1.
Vienna
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Vienna is the capital and largest city of Austria and one of the nine states of Austria. Vienna is Austrias primary city, with a population of about 1.8 million, and its cultural, economic and it is the 7th-largest city by population within city limits in the European Union. Today, it has the second largest number of German speakers after Berlin, Vienna is host to many major international organizations, including the United Nations and OPEC. The city is located in the part of Austria and is close to the borders of the Czech Republic, Slovakia. These regions work together in a European Centrope border region, along with nearby Bratislava, Vienna forms a metropolitan region with 3 million inhabitants. In 2001, the city centre was designated a UNESCO World Heritage Site, apart from being regarded as the City of Music because of its musical legacy, Vienna is also said to be The City of Dreams because it was home to the worlds first psycho-analyst – Sigmund Freud. The citys roots lie in early Celtic and Roman settlements that transformed into a Medieval and Baroque city and it is well known for having played an essential role as a leading European music centre, from the great age of Viennese Classicism through the early part of the 20th century. The historic centre of Vienna is rich in architectural ensembles, including Baroque castles and gardens, Vienna is known for its high quality of life. In a 2005 study of 127 world cities, the Economist Intelligence Unit ranked the city first for the worlds most liveable cities, between 2011 and 2015, Vienna was ranked second, behind Melbourne, Australia. Monocles 2015 Quality of Life Survey ranked Vienna second on a list of the top 25 cities in the world to make a base within, the UN-Habitat has classified Vienna as being the most prosperous city in the world in 2012/2013. Vienna regularly hosts urban planning conferences and is used as a case study by urban planners. Between 2005 and 2010, Vienna was the worlds number-one destination for international congresses and it attracts over 3.7 million tourists a year. The English name Vienna is borrowed from the homonymous Italian version of the name or the French Vienne. The etymology of the name is still subject to scholarly dispute. Some claim that the name comes from Vedunia, meaning forest stream, which produced the Old High German Uuenia. A variant of this Celtic name could be preserved in the Czech and Slovak names of the city, the name of the city in Hungarian, Serbo-Croatian and Ottoman Turkish has a different, probably Slavonic origin, and originally referred to an Avar fort in the area. Slovene-speakers call the city Dunaj, which in other Central European Slavic languages means the Danube River, evidence has been found of continuous habitation since 500 BC, when the site of Vienna on the Danube River was settled by the Celts. In 15 BC, the Romans fortified the city they called Vindobona to guard the empire against Germanic tribes to the north
2.
Austria-Hungary
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The union was a result of the Austro-Hungarian Compromise of 1867 and came into existence on 30 March 1867. Austria-Hungary consisted of two monarchies, and one region, the Kingdom of Croatia-Slavonia under the Hungarian crown. It was ruled by the House of Habsburg, and constituted the last phase in the evolution of the Habsburg Monarchy. Following the 1867 reforms, the Austrian and the Hungarian states were co-equal, Foreign affairs and the military came under joint oversight, but all other governmental faculties were divided between respective states. Austria-Hungary was a state and one of the worlds great powers at the time. Austria-Hungary was geographically the second-largest country in Europe after the Russian Empire, at 621,538 km2, the Empire built up the fourth-largest machine building industry of the world, after the United States, Germany, and the United Kingdom. After 1878, Bosnia and Herzegovina was under Austro-Hungarian military and civilian rule until it was annexed in 1908. The annexation of Bosnia also led to Islam being recognized as a state religion due to Bosnias Muslim population. Austria-Hungary was one of the Central Powers in World War I and it was already effectively dissolved by the time the military authorities signed the armistice of Villa Giusti on 3 November 1918. The realms full, official name was The Kingdoms and Lands Represented in the Imperial Council, each enjoyed considerable sovereignty with only a few joint affairs. Certain regions, such as Polish Galicia within Cisleithania and Croatia within Transleithania, enjoyed autonomous status, the division between Austria and Hungary was so marked that there was no common citizenship, one was either an Austrian citizen or a Hungarian citizen, never both. This also meant that there were always separate Austrian and Hungarian passports, however, neither Austrian nor Hungarian passports were used in the Kingdom of Croatia-Slavonia-Dalmatia. Instead, the Kingdom issued its own passports which were written in Croatian and French and it is not known what kind of passports were used in Bosnia-Herzegovina, which was under the control of both Austria and Hungary. The Kingdom of Hungary had always maintained a separate parliament, the Diet of Hungary, the administration and government of the Kingdom of Hungary remained largely untouched by the government structure of the overarching Austrian Empire. Hungarys central government structures remained well separated from the Austrian imperial government, the country was governed by the Council of Lieutenancy of Hungary – located in Pressburg and later in Pest – and by the Hungarian Royal Court Chancellery in Vienna. The Hungarian government and Hungarian parliament were suspended after the Hungarian revolution of 1848, despite Austria and Hungary sharing a common currency, they were fiscally sovereign and independent entities. Since the beginnings of the union, the government of the Kingdom of Hungary could preserve its separated. After the revolution of 1848–1849, the Hungarian budget was amalgamated with the Austrian, from 1527 to 1851, the Kingdom of Hungary maintained its own customs controls, which separated her from the other parts of the Habsburg-ruled territories
3.
Pickering, Ontario
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Pickering is a city located in Southern Ontario, Canada, immediately east of Toronto in Durham Region. It was settled by primarily ethnic British colonists, starting in the 1770s, most of its growth has come since the end of World War II, and it has received immigrants from around the globe. This was Aboriginal territory for thousands of years, the Wyandot, who spoke an Iroquoian language, were the historic people living here in the 15th century. Archeological remains of a village have been found here, known as the Draper Site. Later, the Wyandot moved northwest to Georgian Bay, where they established their historic homeland, there they encountered French explorers in the early 17th century, followed by missionaries and fur traders. The Onondaga were among the Five Tribes of the Iroquois Confederacy, the British took over Canada following defeat of the French in the Seven Years War, known in the North American front as the French and Indian War. They likely completed survey of the township about 1776, British colonial settlers were steadily migrating into the area from areas of Canada. The town was named after Pickering, North Yorkshire, in the 1813 census, Pickering had 180 residents —40 more than neighbouring Scarborough. A large influx of Quaker immigrants from the eastern United States arrived in the early 1810s, the main thoroughfare at this time was the Kingston Road, which cut through the south of the township on its way from York east to Kingston. Pickering was represented in the Mackenzie Rebellion of 1837, one of the leaders, Peter Matthews, had formerly been one of the most prominent members of the community. In 1941, the portion of the township became the independent town of Ajax. Ontario County, Ontario became Durham Region in 1974, and some of the lines were modified. As a result, one of the centres of the original township, Pickering Village, became part of Ajax. Pickering has planned a downtown intensification program which includes new condominium developments around the Pickering GO station, Toronto, Markham, and Rouge Park border Pickering on the west, Ajax borders Pickering on the east, and Lake Ontario forms Pickerings southern boundary. Pickering has experienced growth in the post-war period in the second half of the twentieth century. Torontos continuing growth led to people moving into Pickering. Between 1996 and 2001, the municipality experienced a growth rate of 10.3 percent, population growth has slowed considerably in recent years, growing only slightly between the 2001 and 2011 census. The low population growth is due to the citys development restrictions on land in the northern portion of its area
4.
Ontario
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Ontario, one of the 13 provinces and territories of Canada, is located in east-central Canada. It is Canadas most populous province by a margin, accounting for nearly 40 percent of all Canadians. Ontario is fourth-largest in total area when the territories of the Northwest Territories and it is home to the nations capital city, Ottawa, and the nations most populous city, Toronto. There is only about 1 km of land made up of portages including Height of Land Portage on the Minnesota border. Ontario is sometimes divided into two regions, Northern Ontario and Southern Ontario. The great majority of Ontarios population and arable land is located in the south, in contrast, the larger, northern part of Ontario is sparsely populated with cold winters and is heavily forested. The province is named after Lake Ontario, a thought to be derived from Ontarí, io, a Huron word meaning great lake, or possibly skanadario. Ontario has about 250,000 freshwater lakes, the province consists of three main geographical regions, The thinly populated Canadian Shield in the northwestern and central portions, which comprises over half the land area of Ontario. Although this area mostly does not support agriculture, it is rich in minerals and in part covered by the Central and Midwestern Canadian Shield forests, studded with lakes, Northern Ontario is subdivided into two sub-regions, Northwestern Ontario and Northeastern Ontario. The virtually unpopulated Hudson Bay Lowlands in the north and northeast, mainly swampy. Southern Ontario which is further sub-divided into four regions, Central Ontario, Eastern Ontario, Golden Horseshoe, the highest point is Ishpatina Ridge at 693 metres above sea level located in Temagami, Northeastern Ontario. In the south, elevations of over 500 m are surpassed near Collingwood, above the Blue Mountains in the Dundalk Highlands, the Carolinian forest zone covers most of the southwestern region of the province. A well-known geographic feature is Niagara Falls, part of the Niagara Escarpment, the Saint Lawrence Seaway allows navigation to and from the Atlantic Ocean as far inland as Thunder Bay in Northwestern Ontario. Northern Ontario occupies roughly 87 percent of the area of the province. Point Pelee is a peninsula of Lake Erie in southwestern Ontario that is the southernmost extent of Canadas mainland, Pelee Island and Middle Island in Lake Erie extend slightly farther. All are south of 42°N – slightly farther south than the border of California. The climate of Ontario varies by season and location, the effects of these major air masses on temperature and precipitation depend mainly on latitude, proximity to major bodies of water and to a small extent, terrain relief. In general, most of Ontarios climate is classified as humid continental, Ontario has three main climatic regions
5.
