An earth lodge is a semi-subterranean building covered or with earth, best known from the Native American cultures of the Great Plains and Eastern Woodlands. Most earth lodges are circular in construction with a dome-like roof with a central or offset smoke hole at the apex of the dome. Earth lodges are well-known from the more-sedentary tribes of the Plains such as the Hidatsa and Arikara, but they have been identified archaeologically among sites of the Mississippian culture in the eastern United States. Earth lodges were constructed using the wattle and daub technique, with a thick coating of earth; the dome-like shape of the earth lodge was achieved by the use of angled tree trunks, although hipped roofs were sometimes used. During construction the workers would dig an area a few feet beneath the surface, allowing the entire building to have a floor somewhat beneath the surrounding ground level, they set posts into holes in the ground around the edges of the earth lodge, made the tops meet in the middle.
This construction technique is sturdy and can produce large buildings, in which more than one family would live. Their size is limited by the length of available tree trunks. Internal vertical support posts were sometimes used to give additional structural support to the roof rafters. After a strong layer of sticks was wrapped through and over the radiating roof timbers, the people applied a layer of thatch as part of the roof; the structure was entirely covered in earth. The earth layer provided insulation against the extreme temperatures of the Plains; the structures consisted of a clay outer shell over an inner shell of long grasses and a woven willow ceiling. The middle of the earth lodge was used as a fire pit, a hole was built into the center; this smoke hole was covered by a bullboat during inclement weather. Logs were sheared them off; the most common wood used was cottonwood. Cottonwood was a soft wood. In Hidatsa culture, men only raised the large logs. Therefore, a lodge was considered to be owned by the woman.
A vestibule of exposed logs provided an entryway. A windbreak was built on the interior of the lodge, blocking the wind and giving privacy to the occupants. Earth lodges also contained cache pits lined with willow and grasses, within which dried vegetables were stored. Earth lodges were built alongside tribal farm fields, alternating with tipis. A reconstructed earth lodge can be seen at Iowa's Lake Park. A village made up of earth-lodges may be seen at New Town, North Dakota; the village consists of one large ceremonial lodge. In addition, a garden area and corrals have been built for authenticity; the park is open to the located west of New Town at the Earthlodge Village Site. The family earth lodges are 40 feet in diameter; the ceremonial earth lodge is more than 90 feet in diameter, the largest such structure in the world. The park is the central point in a rebuilding and cultural renewal effort by the three affiliated tribes of the Fort Berthold Indian Reservation; this is the only village of its kind to be constructed by the Mandan and Arikara Nations in over 100 years.
A number of major Mississippian culture mound centers have identified earth lodges, either beneath mound construction or as a mound-top building. Sequential constructions and rebuilding of earth lodges seems to be part of the mechanism of construction for certain mounds. In Kanabec County, the Groundhouse River flows through such a center. According to Newton H. Winchell in The Aborigines of Minnesota, the river was named for the earth lodges of the Hidatsa, who lived in the area before being driven westward to the Missouri River by the Sioux; the Hidatsa lived in wooden huts, covered with earth. Earth house Kiva Quiggly hole Vernacular architecture
Koshare Indian Museum and Dancers
The Koshare Indian Museum is a registered site of the Colorado Historical Society in La Junta, Colorado. The building, located on the Otero Junior College campus, is a tri-level museum with an attached kiva, built with the largest self-supporting log roof in the world; the building was built in 1949. The museum features works of Plains tribal members; the museum facilitates Boy Scouts traveling to Philmont Ranch by providing museum discounts, as well as hostel stays for visiting Boy Scout troops. Koshare Indian Dancers are members of Boy Scout Troop 232 in the Rocky Mountain Council of the Boy Scouts of America, located in La Junta, Colorado, they have been performing their interpretations of Native American dance since 1933. In addition to participating in regular Scouting activities, such as camping, merit badge projects, community service, Koshares create a dance outfit, including leatherwork and beading, based upon their own historical research, they travel around the country and perform traditional Plains and Pueblo Native American ceremonial dances.
