a law vehemently opposed by the Brazilian upper class and plantation owners; this discontent among the upper parts of society directly led to a peaceful coup d'état spearheaded by the army and led by Benjamin Constant and Marshal Deodoro da Fonseca. Pedro II and his family were and sent into exile in Europe; the next decade was marked by several rebellions against the new political order, including naval revolts, the Federalist Rebellion, the War of Canudos, the Vaccine Revolt, during which the quality of the Brazilian Navy declined relative to its neighbors thanks to an Argentine–Chilean naval arms race.
By the turn of the twentieth century, an antiquated Brazilian naval fleet with just forty-five percent of its authorized personnel and only two modern armored warships could be faced by Argentine and Chilean navies filled with ships ordered in the last decade. However, at the dawn of the new century, rising demand for coffee and rubber gave the Brazilian government an influx of revenue. Contemporary writers estimated that seventy-five to eighty percent of the world's coffee supply was grown in Brazil. Prominent Brazilian politicians, most notably Pinheiro Machado and the Baron of Rio Branco, moved to have the country recognized as an international power, as they believed that the short-term windfall would continue. A strong navy was seen as crucial to this goal; the National Congress of Brazil drew up and passed a large naval acquisition program in late 1904, but it was two years before any ships were ordered. While they first ordered three small battleships, the launch of the revolutionary British Dreadnought—which heralded a new and powerful type of warship—caused the Brazilians to cancel their order in favor of two dreadnoughts.
These ships would be named Minas Geraes and São Paulo, would be accompanied by two smaller cruisers and Rio Grande do Sul, ten destroyers of the Pará class. This technological modernization in the Brazilian Navy was not matched by social change, tensions between the Brazilian Navy's officer corps versus the regular crewmembers kindled much unrest. A quote from the Baron of Rio Branco, the esteemed politician and professional diplomat, shows one of the sources of tension: "For the recruitment of marines and enlisted men, we bring aboard the dregs of our urban centers, the most worthless lumpen, without preparation of any sort. Ex-slaves and the sons of slaves make up our ships' crews, most of them dark-skinned or dark-skinned mulattos." Racial differences in the Brazilian Navy would have been apparent to an observer at the time: the officers in charge of the ship were nearly all white, while the crews were black or, to a lesser extent, mulatto. The visual differences belied deeper distinctions: darker-skinned crewmen, who by the time of the revolt would have been older