Economic sociology
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Economic sociology is the study of the social cause and effect of various economic phenomena. The field can be divided into a classical period and a contemporary one. The classical period was concerned particularly with modernity and its constituent aspects which are rationalisation, secularisation, urbanisation, social stratification, as sociology arose primarily as a reaction to capitalist modernity, economics played a role in much classic sociological inquiry. The specific term economic sociology was first coined by William Stanley Jevons in 1879, later to be used in the works of Émile Durkheim, Max Weber and Georg Simmel between 1890 and 1920. The relationship between capitalism and modernity is a salient issue, perhaps best demonstrated in Webers The Protestant Ethic, Economic sociology may be said to have begun with Tocquevilles Democracy in America and The Old Regime and the Revolution. Marxs historical materialism would attempt to demonstrate how economic forces influence the structure of society on a fundamental level, Émile Durkheims The Division of Labour in Society was published in 1922, whilst Max Webers Economy and Society was released in the same year. Contemporary economic sociology focuses particularly on the consequences of economic exchanges, the social meanings they involve. To this may be added Amitai Etzioni, who has developed the idea of socioeconomics, the focus on mathematical analysis and utility maximisation during the 20th century has led some to see economics as a discipline moving away from its roots in the social sciences. Many critiques of economics or economic policy begin from the accusation that abstract modelling is missing some key social phenomenon that needs to be addressed, Economic sociology is an attempt by sociologists to redefine in sociological terms questions traditionally addressed by economists. The concept of embeddedness serves sociologists who study technological developments, mark Granovetter and Patrick McGuire mapped the social networks which determined the economics of the electrical industry in the United States. Ronen Shamir analyzed how electrification in Mandatory Palestine facilitated the creation of an ethnic-based dual-economy, polanyis form of market skepticism, however, has been criticized for intensifying rather than limiting the economization of society. These works elaborated the concept of embeddedness, which states that relations between individuals or firms take place within existing social relations. Social network analysis has been the primary methodology for studying this phenomenon, granovetters theory of the strength of weak ties and Ronald Burts concept of structural holes are two best known theoretical contributions of this field. Modern Marxist thought has focused on the implications of capitalism. Economic sociology is sometimes synonymous with socioeconomics, at the turn of the 20th century, ethnic whites tended to migrate to urban enclaves on the East Coast and parts of the Midwest. Mexican immigrants settled along South-west border, Chinese immigrants, prior to the Chinese exclusion act, moved and settled along the Pacific states. The regulation of immigrants ebbed and flowed according to demands of the labor market. Examples include availability of work, railroad building, and steel production or lack of home countrys ability to provide adequate career opportunities
6.
Economic history
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Economic history is the study of economies or economic phenomena of the past. Analysis in economic history is using a combination of historical methods, statistical methods. The topic includes financial and business history and overlaps with areas of history such as demographic. The quantitative – in this case, econometric – study of history is also known as cliometrics. In Germany in the late 19th century, scholars in a number of universities, led by Gustav von Schmoller and it ignored quantitative and mathematical approaches. Historical approach dominated German and French scholarship for most of the 20th century, the approach was spread to Great Britain by William Ashley, 1860-1927, and dominated British economic history for much of the 20th century. In France, economic history was influenced by the Annales School from the early 20th century to the present. It exerts an influence through its Journal Annales. Treating economic history as an academic discipline has been a contentious issue for many years. Academics at the London School of Economics and the University of Cambridge had numerous disputes over the separation of economics, Cambridge economists believed that pure economics involved a component of economic history and that the two were inseparably entangled. Those at the LSE believed that economic history warranted its own courses, research agenda, in the initial period of the subjects development, the LSE position of separating economic history from economics won out. Many universities in the UK developed independent programmes in economic history rooted in the LSE model, indeed, the Economic History Society had its inauguration at LSE in 1926 and the University of Cambridge eventually established its own economic history programme. However, the past twenty years have witnessed the widespread closure of these programmes in the UK. Only the LSE retains a separate economic history department and stand-alone undergraduate and graduate programme in economic history, Cambridge, Glasgow, the LSE and Oxford together train the vast majority of economic historians coming through the British higher education system today. Meanwhile, in the US, the field of history has in recent decades been largely subsumed into other fields of economics and is seen as a form of applied economics. As a consequence, there are no specialist economic history graduate programs at any universities anywhere in the country, the former study revolves around events, or facts, the latter, around tendencies. The former is primarily economic history, the latter is primarily economic science, both sorts of studies are proper and important. US economic historian Charles P. Kindleberger explained this position in his 1990 book Historical Economics, the new economic history, also known as cliometrics, refers to the systematic use of economic theory and/or econometric techniques to the study of economic history
7.
Economic anthropology
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Economic anthropology is a field that attempts to explain human economic behavior in its widest historic, geographic and cultural scope. It is practiced by anthropologists and has a relationship with the discipline of economics. For the most part, studies in economic anthropology focus on exchange, in contrast, the Marxian school known as political economy focuses on production. Post-World War II, economic anthropology was influenced by the work of economic historian Karl Polanyi. Polanyi drew on anthropological studies to argue that true market exchange was limited to a number of western. Applying formal economic theory to non-industrial societies was mistaken, he argued, in non-industrial societies, exchange was embedded in such non-market institutions as kinship, religion, and politics. The Formalist vs Substantivist debate was highly influential and defined an era, neo-substantivists examine the ways in which so-called pure market exchange in market societies fails to fit market ideology. Economic anthropologists have abandoned the primitivist niche they were relegated to by economists and they now study the operations of corporations, banks, and the global financial system from an anthropological perspective. Malinowski carefully traced the network of exchanges of bracelets and necklaces across the Trobriand Islands and he stated that this exchange system was clearly linked to political authority. In the 1920s and later, Malinowskis study became the subject of debate with the French anthropologist, Marcel Mauss, malinowski emphasised the exchange of goods between individuals, and their non-altruistic motives for giving, they expected a return of equal or greater value. In other words, reciprocity is an part of gifting. Mauss, in contrast, has emphasized that the gifts were not between individuals, but between representatives of larger collectivities and these gifts were, he argued, a total prestation. Given the stakes, Mauss asked why anyone would give them away and his answer was an enigmatic concept, hau, the spirit of the gift. A good part of the confusion was due to a bad translation, Mauss appeared to be arguing that a return gift is given to keep the very relationship between givers alive, a failure to return a gift ends the relationship and the promise of any future gifts. Mauss concept of total prestations has been developed in the later 20th century by Annette Weiner, malinowski missed this and ignored womens exchanges in his study. Secondly, Weiner has developed Mauss argument about reciprocity and the spirit of the gift in terms of inalienable possessions, Weiner contrasts moveable goods, which can be exchanged, with immoveable goods, which serve to draw the gifts back. She argues that the specific goods given, such as Crown Jewels, are so identified with groups that, even when given. Not all societies, however, have these kinds of goods, French anthropologist Maurice Godelier pushed the analysis further in The Enigma of the Gift
8.
Historical school of economics
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The historical school of economics was an approach to academic economics and to public administration that emerged in the 19th century in Germany, and held sway there until well into the 20th century. The professors involved compiled massive economic histories of Germany and Europe, the school was opposed by theoretical economists. Prominent leaders included Gustav von Schmoller, and Max Weber in Germany, the school rejected the universal validity of economic theorems. They saw economics as resulting from careful empirical and historical analysis instead of from logic, the school also preferred reality, historical, political, and social, as well as economic, to mathematical modelling. Most members of the school were also Sozialpolitiker, i. e. concerned with social reform and they were more disparagingly referred to as Kathedersozialisten, rendered in English as socialists of the chair, due to their positions as professors. The historical school was involved in the Methodenstreit with the Austrian school, whose orientation was more theoretical, the historical school had a significant impact on Britain, 1860s–1930s. Thorold Rogers was the Tooke Professor of Statistics and Economic Science at Kings College London and he is best known for compiling the monumental A History of Agriculture and Prices in England from 1259 to 1793, which is still useful to scholars. William Ashley introduced British scholars to the school as developed in Germany. In the United States the school influenced the economists, such as Thorstein Veblen. More importantly, numerous aspiring economists undertook graduate studies at German universities, including John Bates Clark, Richard T. Ely, Jeremiah Jenks, Simon Patten, canadian scholars influenced by the school were led by Harold Innis at Toronto. The staple thesis dominated economic history in Canada 1930s–1960s, and is used by some. After 1930 the historical school declined or disappeared in most economics departments and it lingered in history departments and business schools. The major influence in the 1930s and 1940s was Joseph Schumpeter with his dynamic, change-oriented, alfred D. Chandler, Jr. had a major impact on approaching business issues through historical studies. This school heavily critiqued the deductive approach of the classical economists and this school revered the inductive process and called for the merging of historical fact with those of the present period. Included in this school are, William Whewell, Richard Jones, Walter Bagehot, Thorold Rogers, Arnold Toynbee, German Historism Institutional economics, a related school developed in the United States German Historical School of Law Productivity improving technologies Avtonomov, Vladimir, and Georgy Gloveli. The influence of the German Historical School on economic theory and economic thought in Russia, the German Historical School and European Economic Thought, 185+. The encyclopedia of social reform, including economy, political science, sociology. Backhaus, Jürgen G. ed. Gustav Schmoller and the Problems of Today, backhaus, Jürgen G. ed. Essays in Social Security and Taxation
9.