They perform 50–60 Summer and Winter Ceremonial shows, annually, at their kiva located at the Koshare Indian Museum in La Junta. The Koshares have performed in 47 states. Founded by Scoutmaster and author of "The Scoutmaster's Prayer" James F. "Buck" Burshears in February 1933 the Koshares called the Boy Scout Indian Club, first practiced in Burshears's backyard and chicken coop. Their name was subsequently changed to Koshare, meaning clown or "delight-maker" in the Hopi language, as Burshears thought the name appropriate for the early members of the troop. Bill Sisson and Bob Inman, the first two Koshare Scouts, expanded Boy Scout Troop 232 to include eighteen other Scouts, their first performance took place in September 1933, at St. Andrew's Episcopal Church in La Junta, Colorado. I have been to many spectacles, from Madison Square Garden and the New Amsterdam Theatre to the Hollywood Bowl and the Santa Anita race track, there is nothing in my memory to match a performance of these Boy Scouts, given at the Red Rock Theatre, up in the hills from Denver.
Be a Great Boy is a compilation of memoirs from past Koshare Indian Dancers. The book serves as an archive of the museum's history and media coverage. In addition to fulfilling Boy Scout requirements, members dedicate additional time to learn Native American culture, ceremonial dances and recreate Native American regalia. Koshares may increase their ranks within their individual tribes by completing various Scouting activities and fulfilling rank-specific requirements; the three different tribes whose dance styles are represented include the Kiowa and the Navajo. New members are called Papooses, they must be at least 11 years old, but no older than 18 or have earned an Arrow of Light Award, the highest Cub Scout award. After having obtained their Star Scout Rank, they may work towards the status of Koshare Brave. In order to become a Brave, the Scout must maintain a "C" average in school, earn the Indian Lore Merit Badge, be well practiced in five Koshare Indian dances, exemplify good Scout attitude, read five books about Native American culture, create a well researched outfit, be elected by current Koshare members.
Following the rank of Brave, a Scout may become a Clan Chief, with one Chief for each of the three tribes, after attaining their Eagle Scout. Additionally, each year one Eagle Scout is elected to be the Head Chief and is responsible for leading all members; the Clowns, painted in black and white, intercede between dances to provide comic relief, by taunting the crowd and mimicking the dancers. In the Pueblo culture, the clowns, or koshare, help to depict unacceptable behavior and teach values. In 1995, in an attempt to make the dances more accurate, two girls were allowed to perform with the Koshares each year. Thanks to its success, in 2003, girls were invited to join the performances and the "maiden program" was created. On July 25, 2008 the Koshares celebrated their 75th anniversary with a reunion at the kiva. All former members were invited to join with the current members in an evening performance; the two original members, Bill Sisson and Bob Inman were in attendance along with hundreds of current and former members.
In chapter four of his book Playing Indian, Native American historian Philip J. Deloria refers to the Koshare Indian Museum and Dancers as an example of "object hobbyists" who adopt the material culture of indigenous peoples of the past while failing to engage with contemporary native peoples; some Native Americans have stated that all such impersonations and performances are a form of cultural appropriation which place dance and costumes in an inappropriate context devoid of their true meaning, sometimes mixing elements from different tribes. For 2015, the Winter Night dances were canceled after a request was received from Cultural Preservation Office of the Hopi Nation asking that the troop discontinue their interpretation of the dances of the Hopi and Pueblo Native Americans; when Leigh Kuwanwisiwma, the director of the CPO learned about the program and saw video online of some of the performances, he was disturbed. The performers, he said, were "mimicking our dances, but they were insensitive, as far as I'm concerned."
However, great offense was taken by the head councilman of the Zuni Pueblo upon witnessing a performance in the 1950s. "We know your hearts are good," he said, "but with good hearts you have done a bad thing." In Zuni culture religious objects and practices are only for those that have earned the right to participate, following techniques and prayers that have been handed down for generations. A Koshare's point of view on this incident is presented in Behind the Zuni Masks. Otero Jun
False Kiva is a human-made stone circle of unknown origin in a cave in a remote area of Canyonlands National Park, located in U. S. state of Utah. It has been closed by Canyonlands National Park rangers in early August 2018, as a result of recent vandalisms, it requires special directions to find. It has become a popular spot for photographers capturing the Southwest, offering a unique frame for the dramatic thunderstorms or clear skies beyond. While located in a occurring alcove, the name False Kiva arises from the uncertainty about the circle of stones' origins and purpose, whether it is an authentic kiva, a location used for religious purposes. Debate rages on whether to disclose the exact location of False Kiva as it enjoys a semi-protected status. While park rangers are required to disclose the location of the Class II site, it does not appear on official maps of the park; because of the remoteness of the location, the site is not protected from vandalism. However, local guides are available to take interested parties to the site, raising questions as to whether guarding the location of False Kiva is effective.
The trailhead to False Kiva is not marked or signed from park roads, but the route itself is marked by cairns in several locations, can be accessed without technical climbing equipment. Logan, Utah artist Keith Bond was commissioned in 2006 to paint a landscape for the Senate Chamber of the Utah State Capitol, he painted False Kiva in a mural titled Ancestral Home which hangs on the western end of the ceiling above the senate floor. A photograph of False Kiva by Wally Pacholka, entitled "A True Image of False Kiva," was featured on NASA's Astronomy Picture of the Day on September 29, 2008, giving an otherworldly view into the Milky Way
The Puebloans or Pueblo peoples, are Native Americans in the Southwestern United States who share common agricultural and religious practices. When Spaniards entered the area beginning in the 16th century, they came across complex, multi-story villages built of adobe and other local materials, which they called pueblos, or towns, a term that came to refer to the peoples who live in these villages. There are 19 Pueblos that are still inhabited, among which Taos, San Ildefonso, Acoma and Hopi are the best-known. Pueblo communities are located in the present-day states of New Mexico and Texas along the Rio Grande and Colorado rivers and their tributaries; the term Anasazi is sometimes used to refer to Pueblo people but it is now dispreferred. Anasazi is a Navajo word that means Ancient Ones or Ancient Enemy, hence Pueblo peoples' rejection of it. Puebloans speak languages from four different language families, each Pueblo is further divided culturally by kinship systems and agricultural practices, although all cultivate varieties of maize.
Despite increasing pressure from Spanish and Anglo-American forces, Pueblo nations have maintained much of their traditional cultures, which center around agricultural practices, a tight-knit community revolving around family clans and respect for tradition. Puebloans have been remarkably adept at preserving their core religious beliefs all the while developing a syncretic approach to Catholicism. In the 21st century, some 35,000 Pueblo are estimated to live in New Arizona. Despite various similarities in cultural and religious practices, scholars have proposed divisions of contemporary Pueblos into smaller groups based on linguistic and individual manifestations of the broader Puebloan culture; the clearest division between Puebloans relates to the languages. Pueblo peoples speak languages from four distinct language families, which means these languages are different in vocabulary and most other linguistic aspects; as a result each Pueblo language is completely unintelligible to the other languages, with English now working as the lingua franca of the region.
Keresan: family to which Western and Eastern Keres belong, considered by some a language isolate consisting of a dialect continuum spoken at the pueblos of Acoma, Santa Ana, Cochiti and San Felipe. Kiowa-Tanoan: stock to which the Tanoan branch belongs, consisting of three separate sub-branches: Towa: solely spoken at Jemez Pueblo. Tewa: the most widespread Tanoan language with several dialects, spoken at Ohkay Owingeh, San Ildefonso, Santa Clara, Nambé, Pojoaque Pueblos. Tiwa: the only Tanoan sub-branch consisting of separate languages:Northern Tiwa: a language with two dialects, one spoken at Taos and the other at Picuris. Southern Tiwa: consisting of two dialects, spoken at Sandia and Isleta Pueblos. Uto-Aztecan: stock to which Hopi belongs, spoken at Hopi Pueblo. Zuni: family to which Zuni belongs. Anthropologists have studied Pueblo peoples extensively and published various classifications of their subdivisions. In 1950, Fred Russell Eggan contrasted the peoples of the Eastern and Western Pueblos, based on their subsistence farming techniques.