Robert Owen
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Robert Owen was a Welsh social reformer and one of the founders of utopian socialism and the cooperative movement. He worked in the industry in Manchester before setting up a large mill at New Lanark in Scotland. In 1824, Owen travelled to America to invest the bulk of his fortune in an experimental 1, 000-member colony on the banks of Indianas Wabash River, New Harmony was intended to be a Utopian society. Robert Owen was born in Newtown a small town in Montgomeryshire, Mid Wales. He was the sixth of seven children and his father, also named Robert Owen, had a small business as a saddler and ironmonger. Owens mother came from a farming family called Williams. There Owen received almost all his education, which ended at the age of ten. In 1787, after serving in a shop for some years. He moved to Manchester, and was employed at Satterfields Drapery in St Anns Square, with money borrowed from his brother he set up a workshop making spinning mules but exchanged the business for 6 spinning mules, which he operated in a rented space. His entrepreneurial spirit, management skill and progressive moral views were emerging by the early 1790s, in 1793, he was elected as a member of the Manchester Literary and Philosophical Society, where the ideas of reformers and philosophers of the Enlightenment were discussed. During a visit to Scotland, Owen fell in love with Caroline Dale, Owen convinced his partners to buy New Lanark, and after his marriage to Caroline in September 1799, he made his home there. He was a manager and part-owner of the mills, encouraged by his success in the management of cotton mills in Manchester, he hoped to conduct New Lanark on higher principles than purely commercial ones. The mill of New Lanark had been started in 1785 by David Dale, the water power provided by the falls of the River Clyde made it a great attraction. About 2,000 people had associations with the mills,500 of whom were brought at the age of five or six from the poorhouses and charities of Edinburgh. The children were treated by Dale, but the general condition of the people was unsatisfactory. Many of the workers were in the lowest levels of the population, theft, drunkenness, and other vices were common, education and sanitation were neglected, the respectable country people refused to submit to the long hours and demoralising drudgery of the mills. Many employers operated the system, and paid workers in part or totally by tokens. These tokens had no value outside the mill owners truck shop, the owners could supply shoddy goods to the truck shop and charge top prices
10.
G. D. H. Cole
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George Douglas Howard Cole was an English political theorist, economist, writer and historian. As a libertarian socialist he was a member of the Fabian Society. He and his wife, Margaret Cole, together wrote many detective stories, featuring the investigators Superintendent Wilson, Everard Blatchington. Cole was educated at St Pauls School and Balliol College, Oxford, as a conscientious objector during the First World War, Coles involvement in the campaign against conscription introduced him to a co-worker, Margaret Postgate, whom he married in 1918. The couple both worked for the Fabian Society for the six years before moving to Oxford, where Cole started writing for the Manchester Guardian. Meanwhile, he authored several economic and historical works including biographies of William Cobbett. In 1925, he became reader in economics at University College, in 1944, Cole became the first Chichele Professor of Social and Political Theory at Oxford. He was succeeded in the chair by Isaiah Berlin in 1957, Cole was initially a pacifist, however, he abandoned this position around 1938, Hitler cured me of pacifism. He was listed in the Black Book of prominent subjects to be arrested in the case of an invasion of Britain. Cole became interested in Fabianism while studying at Balliol College, Oxford and he joined the Fabian Societys executive under the sponsorship of Sidney Webb. Cole became a proponent of Guild Socialist ideas, a libertarian socialist alternative to Marxist political economy. These ideas he put forward in The New Age before and during the First World War, and also in the pages of The New Statesman, Cole said his interest in socialism was kindled by his reading News from Nowhere, the utopian novel by William Morris. In 1936 Cole began calling for a Popular Front movement in Britain, Cole was a powerful influence on the life of the young Harold Wilson, whom he taught, worked with and convinced to join the Labour Party. Before him, Hugh Gaitskell was a student of Coles, Cole wrote at least seven books for the Left Book Club, all of which were published by Victor Gollancz Ltd. These are marked with LBC in the list of his books given below, much better be ruled by Stalin than by the destructive and monopolistic cliques which dominate Western capitalism. Cole contributed to An Outline of Modern Knowledge, ed. William Rose along with other leading authorities of the time, including Roger Fry, C. G. Seligman, Maurice Dobb and F. J. C. The Brooklyn Murders Cole, G. D. H. and Cole, the Death of a Millionaire Cole, G. D. H. and Cole, M. I. The Blatchington Tangle Cole, G. D. H. and Cole, the Murder at Crome House Cole, G. D. H. and Cole, M. I
11.
R. H. Tawney
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Richard Henry R. H. Tawney was an English economic historian, social critic, ethical socialist, Christian socialist, and an important proponent of adult education. The Oxford Companion to British History explained that Tawney made a significant impact in all four of these interrelated roles. A. L. Rowse goes further by insisting that Tawney exercised the widest influence of any historian of his time, politically, socially and, above all, born in Calcutta, British India, Tawney was the son of the Sanskrit scholar Charles Henry Tawney. He was educated at Rugby School, arriving on the day as William Temple. He studied modern history at Balliol College, Oxford, the Colleges strong ethic of social service combined with Tawneys own deep and enduring Anglicanism helped shape his sense of social responsibility. After graduating from Oxford in 1903, he and his friend William Beveridge lived at Toynbee Hall, the experience was to have a profound effect upon him. He realised that charity was insufficient and major change was required to bring about social justice for the poor. Whilst Tawney remained a regular churchgoer, his Christian faith remained a personal affair, for three years from January 1908, Tawney taught the first Workers Educational Association tutorial classes at Longton, Stoke-on-Trent and Rochdale, Lancashire. For a time, until he moved to Manchester after marrying Jeanette, to fulfil his teaching commitments to the WEA, he travelled first to Longton for the evening class every Friday, before travelling north to Rochdale for the Saturday afternoon class. Tawney clearly saw these classes as a learning process. The friendly smitings of weavers, potters, miners and engineers, have taught me much about the problem of political, during the First World War, Tawney served as a Sergeant in the 22nd Manchester Regiment. He turned down a commission as an officer as a result of his political beliefs and he served at the Battle of the Somme, where he was wounded twice on the first day and had to lie in no mans land for 30 hours until a medical officer evacuated him. He was transported to a French field hospital and later evacuated to Britain, the war led Tawney to grapple with the nature of original sin. The goodness we have reached is a built on piles driven into black slime and always slipping down into it unless we are building night. It also heightened his sense of urgency for meaningful social, economic, in 1918, he largely wrote Christianity and Industrial Problems, the fifth report from a Church of England commission which included a number of bishops. Notable for its socialist flavour, the set the tone for most Anglican post-war social thinking. Tawneys first important work as a historian was The Agrarian Problem in the Sixteenth Century and he was a Fellow of Balliol College from 1918 to 1921. From 1917 to 1931, he was a lecturer at the London School of Economics, in 1926 he helped found the Economic History Society with Sir William Ashley, amongst others, and became the joint editor of its journal, The Economic History Review
12.
Karl Marx
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Karl Marx was a Prussian-born philosopher, economist, sociologist, journalist, and revolutionary socialist. Born in Trier to a family, he later studied political economy. His work has influenced subsequent intellectual, economic, and political history. These economic critiques were set out in works such as the three volumes, published between 1867 and 1894, that comprise Das Kapital. According to Marx, states are run in the interests of the class but are nonetheless represented as being in favor of the common interest of all. He predicted that, like previous socioeconomic systems, capitalism produced internal tensions which would lead to its self-destruction and replacement by a new system, socialism. Marx actively fought for its implementation, arguing that the class should carry out organised revolutionary action to topple capitalism. Marx has been described as one of the most influential figures in human history and his work in economics laid the basis for much of the current understanding of labour and its relation to capital, and subsequent economic thought. Many intellectuals, labour unions, artists and political parties worldwide have been influenced by Marxs work, Marx is typically cited as one of the principal architects of modern sociology and social science. Karl Marx was born on 5 May 1818 to Heinrich Marx and he was born at Brückengasse 664 in Trier, a town then part of the Kingdom of Prussias Province of the Lower Rhine. Marx was ancestrally Jewish, his grandfather was a Dutch rabbi, while his paternal line had supplied Triers rabbis since 1723. Marx was also a cousin once removed of German Romantic poet Heinrich Heine, also born to a German Jewish family in the Rhineland. Largely non-religious, Heinrich was a man of the Enlightenment, interested in the ideas of the philosophers Immanuel Kant, a classical liberal, he took part in agitation for a constitution and reforms in Prussia, then governed by an absolute monarchy. In 1815 Heinrich Marx began work as an attorney, in 1819 moving his family to a property near the Porta Nigra. Her sister Sophie Pressburg, was Marxs aunt and was married to Lion Philips Marxs uncle through this marriage, Lion Philips was a wealthy Dutch tobacco manufacturer and industrialist, upon whom Karl and Jenny Marx would later often come to rely for loans while they were exiled in London. Little is known of Karl Marxs childhood, the third of nine children, he became the oldest son when his brother Moritz died in 1819. Young Karl was baptised into the Lutheran Church in August 1824 along with his siblings, Sophie, Hermann, Henriette, Louise, Emilie. Young Karl was privately educated, by Heinrich Marx, until 1830, by employing many liberal humanists as teachers, Wyttenbach incurred the anger of the local conservative government
13.
Aristotle
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Aristotle was an ancient Greek philosopher and scientist born in the city of Stagira, Chalkidice, on the northern periphery of Classical Greece. His father, Nicomachus, died when Aristotle was a child, at seventeen or eighteen years of age, he joined Platos Academy in Athens and remained there until the age of thirty-seven. Shortly after Plato died, Aristotle left Athens and, at the request of Philip II of Macedon, teaching Alexander the Great gave Aristotle many opportunities and an abundance of supplies. He established a library in the Lyceum which aided in the production of many of his hundreds of books and he believed all peoples concepts and all of their knowledge was ultimately based on perception. Aristotles views on natural sciences represent the groundwork underlying many of his works, Aristotles views on physical science profoundly shaped medieval scholarship. Their influence extended from Late Antiquity and the Early Middle Ages into the Renaissance, some of Aristotles zoological observations, such as on the hectocotyl arm of the octopus, were not confirmed or refuted until the 19th century. His works contain the earliest known study of logic, which was incorporated in the late 19th century into modern formal logic. Aristotle was well known among medieval Muslim intellectuals and revered as The First Teacher and his ethics, though always influential, gained renewed interest with the modern advent of virtue ethics. All aspects of Aristotles philosophy continue to be the object of academic study today. Though Aristotle wrote many elegant treatises and dialogues – Cicero described his style as a river of gold – it is thought that only around a third of his original output has survived. Aristotle, whose means the best purpose, was born in 384 BC in Stagira, Chalcidice. His father Nicomachus was the physician to King Amyntas of Macedon. Aristotle was orphaned at a young age, although there is little information on Aristotles childhood, he probably spent some time within the Macedonian palace, making his first connections with the Macedonian monarchy. At the age of seventeen or eighteen, Aristotle moved to Athens to continue his education at Platos Academy and he remained there for nearly twenty years before leaving Athens in 348/47 BC. Aristotle then accompanied Xenocrates to the court of his friend Hermias of Atarneus in Asia Minor, there, he traveled with Theophrastus to the island of Lesbos, where together they researched the botany and zoology of the island. Aristotle married Pythias, either Hermiass adoptive daughter or niece and she bore him a daughter, whom they also named Pythias. Soon after Hermias death, Aristotle was invited by Philip II of Macedon to become the tutor to his son Alexander in 343 BC, Aristotle was appointed as the head of the royal academy of Macedon. During that time he gave not only to Alexander
14.
Adam Smith
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Adam Smith FRSA was a Scottish economist, philosopher, and author. He was a philosopher, a pioneer of political economy. He is best known for two works, The Theory of Moral Sentiments, and An Inquiry into the Nature. The latter, usually abbreviated as The Wealth of Nations, is considered his magnum opus and the first modern work of economics. Smith studied social philosophy at the University of Glasgow and at Balliol College, Oxford, after graduating, he delivered a successful series of public lectures at Edinburgh, leading him to collaborate with David Hume during the Scottish Enlightenment. Smith obtained a professorship at Glasgow teaching moral philosophy, and during this time he wrote, in his later life, he took a tutoring position that allowed him to travel throughout Europe, where he met other intellectual leaders of his day. Smith laid the foundations of free market economic theory. The Wealth of Nations was a precursor to the academic discipline of economics. In this and other works, he developed the concept of division of labour, Smith was controversial in his own day and his general approach and writing style were often satirised by Tory writers in the moralising tradition of William Hogarth and Jonathan Swift. In 2005, The Wealth of Nations was named among the 100 Best Scottish Books of all time, the minor planet 12838 Adamsmith was named in his memory. Smith was born in Kirkcaldy, in the County of Fife and his father, also Adam Smith, was a Scottish Writer to the Signet, advocate, and prosecutor and also served as comptroller of the Customs in Kirkcaldy. In 1720 he married Margaret Douglas, daughter of the landed Robert Douglas of Strathendry and his father died two months after he was born, leaving his mother a widow. The date of Smiths baptism into the Church of Scotland at Kirkcaldy was 5 June 1723, and this has often been treated as if it were also his date of birth, Smith was close to his mother, who probably encouraged him to pursue his scholarly ambitions. He attended the Burgh School of Kirkcaldy—characterised by Rae as one of the best secondary schools of Scotland at that period—from 1729 to 1737, he learned Latin, mathematics, history, Smith entered the University of Glasgow when he was fourteen and studied moral philosophy under Francis Hutcheson. Here, Smith developed his passion for liberty, reason, in 1740 Smith was the graduate scholar presented to undertake postgraduate studies at Balliol College, Oxford, under the Snell Exhibition. Adam Smith considered the teaching at Glasgow to be far superior to that at Oxford, according to William Robert Scott, The Oxford of time gave little if any help towards what was to be his lifework. Nevertheless, Smith took the opportunity while at Oxford to teach several subjects by reading many books from the shelves of the large Bodleian Library. When Smith was not studying on his own, his time at Oxford was not a happy one, near the end of his time there, Smith began suffering from shaking fits, probably the symptoms of a nervous breakdown
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Alfred Radcliffe-Brown
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Alfred Reginald Radcliffe-Brown was an English social anthropologist who developed the theory of structural functionalism and coadaptation. Alfred Reginald Radcliffe-Brown was born Alfred Reginald Brown in Sparkbrook, Birmingham, England, the son of Alfred Brown, a manufacturers clerk. He later changed his last name, by deed poll, to Radcliffe-Brown and he was educated at King Edwards School, Birmingham, and Trinity College, Cambridge, graduating with first-class honours in the moral sciences tripos. While still a student he earned the nickname Anarchy Brown for his close interest in the writings of the anarcho-communist and scientist Peter Kropotkin. Like other young men with blood in their veins, I wanted to do something to reform the world – to get rid of poverty and war, so I read Godwin, Proudhon, Marx and innumerable others. Kropotkin, revolutionary, but still a scientist, pointed out how important for any attempt to improve society was an understanding of it. He studied psychology under W. H. R. Rivers who, haddon, led him toward social anthropology. However at the 1914 meeting of the British Association for the Advancement of Science, in 1916 he became a director of education in Tonga, and in 1920 moved to Cape Town to become professor of social anthropology, founding the School of African Life. Further university appointments were University of Cape Town, University of Sydney, among his most prominent students during his years at the University of Chicago was Sol Tax and Fred Eggan. He died in London in 1955 and he has been described as the classic to Bronisław Malinowskis romantic. Radcliffe-Brown brought French sociology to British anthropology, constructing a battery of concepts to frame ethnography. Radcliffe-Brown has often been associated with functionalism, and is considered by some to be the founder of structural functionalism, nonetheless, Radcliffe-Brown vehemently denied being a functionalist, and carefully distinguished his concept of function from that of Malinowski, who openly advocated functionalism. While Malinowskis functionalism claimed that social practices could be explained by their ability to satisfy basic biological needs. Instead, influenced by the philosophy of Alfred North Whitehead, he claimed that the fundamental units of anthropology were processes of human life. Because these are by definition characterised by constant flux, what calls for explanation is the occurrence of stability, why, Radcliffe-Brown asked, would some patterns of social practices repeat themselves and even seem to become fixed. This is far from the functional explanation later impugned by Carl Hempel and it is also clearly distinct from Malinowskis notion of function, a point which is often ignored by Radcliffe-Browns detractors. Malinowski has explained that he is the inventor of functionalism, to which he gave its name, I cannot speak for the other writers to whom the label functionalist is applied by the authors, though I very much doubt if Redfield or Linton accept this doctrine. As for myself I reject it entirely, regarding it as useless, as a consistent opponent of Malinowskis functionalism I may be called an anti-functionalist
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Werner Sombart
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Werner Sombart was born in Ermsleben, Harz, the son of a wealthy liberal politician, industrialist, and estate-owner, Anton Ludwig Sombart. He studied law and economics at the universities of Pisa, Berlin, in 1888, he received his Ph. D. from Berlin under the direction of Gustav von Schmoller and Adolph Wagner, then the most eminent German economists. Although faculties at such eminent universities as Heidelberg and Freiburg called him to chairs, Sombart, at that time, was an important Marxian, someone who used and interpreted Karl Marx — to the point that Friedrich Engels said he was the only German professor who understood Das Kapital. Sombart called himself a convinced Marxist, but later wrote that It had to be admitted in the end that Marx had made mistakes on many points of importance. As one of the German academics concerned with social policy, Sombart also joined the Verein für Socialpolitik around 1888, together with his friend. Sombart was not the first sociologist to devote a book to the concept of social movement as he did in his Sozialismus und soziale Bewegung. His understanding of social movements was inspired by Marx and by a book on social movements by Lorenz von Stein, for him, the rising worker’s movement was a result of the inherent contradictions of capitalism. The proletarian situation created a “love for the masses”, which, in 1902, his magnum opus, Der moderne Kapitalismus, appeared in two volumes. It is a history of economics and economic development through the centuries. The first book deals with the transition from feudal society to capitalism, in 1903 Sombart accepted a position as associate editor of the Archives for Social Science and Social Welfare, where he worked with his colleagues Edgar Jaffé and Max Weber. In 1906, Sombart accepted a call to a professorship at the Berlin School of Commerce. Here, inter alia, companion volumes to Modern Capitalism dealing with luxury, fashion, and war as economic paradigms appeared, also in 1906 his Why is there no Socialism in the United States. The book is a work on American exceptionalism in this respect to this day. Excluded from the system, Sombart argued, the Jews broke it up and replaced it with modern capitalism, in competition was unlimited. Paul Johnson, who considers the work a book, notes that Sombart left out some inconvenient truths. Sombart refused to recognize, as Weber did, that wherever these religious systems, including Judaism, were at their most powerful and authoritarian, commerce did not flourish. Jewish businessmen, like Calvinist ones, tended to operate most successfully when they had left their traditional religious environment, the book begins with the greed for gold, the roots of private enterprise, and the types of entrepreneurs. To Sombart, in work, the highest ideal is the German idea of the State
17.