The Western or Desert Pueblos of the Zuni and Hopi specialize in dry farming, compared to the irrigation farmers of the Eastern or River Pueblos. Both groups cultivate maize, but squash and beans have been staple Pueblo foods all around the region. In 1954, Paul Kirchhoff published a division of Pueblo peoples into two groups based on culture; the Hopi, Zuni and Jemez each have matrilineal kinship systems: children are considered born into their mother's clan and must marry a spouse outside it, an exogamous practice. They maintain multiple kivas for sacred ceremonies, their creation story tells. They emphasize four or six cardinal directions as part of their sacred cosmology, beginning in the north. Four and seven are numbers considered significant in their rituals and symbolism. In contrast, the Tanoan-speaking Puebloans have a patrilineal kinship system, with children considered born into their father's clan, they practice marriage within the clan. They have two groups of kivas in their pueblos.
Their belief system is based in dualism. Their creation story recounts the emergence of the people from underwater, they use five directions, beginning in the west. Their ritual numbers are based on multiples of three. Puebloan societies contain elements of three major cultures that dominated the Southwest United States region before European contact: the Mogollon Culture, whose adherents occupied an area near Gila Wilderness. Archeological evidence suggest that people partaking in the Mogollon /moʊɡəˈjoʊn/ culture were foragers who augmented their subsistence through the development of farming. Around the first millennium CE, farming became the main means to obtain food. Water control features are common among Mimbres branch sites, which date from the 10th through 12th centuries CE; the nature and density of Mogollon residential villages changed through time. The earliest Mogollon villages were small hamlets composed of several pithouses. Village sizes increased over time and, by the 11th century, villages composed of ground level dwellings made with rock and earth walls, with r
Petrified Forest National Park
Petrified Forest National Park is an American national park in Navajo and Apache counties in northeastern Arizona. Named for its large deposits of petrified wood, the fee area of the park covers about 230 square miles, encompassing semi-desert shrub steppe as well as eroded and colorful badlands; the park's headquarters is about 26 miles east of Holbrook along Interstate 40, which parallels the BNSF Railway's Southern Transcon, the Puerco River, historic U. S. Route 66, all crossing the park east–west; the site, the northern part of which extends into the Painted Desert, was declared a national monument in 1906 and a national park in 1962. The park received 644,922 recreational visitors in 2018. Typical visitor activities include sightseeing, photography and backpacking. Averaging about 5,400 feet in elevation, the park has a dry windy climate with temperatures that vary from summer highs of about 100 °F to winter lows well below freezing. More than 400 species of plants, dominated by grasses such as bunchgrass, blue grama, sacaton, are found in the park.
Fauna include larger animals such as pronghorns and bobcats, many smaller animals, such as deer mice, lizards, seven kinds of amphibians, more than 200 species of birds, some of which are permanent residents and many of which are migratory. About one third of the park is designated wilderness—50,260 acres; the Petrified Forest is known for its fossils fallen trees that lived in the Late Triassic Epoch, about 225 million years ago. The sediments containing the fossil logs are part of the widespread and colorful Chinle Formation, from which the Painted Desert gets its name. Beginning about 60 million years ago, the Colorado Plateau, of which the park is part, was pushed upward by tectonic forces and exposed to increased erosion. All of the park's rock layers above the Chinle, except geologically recent ones found in parts of the park, have been removed by wind and water. In addition to petrified logs, fossils found in the park have included Late Triassic ferns, cycads and many other plants as well as fauna including giant reptiles called phytosaurs, large amphibians, early dinosaurs.
Paleontologists have been studying the park's fossils since the early 20th century. The park's earliest human inhabitants arrived at least 8,000 years ago. By about 2,000 years ago, they were growing corn in the area and shortly thereafter building pit houses in what would become the park. Inhabitants built above-ground dwellings called pueblos. Although a changing climate caused the last of the park's pueblos to be abandoned by about 1400 CE, more than 600 archeological sites, including petroglyphs, have been discovered in the park. In the 16th century, Spanish explorers visited the area, by the mid-19th century a U. S. team had surveyed an east–west route through the area where the park is now located and noted the petrified wood. Roads and a railway followed similar routes and gave rise to tourism and, before the park was protected, to large-scale removal of fossils. Theft of petrified wood remains a problem in the 21st century. Petrified Forest National Park straddles the border between Apache County and Navajo County in northeastern Arizona.