Max Weber
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Karl Emil Maximilian Max Weber was a German sociologist, philosopher, jurist, political economist and the husband of Marianne Schnitger. His ideas profoundly influenced social theory and social research, Weber is often cited, with Émile Durkheim and Karl Marx, as among the three founders of sociology. Unlike Durkheim, he did not believe in monocausality and rather proposed that for any outcome there can be multiple causes and he argued that it was in the basic tenets of Protestantism to boost capitalism. Thus, it can be said that the spirit of capitalism is inherent to Protestant religious values, against Marxs historical materialism, Weber emphasised the importance of cultural influences embedded in religion as a means for understanding the genesis of capitalism. In another major work, Politics as a Vocation, Weber defined the state as an entity that successfully claims a monopoly of the use of physical force within a given territory. He was also the first to categorise social authority into distinct forms, which he labelled as charismatic, traditional and his analysis of bureaucracy emphasised that modern state institutions are increasingly based on rational-legal authority. Weber also made a variety of contributions in economic history, as well as economic theory. Webers analysis of modernity and rationalisation significantly influenced the theory associated with the Frankfurt School. After the First World War, Max Weber was among the founders of the liberal German Democratic Party and he also ran unsuccessfully for a seat in parliament and served as advisor to the committee that drafted the ill-fated democratic Weimar Constitution of 1919. After contracting Spanish flu, he died of pneumonia in 1920, Karl Emil Maximilian Weber was born in 1864, in Erfurt, Province of Saxony, Prussia. Weber Sr. s involvement in public life immersed his home in politics and academia, as his salon welcomed many prominent scholars and public figures. The young Weber and his brother Alfred, who became a sociologist and economist. Before entering the university, he would read many other classical works, in 1882 Weber enrolled in the University of Heidelberg as a law student. After a year of service, he transferred to the University of Berlin. Simultaneously with his studies, he worked as a junior lawyer, in 1886 Weber passed the examination for Referendar, comparable to the bar association examination in the British and American legal systems. Throughout the late 1880s, Weber continued his study of law and this work was used as part of a longer work On the History of Trading Companies in the Middle Ages, based on South-European Sources, published in the same year. Two years later, Weber completed his Habilitationsschrift, Roman Agrarian History and its Significance for Public and Private Law, having thus become a Privatdozent, Weber joined the University of Berlins faculty, lecturing and consulting for the government. In the years between the completion of his dissertation and habilitation, Weber took an interest in social policy
18.
Carl Menger
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Carl Menger was an Austrian economist and the founder of the Austrian School of economics. Menger used his “Subjective Theory of Value” to arrive at what he considered one of the most powerful insights in economics, Menger was born in the city of Neu-Sandez in Austrian Galicia, which is now Nowy Sącz in Poland. He was the son of a family of minor nobility, his father. His mother, Caroline, was the daughter of a wealthy Bohemian merchant and he had two brothers, Anton and Max, both prominent as lawyers. His son, Karl Menger, was a mathematician who taught for years at Illinois Institute of Technology. After attending Gymnasium he studied law at the Universities of Prague and Vienna, in the 1860s Menger left school and enjoyed a stint as a journalist reporting and analyzing market news, first at the Lemberger Zeitung in Lwów, Ukraine and later at the Wiener Zeitung in Vienna. In 1867 Menger began a study of economy which culminated in 1871 with the publication of his Principles of Economics. It was in work that he challenged classical cost-based theories of value with his theory of marginality – that price is determined at the margin. In 1873 he received the chair of economic theory at the very young age of 33. In 1876 Menger began tutoring Archduke Rudolf von Habsburg, the Crown Prince of Austria in political economy, for two years Menger accompanied the prince in his travels, first through continental Europe and then later through the British Isles. He is also thought to have assisted the crown prince in the composition of a pamphlet, published anonymously in 1878 and his association with the prince would last until Rudolfs suicide in 1889. In 1878 Rudolfs father, Emperor Franz Josef, appointed Menger to the chair of economy at Vienna. The title of Hofrat was conferred on him, and he was appointed to the Austrian Herrenhaus in 1900. During this time Menger began to attract like-minded disciples who would go on to make their own mark on the field of economics, most notably Eugen von Böhm-Bawerk, in the late 1880s Menger was appointed to head a commission to reform the Austrian monetary system. Over the course of the decade he authored a plethora of articles which would revolutionize monetary theory, including The Theory of Capital. Largely due to his pessimism about the state of German scholarship, Menger used his “Subjective Theory of Value” to arrive at what he considered one of the most powerful insights in economics, both sides gain from exchange. Unlike William Jevons, Menger did not believe that goods provide “utils, rather, he wrote, goods are valuable because they serve various uses whose importance differs. Menger also came up with an explanation of how money develops that is accepted by some schools of thought today
19.
Anthropology of development
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The anthropology of development is a term applied to a body of anthropological work which views development from a critical perspective. The kind of issues addressed, and implications for the approach typically adopted can be gleaned from a list questions posed by Gow and these questions involve anthropologists asking why, if a key development goal is to alleviate poverty, is poverty increasing. Why is there such a gap between plans and outcomes, why are those working in development so willing to disregard history and the lessons it might offer. Why is development so externally driven rather than having an internal basis, in short why does so much planned development fail. This anthropology of development has been distinguished from development anthropology, Development anthropology refers to the application of anthropological perspectives to the multidisciplinary branch of development studies. It takes international development and international aid as primary objects, while some theorists distinguish between the anthropology of development and development anthropology, this distinction is increasingly thought of as obsolete. The problem therefore is not that of driving out culture. The British government established the Rhodes-Livingstone Institute in 1937 to conduct science research in British Central Africa. It was part of the establishment, although its head. The term subculture of poverty made its first prominent appearance in the ethnography Five Families, Lewis struggled to render the poor as legitimate subjects whose lives were transformed by poverty. Rostows unilineal evolutionist model hypothesized all societies would progress through the stages to a modernity defined by the West. George Dalton applied the substantivist economic ideas of Karl Polanyi to economic anthropology and he therefore critiqued the formalist economic modelling of Rostow. He was the author of Growth without development, An economic survey of Liberia and Economic Anthropology and Development, Essays on Tribal, Dependency theory arose as a theory in Latin America in reaction to modernization theory. It argues that resources flow from a periphery of poor and underdeveloped states to a core of wealthy states, immanuel Wallersteins world-systems theory was the version of Dependency theory that most North American anthropologists engaged with. His theories are similar to Dependency theory, although he placed emphasis on the system as system. Wallerstein also provided an account of the development of capitalism which had been missing from Dependency theory. Women in development is an approach to development projects that emerged in the 1970s, later, the Gender and development approach proposed more emphasis on gender relations rather than seeing womens issues in isolation. The WID school grew out of the work of Esther Boserup
20.