The park is about 30 miles long from north to south, its width varies from a maximum of about 12 miles in the north to a minimum of about 1 mile along a narrow corridor between the north and south, where the park widens again to about 4 to 5 miles. I-40, former U. S. Route 66, the BNSF Railway, the Puerco River bisect the park east–west along a similar route. Adamana, a ghost town, is about 1 mile west of the park along the BNSF tracks. Holbrook, about 26 miles west of park headquarters along I-40, is the nearest city. Bisecting the park north–south is Park Road, which runs between I-40 near park headquarters on the north and U. S. Route 180 on the south. Historic Highway 180, an earlier alignment of the modern route, crosses the southern edge of the park. Like Route 66, it is closed. Many unpaved maintenance roads, closed to the public, intersect Park Road at various points; the fee area of the park covers about 230 square miles. The Navajo Nation borders the park on the northeast. State-owned land, federal land controlled by the Bureau of Land Management, private land, much of it used for cattle ranching, adjoin the other borders.
The park’s elevation above sea level varies from a low of 5,340 feet along the Puerco River to a high of 6,230 feet at Pilot Rock. The terrain varies from gentle hills and major petrified wood deposits in the south to eroded badlands in the north. Most of the park's intermittent streams—including Lithodendron Wash, Dead Wash, Ninemile Wash, Dry Wash—empty into the Puerco River. In the southern part of the park, Cottonwood Wash and Jim Camp Wash flow into the Little Colorado River. Petrified Forest National Park is known for its fossils of fallen trees that lived in the Late Triassic Epoch of the Mesozoic era, about 225 million years ago. During this period, the region, now the park was near the equator on the southwestern edge of the supercontinent Pangaea, its climate was humid and sub-tropical. What became northeastern Arizona was a low plain flanked by mountains to the south and southeast and a sea to the west. Streams flowing across the plain from the highlands deposited inorganic sediment and organic matter, including trees as well as other plants and animals that had entered or fallen into the water.
Although most organic matter decays or is eaten by other organisms, some is
The Ancestral Puebloans were an ancient Native American culture that spanned the present-day Four Corners region of the United States, comprising southeastern Utah, northeastern Arizona, northwestern New Mexico, southwestern Colorado. The Ancestral Puebloans are believed to have developed, at least in part, from the Oshara Tradition, who developed from the Picosa culture, they lived in a range of structures that included small family pit houses, larger structures to house clans, grand pueblos, cliff-sited dwellings for defense. The Ancestral Puebloans possessed a complex network that stretched across the Colorado Plateau linking hundreds of communities and population centers, they held a distinct knowledge of celestial sciences. The kiva, a congregational space, used chiefly for ceremonial purposes, was an integral part of this ancient people's community structure. In contemporary times, the people and their archaeological culture were referred to as Anasazi for historical purposes; the Navajo, who were not their descendants, called them by this term.
Reflecting historic traditions, the term was used to mean "ancient enemies". Contemporary Puebloans do not want this term to be used. Archaeologists continue to debate; the current agreement, based on terminology defined by the Pecos Classification, suggests their emergence around the 12th century BC, during the archaeologically designated Early Basketmaker II Era. Beginning with the earliest explorations and excavations, researchers identified Ancestral Puebloans as the forerunners of contemporary Pueblo peoples. Three UNESCO World Heritage Sites located in the United States are credited to the Pueblos: Mesa Verde National Park, Chaco Culture National Historical Park and Taos Pueblo. Pueblo, which means "village" in Spanish, was a term originating with the Spanish explorers who used it to refer to the people's particular style of dwelling; the Navajo people, who now reside in parts of former Pueblo territory, referred to the ancient people as Anaasází, an exonym meaning "ancestors of our enemies", referring to their competition with the Pueblo peoples.