Barter
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Barter is a system of exchange where goods or services are directly exchanged for other goods or services without using a medium of exchange, such as money. It is distinguishable from gift economies in many ways, one of them is that the exchange is immediate. It is usually bilateral, but may be multilateral and, in most developed countries, usually only exists parallel to monetary systems to a very limited extent. Barter, as a replacement for money as the method of exchange, is used in times of monetary crisis, examples include the Owenite socialists, the Cincinnati Time store, and more recently Ithaca HOURS and the LETS system. Adam Smith, the father of economics, sought to demonstrate that markets pre-existed the state. He argued that money was not the creation of governments, markets emerged, in his view, out of the division of labour, by which individuals began to specialize in specific crafts and hence had to depend on others for subsistence goods. These goods were first exchanged by barter, specialization depended on trade, but was hindered by the double coincidence of wants which barter requires, i. e. for the exchange to occur, each participant must want what the other has. To complete this hypothetical history, craftsmen would stockpile one particular good, be it salt or metal and this is the origin of money according to Smith. Money, as a universally desired medium of exchange, allows each half of the transaction to be separated, Barter is characterized in Adam Smiths The Wealth of Nations by a disparaging vocabulary, higgling, haggling, swapping, dickering. It has also characterized as negative reciprocity, or selfish profiteering. Anthropologists have argued, in contrast, that something resembling barter does occur in stateless societies it is almost always between strangers. Barter occurred between strangers, not fellow villagers, and hence cannot be used to explain the origin of money without the state. Since most people engaged in trade knew each other, exchange was fostered through the extension of credit, everyday exchange relations in such societies are characterized by generalized reciprocity, or a non-calculative familial communism where each takes according to their needs, and gives as they have. Barter is an option to those who cannot afford to store their small supply of wealth in money, the limitations of barter are often explained in terms of its inefficiencies in facilitating exchange in comparison to money. It is said that barter is inefficient because, There needs to be a coincidence of wants For barter to occur between two parties, both parties need to have what the other wants. Difficulty in storing wealth If a society relies exclusively on perishable goods, however, some barter economies rely on durable goods like pigs or cattle for this purpose. Other anthropologists have questioned whether barter is typically between total strangers, a form of known as silent trade. Silent trade, also called silent barter, dumb barter, or depot trade, is a method by which traders who cannot speak each language can trade without talking
21.
Debt: The First 5000 Years
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Debt, The First 5,000 Years is a book by anthropologist David Graeber published in 2011. It draws on the history and anthropology of a number of civilizations, large and small, Debt, the book argues, has typically retained its primacy, with cash and barter usually limited to situations of low trust involving strangers or those not considered credit-worthy. Graeber lays out the development of the idea of debt starting from the first recorded debt systems. In this early form of borrowing and lending, farmers would often become so mired in debt that their children would be forced into debt peonage, in ancient Israel, the resulting amnesty came to be known as the Law of Jubilee. The author claims that debt and credit historically appeared before money and this is the opposite of the narrative given in standard economics texts dating back to Adam Smith. To support this, he cites numerous historical, ethnographic and archaeological studies and he also claims that the standard economics texts cite no evidence for suggesting that barter came before money, credit and debt, and he has seen no credible reports suggesting such. The primary theme of the book is that excessive popular indebtedness has sometimes led to unrest, insurrection and he argues that credit systems originally developed as means of account long before the advent of coinage, which appeared around 600 BC. Credit can still be operating in non-monetary economies. Barter, on the hand, seems primarily to have been used for limited exchanges between different societies that had infrequent contact and often were in a context of ritualized warfare. Graeber suggests that economic life originally related to social currencies and these were closely related to routine non-market interactions within a community. This created an everyday communism based on expectations and responsibilities among individuals. This type of economy is contrasted with exchange based on equality and reciprocity. The hierarchies in turn tended to institutionalize inequalities in customs and castes, the great Axial Age civilizations began to use coins to quantify the economic values of portions of what Graeber calls human economies. Graeber says these civilizations held a different conception of debt. These were based on the radical incalculability of human life and the constant creation and recreation of social bonds through gifts, marriages, the author postulates the growth of a military–coinage–slave complex around this time. These were enforced by mercenary armies that looted cities and cut human beings from their context to work as slaves in Greece, Rome. This was combined with obligations to pay taxes in currency, The obligation to pay taxes with money required people to engage in monetary transactions and this typically increased debt and slavery. At this time, great religions also spread, and the questions of philosophical inquiry emerged on world history
22.
Social studies of finance
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Work in social studies of finance emphasises the social and cultural dimensions of financial activities, but focuses also on technical and economic dimensions such as pricing and trading. Financial markets have been an object for sociological inquiry since, at least, in the 1980s, a number of economic sociologists developed empirical investigation on the social structure and cultural characteristics of financial markets, especially in the US. Such pioneering researcher included contributions from Wayne E. Baker, Mitchel Y, abolafia and Charles W. Smith, and was based on methods such as ethnographic observation or social network analysis. Adler, Patricia A. and Adler, Peter The Social Dynamics of Financial Markets, Greenwich, ISBN 0-89232-435-X Bernstein, Peter Capital Ideas, The Improbable Origins of Modern Wall Street, New York, The Free Press. Making Markets, Opportunism and Restraint on Wall Street, Cambridge, ISBN 0-674-54324-6 Hertz, Ellen The Trading Crowd, An Ethnography of the Shanghai Stock Market, Cambridge, Cambridge University Press. ISBN 0-521-56497-2 Carruthers, Bruce City of Capital, Politics and Markets in the English Financial Revolution, Princeton, Princeton University Press, ISBN 0-691-04455-4 Smith, Charles W. Success and Survival on Wall Street, Understanding the Mind of the Market, Lanham, Rowman & Littlefield. ISBN 0-8476-9490-9 Godechot, Olivier Les Traders, Essai de Sociologie des Marchés Financiers, Paris, ISBN 2-7071-3385-X Knorr Cetina, Karin and Preda, Alex The Sociology of Financial Markets, Oxford, Oxford University Press. ISBN 0-19-927559-9 MacKenzie, Donald An Engine, not a Camera, How Financial Models Shape Markets, Cambridge, ISBN 0-262-13460-8 Social Studies of Finance web resource Social Studies of Finance Association Social Studies of Finance Network international mailing list
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Gift economy
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A gift economy, gift culture, or gift exchange is a mode of exchange where valuables are not traded or sold, but rather given without an explicit agreement for immediate or future rewards. This contrasts with an economy or a market economy, where goods. Social norms and custom govern gift exchange, Gifts are not given in an explicit exchange of goods or services for money or some other commodity. The nature of gift economies forms the subject of a debate in anthropology. Anthropological research into gift economies began with Bronisław Malinowskis description of the Kula ring in the Trobriand Islands during World War I. The Kula trade appeared to be gift-like since Trobrianders would travel great distances over dangerous seas to give what were considered valuable objects without any guarantee of a return. According to anthropologists Maurice Bloch and Jonathan Parry, it is the relationship between market and non-market exchange that attracts the most attention. Gift economies are said, by some, to communities. Gift ideology in highly commercialized societies differs from the typical of non-market societies. Gift economies must also be differentiated from several closely related phenomena, such as common property regimes, however, he claims that anthropologists, through analysis of a variety of cultural and historical forms of exchange, have established that no universal practice exists. Gift exchange is frequently embedded in political, kin, or religious institutions, gift-giving is a form of transfer of property rights over particular objects. The nature of property rights varies from society to society, from culture to culture. The nature of gift-giving is thus altered by the type of property regime in place, property is not a thing, but a relationship amongst people about things. According to Chris Hann, property is a relationship that governs the conduct of people with respect to the use. Anthropologists analyze these relationships in terms of a variety of actors bundle of rights over objects, an example is the current debates around intellectual property rights. Hann and Strangelove both give the example of a book, over which the author retains a copyright. The gifts given in Kula exchange still remain, in some respects, in the example used above, copyright is one of those bundled rights that regulate the use and disposition of a book. Gift-giving in many societies is complicated because private property owned by an individual may be limited in scope
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Inalienable possessions
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Inalienable Possessions, The Paradox of Keeping-While-Giving is a book by anthropologist Annette Weiner. Weiner was a Professor of Anthropology and Dean of the Graduate School of Arts at New York University, the book focuses on a range of Oceanic societies from Polynesia to Papua New Guinea to test existing theories of reciprocity and marriage exchange. The book investigates a category of property, inalienable possessions, which must not be given away and she attributes these unique objects with the ability to create lasting social difference, and hence social hierarchy. These possessions are thus at the root of many Polynesian kingdoms, such as Hawaii, the book is also important for introducing a consideration of gender in the gift-giving debate by placing women at the heart of the political process. Although Weiner subtitled her book Inalienable Possessions, The Paradox of Keeping-while-Giving and it may be that another paradox present in her work is more salient, that inalienable possessions are simultaneously used to construct and defeat hierarchy. Investigation of this paradox opens a boxful of new theoretical and methodological tools for understanding social inequality in past, Inalienable possessions refers to a fundamental classification of property law that Henry Maine stated dates back to Roman times. Immovable property is symbolically identified with the groups that own it, landed estates in the Middle Ages, for example, had to remain intact and even if sold, could be reclaimed by blood kin. Marcel Mauss first described inalienable possessions in the classic anthropological text called The Gift, The Form and it is even incorrect to speak in these cases of transfer. They are loans rather than sales or true abandonment of possessions, among the Kwakiutl a certain number of objects, although they appear at the potlatch, cannot be disposed of. In reality these pieces of property are sacra that a family divests itself of only with great reluctance, Annette Weiner broadened the application of this category of property outside the European context, referring to the category as inalienable possessions. Weiner acknowledges the idea originated in Mausss classification of two categories of goods in Samoa, Oloa and leTonga or immovable and movable goods exchanged through marriage. She applied this concept to explain, amongst other examples, the Kula ring in the Trobriand Islands made famous by the founder of anthropology, certain objects assume a subjective value that places them above ordinary exchange value. Its history is authenticated by fictive or true genealogies, origin myths, sacred ancestors, in this way, inalienable possessions are transcendent treasures to be guarded against all the exigencies that might force their loss. She gives the example of a Māori Sacred Cloak and says that when a woman wears it she is more than herself - that she is her ancestors, cloaks act as conduits for a persons hau or life giving spirit. The hau can bring strength or even knowledge potentially but a person may also have the risk of losing their hau, an inalienable possession acts as a stabilizing force against change because its presence authenticates cosmological origins, kinship, and political histories. In this way, the Cloak actually stands for the person and these possessions then are the most potent force in the effort to subvert change, while at the same time they stand as the corpus of change. Paul Sillitoe queries the supposed identification of objects with persons. He states that objects are durable wealth is collective property that is continually in circulation among persons who have temporary possession of it
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Commodity pathway diversion
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A commodity pathway diversion is the ability of an object to move in and out of the commodity state over the course of its use life. It is important to note that diversion is an part of the commodity pathway. They refocussed attention away from the character of the relationships formed through exchange. They examined the strategies by which an object could be singularized, a marriage ceremony that transforms a purchased ring into an irreplaceable family heirloom is one example, the heirloom, in turn, makes a perfect gift. Singularization is the reverse of the seemingly irresistible process of commodification and they thus show how all economies are a constant flow of material objects that enter and leave specific exchange spheres. This emphasis on things has led to new explorations in consumption studies, the reason for this kind of analysis, Appadurai suggests, is that a commodity is not a thing, rather it is one phase in the full life of the thing. According to anthropologist Arjun Appadurai, the flow of commodities in any situation is a shifting compromise between socially regulated paths and competitively inspired diversions. At the heart of Appadurai s argument is the idea that commodities are things in a certain situation and this idea requires that an object be analyzed from production, through exchange/distribution, to consumption to identify in which phase of its life an object is considered a commodity. Appadurai defines a commodity situation as the situation in which exchangeability for some other thing is a socially relevant feature, both scholars advocate analyzing the entire trajectory or social life of a commodity to understand its full value. Here she helps lay the foundation of commodity pathway analysis, similarly influential is Munns study of the Australian Gawan Kula, in which she describes strong paths. These are sequences of exchange relationships forged by Gawa men in order to circulate objects, because shells are imbued with value through the process of circulation, the forging of object pathways is necessary for Gawa men to control circulation and, in turn, shell value. According to Munn, kula shells may arrive on path, or are obtained from partners or non-partners in off-path transactions, suggesting that diversion is an integral part of the commodity pathway because it is a means of making new paths. Out of the range of things available in a society. Moreover, the thing may be treated as a commodity at one time. And finally, the thing may, at the same time, be seen as a commodity by one person. Such shifts and differences in whether and when a thing is a commodity reveal a moral economy that stands behind the economy of visible transactions. Kopytoff goes on to describe ways in which commodities can be singularized, for example, through restricted commoditization, sacralization, Appadurai defines enclaved commodities as objects whose commodity potential is carefully hedged. These objects are diverted from the commodity pathway to protect whatever value or symbolic power the object may transfer as a commodity, Appadurai postulates that the diversion of commodities from commodity pathways, whether for aesthetic or economic reasons, is always a sign of either creativity or crisis
26.
Social capital
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It is generally seen as a form of capital that produces public goods for a common good. During the 1990s and 2000s the concept has become popular in a wide range of social science disciplines. The term social capital was in intermittent use from about 1890, in the first half of the 19th century, Alexis de Tocqueville had observations about American life that seemed to outline and define social capital. He observed that Americans were prone to meeting at as many gatherings as possible to all possible issues of state, economics. The high levels of transparency caused greater participation from the people, the French writer highlighted also that the level of social participation in American society was directly linked to the equality of conditions. John Dewey used the term in his monograph entitled School and Society in 1900, jane Jacobs used the term early in the 1960s. Although she did not explicitly define the social capital, her usage referred to the value of networks. Sociologist Pierre Bourdieu used the term in 1972 in his Outline of a Theory of Practice, and clarified the term some years later in contrast to cultural, economic, and symbolic capital. Sociologists James Coleman, and Barry Wellman & Scot Wortley adopted Glenn Lourys 1977 definition in developing and popularising the concept, john Dewey may have made the first direct mainstream use of social capital in The School and Society in 1899, though he did not offer a definition. The power of community governance has been stressed by many philosophers from antiquity to the 18th century, from Aristotle to Thomas Aquinas and Edmund Burke. This vision was criticised at the end of the 18th century, with the development of the idea of Homo Economicus. The debate of community versus modernization of society and individualism has been the most discussed topic among the fathers of sociology and they were convinced that industrialisation and urbanization were transforming social relationship in an irreversible way. They observed a breakdown of traditional bonds and the development of anomie. After Tönnies and Webers works, reflection on social links in modern society continued with interesting contributions in the 1950s and in the 1960s and they proposed themes similar to those of the founding fathers, with a more pessimistic emphasis on the development of society. All these reflections contributed remarkably to the development of the social concept in the following decades. He also transforms social capital from a resource possessed by individuals to an attribute of collectives, focusing on norms, mahyar Arefi identifies consensus building as a direct positive indicator of social capital. Consensus implies shared interest and agreement among various actors and stakeholders to induce collective action, collective action is thus an indicator of increased social capital. First, social capital is not equally available to all, in much the way that other forms of capital are differently available
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Cultural capital
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In sociology, the term cultural capital refers to the social assets of a person that promote social mobility in a stratified society. As a social relation within a system of exchange, cultural capital includes the cultural knowledge that confer social status. In the sociological essay, “The Forms of Capital”, Pierre Bourdieu identifies three categories of capital, Economic capital, command of economic resources, Social capital, actual and potential resources linked to the possession of a durable network of institutionalized relationships of mutual acquaintance and recognition. Cultural capital, A persons education that provides advantage in achieving a higher social-status in society. Unlike property, cultural capital is not transmissible, but is acquired over time, as it is impressed upon the persons habitus, yet, whilst possessing a work of art the person can consume the art only with the proper conceptual and historical foundations of prior cultural-capital. As such, cultural capital is not transmitted in the sale of the work of art, except by coincidental and independent causation, institutionalized cultural capital comprises an institutions formal recognition of a persons cultural capital, usually academic credentials or professional qualifications. The cultural capital of a person is linked to his or her habitus and field, in that way, the legitimization of a type of cultural capital can be arbitrary and derived from symbolic capital. The habitus of a person is composed of the intellectual dispositions inculcated to him or her by family and the familial environment, the concept of cultural capital has received widespread attention all around the world, from theorists and researchers alike. It is mostly employed in relation to the system. Use of Bourdieus cultural capital can be broken up into a number of basic categories, first, are those who explore the theory as a possible means of explanation or employ it as the framework for their research. Second, are those who build on or expand Bourdieus theory, finally, there are those who attempt to disprove Bourdieus findings or to discount them in favour of an alternative theory. The majority of these deal with Bourdieus theory in relation to education. Those researchers and theorists who explore or employ Bourdieus theory use it in a way as it was articulated by Bourdieu. These works to portray the usefulness of Bourdieus concept in analysing inequality. The authors talk of the two fields that operate in the same geographic location and the types of capital that are legitimate. A number of works expand Bourdieus theory of capital in a beneficial manner. In fact, these authors can be seen to explore unarticulated areas of Bourdieus theory as opposed to constructing a new theory and they state that this is simply an elaboration of Bourdieus theory. Similarly, Dumais introduces the variable of gender to determine the ability of cultural capital to increase educational achievement, the author shows how gender and social class interact to produce different benefits from cultural capital
28.
Hunter-gatherer
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A hunter-gatherer is a human living in a society in which most or all food is obtained by foraging, in contrast to agricultural societies, which rely mainly on domesticated species. Hunting and gathering was humanitys first and most successful adaptation, occupying at least 90 percent of human history, following the invention of agriculture, hunter-gatherers who did not change have been displaced or conquered by farming or pastoralist groups in most parts of the world. Only a few contemporary societies are classified as hunter-gatherers, and many supplement their activity with horticulture and/or keeping animals. In the 1970s, Lewis Binford suggested that humans were obtaining food via scavenging. Early humans in the Lower Paleolithic lived in forests and woodlands, which allowed them to collect seafood, eggs, nuts, and fruits besides scavenging. Rather than killing large animals for meat, according to this view and this hypothesis does not necessarily contradict the scavenging hypothesis, both subsistence strategies could have been in use – sequentially, alternating or even simultaneously. It remained the only mode of subsistence until the end of the Mesolithic period some 10,000 years ago and this specialization of work also involved creating specialized tools such as, fishing nets, hooks, and bone harpoons. The transition into the subsequent Neolithic period is defined by the unprecedented development of nascent agricultural practices. Agriculture originated and spread in different areas including the Middle East, Asia, Mesoamerica. Forest gardening was also being used as a production system in various parts of the world over this period. Forest gardens originated in prehistoric times along jungle-clad river banks and in the wet foothills of monsoon regions, in the gradual process of families improving their immediate environment, useful tree and vine species were identified, protected and improved, whilst undesirable species were eliminated. Eventually superior introduced species were selected and incorporated into the gardens, many groups continued their hunter-gatherer ways of life, although their numbers have continually declined, partly as a result of pressure from growing agricultural and pastoral communities. Many of them reside in the world, either in arid regions or tropical forests. Areas that were available to hunter-gatherers were—and continue to be—encroached upon by the settlements of agriculturalists. In the resulting competition for use, hunter-gatherer societies either adopted these practices or moved to other areas. In addition, Jared Diamond has blamed a decline in the availability of wild foods, as the number and size of agricultural societies increased, they expanded into lands traditionally used by hunter-gatherers. As a result of the now near-universal human reliance upon agriculture, archaeologists can use evidence such as stone tool use to track hunter-gatherer activities, including mobility. Most hunter-gatherers are nomadic or semi-nomadic and live in temporary settlements, mobile communities typically construct shelters using impermanent building materials, or they may use natural rock shelters, where they are available
29.
Pastoralism
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Pastoralism is the branch of agriculture concerned with the raising of livestock. It is animal husbandry, the care, tending and use of such as camels, goats, cattle, yaks, llamas. Pastoralism generally has an aspect, moving the herds in search of fresh pasture. Pastoralism is a strategy to support a population on less productive land. For example, in savannas, pastoralists and their animals gather when rain water is abundant, pastoralists often use their herds to affect their environment. Grazing herds on savannas can ensure the biodiversity of the savannas, pastoralists may also use fire to make ecosystems more suitable for their food animals. For instance, the Turkana people of northwest Kenya use fire to prevent the invasion of the savanna by woody plant species, biomass of the domesticated and wild animals was increased by a higher quality of grass. Pastoralism is found in many variations throughout the world, composition of herds, management practices, social organization and all other aspects of pastoralism vary between areas and between social groups. Many traditional practices have also had to adapt to the circumstance of the modern world. Ranches of the United States and sheep stations and cattle stations of Australia are seen by some as modern variations, one theory is that pastoralism was created from mixed farming. Bates and Lees proposed that it was the incorporation of irrigation into farming which ensued in specialization, advantages of mixed farming include reducing risk of failure, spreading labour, and re-utilizing resources. The increased productivity of agriculture led to an increase in population. Bordering areas of land remained in use for animal breeding and this meant that large distances had to be covered by herds to collect sufficient forage. Specialization occurred as a result of the importance of both intensive agriculture and pastoralism. Both agriculture and pastoralism developed alongside other, with continuous interactions. There is another theory that suggests pastoralism evolved from hunting and gathering, hunters of wild goats and sheep were knowledgeable about herd mobility and the needs of the animals. Such hunters were mobile and followed the herds on their seasonal rounds, undomesticated herds were chosen to become more controllable for the proto-pastoralist nomadic hunter and gatherer groups by taming and domesticating them. Hunter-gatherers strategies in the past have been diverse and contingent upon the local environment conditions
30.
Nomadic pastoralism
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Nomadic pastoralism is a form of pastoralism when livestock are herded in order to find fresh pastures on which to graze. Strictly speaking, true nomads follow a pattern of movement. However this distinction is not observed and the term nomad used for both—in historical cases the regularity of movements is often unknown in any case. The herded livestock include cattle, yaks, sheep, goats, reindeer, horses, donkeys or camels, nomadic pastoralism is commonly practised in regions with little arable land, typically in the developing world, especially in the steppe lands north of the agricultural zone of Eurasia. Of the estimated 30–40 million nomadic pastoralists worldwide, most are found in central Asia, increasing numbers of stock may lead to overgrazing of the area and desertification if lands are not allowed to fully recover between one grazing period and the next. Increased enclosure and fencing of land has reduced the amount of available for this practice. The nomadic pastoralism was a result of the Neolithic revolution, during the revolution, humans began domesticating animals and plants for food and started forming cities. Nomadism generally has existed in symbiosis with such settled cultures trading animal products for manufactured items not produced by the nomadic herders, often traditional nomadic groups settle into a regular seasonal pattern of transhumance. An example of a normal cycle in the northern hemisphere is. The movements in this example are about 180 to 200 km, camps are established in the same place each year, often semi-permanent shelters are built in at least one place on this migration route. In sub-regions such as Chad, the nomadic pastoralist cycle is as follows, In the rainy season, the villages are often made of sturdy material as clay. Old men and women remain in this village when the people move the herds in the dry season. In the dry season, the people move their herds to southern villages with a temporary character. They then move inland, where they stay in tent camps, in Chad, the sturdy villages are called hillé, the less sturdy villages are called dankhout and the tents ferik. Nomadic pastoralism was historically widespread throughout less fertile regions of Earth and it is found in areas of low rainfall such as the Arabian Peninsula inhabited by Bedouins, as well as Northeast Africa inhabited by Somalis. Nomadic transhumance is also common in areas of climate, such as Northern Europe and Russia inhabited by the indigenous Sami people, Nenets people. There are an estimated 30-40 million nomads in the world, pastoral nomads and semi-nomadic pastoralists form a significant but declining minority in such countries as Saudi Arabia, Iran, and Afghanistan. They comprise less than 2% of the population in the countries of North Africa except Libya, some remnants of these populations are nomadic to this day
31.
Shifting cultivation
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The period of cultivation is usually terminated when the soil shows signs of exhaustion or, more commonly, when the field is overrun by weeds. The length of time that a field is cultivated is usually shorter than the period over which the land is allowed to regenerate by lying fallow and this technique is often used in LEDCs or LICs. In some areas, cultivators use a practice of slash-and-burn as one element of their farming cycle, others employ land clearing without any burning, and some cultivators are purely migratory and do not use any cyclical method on a given plot. Sometimes no slashing at all is needed where regrowth is purely of grasses, in shifting agriculture, after two or three years of producing vegetable and grain crops on cleared land, the migrants abandon it for another plot. Trees, bushes and forests are cleared by slashing, and the vegetation is burnt. The ashes add potash to the soil, then the seeds are sown after the rains. Over time, fields are cultivated for a short time. Eventually a previously cultivated field will be cleared of the natural vegetation, fields in established and stable shifting cultivation systems are cultivated and fallowed cyclically. This type of farming is called jhumming in India. It is common for fruit and nut trees to be planted in fields to the extent that parts of some fallows are in fact orchards. Soil-enhancing shrub or tree species may be planted or protected from slashing or burning in fallows, many of these species have been shown to fix nitrogen. Fallows commonly contain plants that attract birds and animals and are important for hunting, but perhaps most importantly, tree fallows protect soil against physical erosion and draw nutrients to the surface from deep in the soil profile. The relationship between the time the land is cultivated and the time it is fallowed are critical to the stability of shifting cultivation systems and these parameters determine whether or not the shifting cultivation system as a whole suffers a net loss of nutrients over time. A system in there is a net loss of nutrients with each cycle will eventually lead to a degradation of resources unless actions are taken to arrest the losses. In some cases soil can be exhausted in less than a decade. The secondary forests created by shifting cultivation are commonly richer in plant and animal resources useful to humans than primary forests, shifting cultivators view the forest as an agricultural landscape of fields at various stages in a regular cycle. People unused to living in forests cannot see the fields for the trees, shifting agriculture is none of these things. Stable shifting cultivation systems are variable, closely adapted to micro-environments and are carefully managed by farmers during both the cropping and fallow stages. Shifting cultivators may possess a highly developed knowledge and understanding of their environments and of the crops
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