The Navajo now use the term in the sense of referring to "ancient people" or "ancient ones". Hopi people used the term Hisatsinom, to describe the Ancestral Puebloans; the Ancestral Puebloans were one of four major prehistoric archaeological traditions recognized in the American Southwest. This area is sometimes referred to as Oasisamerica in the region defining pre-Columbian southwestern North America; the others are the Mogollon and Patayan. In relation to neighboring cultures, the Ancestral Puebloans occupied the northeast quadrant of the area; the Ancestral Puebloan homeland centers on the Colorado Plateau, but extends from central New Mexico on the east to southern Nevada on the west. Areas of southern Nevada and Colorado form a loose northern boundary, while the southern edge is defined by the Colorado and Little Colorado Rivers in Arizona and the Rio Puerco and Rio Grande in New Mexico. Structures and other evidence of Ancestral Puebloan culture has been found extending east onto the American Great Plains, in areas near the Cimarron and Pecos Rivers and in the Galisteo Basin.
Terrain and resources within this large region vary greatly. The plateau regions have high elevations ranging from 4,500 to 8,500 feet. Extensive horizontal mesas are capped by sedimentary formations and support woodlands of junipers and ponderosa pines, each favoring different elevations. Wind and water erosion have created steep-walled canyons, sculpted windows and bridges out of the sandstone landscape. In areas where resistant strata, such as sandstone or limestone, overlie more eroded strata such as shale, rock overhangs formed; the Ancestral Puebloans favored building under such overhangs for shelters and defensive building sites. All areas of the Ancestral Puebloan homeland suffered from periods of drought, wind and water erosion. Summer rains could be unreliable and arrived as destructive thunderstorms. While the amount of winter snowfall varied the Ancestral Puebloans depended on the snow for most of their water. Snow melt allowed the germination of seeds, both cultivated, in the spring.
Where sandstone layers overlay shale, snow melt could accumulate and create seeps and springs, which the Ancestral Puebloans used as water sources. Snow fed the smaller, more predictable tributaries, such as the Chinle, Animas and Taos Rivers; the larger rivers were less directly important to the ancient culture, as smaller streams were more diverted or controlled for irrigation. The Ancestral Puebloan culture is best known for the stone and earth dwellings its people built along cliff walls during the Pueblo II and Pueblo III eras, from about 900 to 1350 AD in total; the best-preserved examples of the stone dwellings are now protected within United States' national parks, such as Navajo National Monument, Chaco Culture National Historical Park, Mesa Verde National Park, Canyons of the Ancients National Monument, Aztec Ruins National Monument, Bandelier National Monument, Hovenweep National Monument, Canyon de Chelly National Monument. These villages, called pueblos by Spanish colonists, were accessible only by rope or through rock climbing.
These astonishing building achievements had modest beginnings. The first Ancestral Puebloan homes and villages were based on the pit-house, a common feature in the Basketmaker periods. Ancestral Puebloans are known for their pottery. In general, pottery used for cooking or storage in the region was unpainted gray, either smooth or textured. Pottery used for more formal purposes was more richly adorned. In the n
Souterrain is a name given by archaeologists to a type of underground structure associated with the European Atlantic Iron Age. These structures appear to have been brought northwards from Gaul during the late Iron Age. Regional names include earth houses and Pictish houses; the term souterrain has been used as a distinct term from fogou meaning'cave'. In Cornwall the regional name of fogou is applied to souterrain structures; the design of underground structures has been shown to differ among regions. The name souterrain comes from the French language, in which it means "underground passageway" or refers to subterranea in general. In languages other than English, it is sometimes used to mean "basement" in warehouses, or semi-basement. Souterrains are underground galleries and, in their early stages, were always associated with a settlement; the galleries were dug out and lined with stone slabs or wood before being reburied. In cases where they were cut into rock this was not always necessary, they do not appear to have been used for burial or ritual purposes and it has been suggested that they were food stores or hiding places during times of strife, although some of them would have had obvious entrances.
An example of a wood-lined Iron Age souterrain with a possible water tank was excavated in 2016 at Brechin Farm, Angus by Headland Archaeology. It was constructed in a ` C' shape with two distinct chambers. A linear ditch was located adjacent to the souterrain and was connected to the southwest chamber by a tunnel; this tunnel sloped downwards towards the chamber and its edges were iron-panned, indicating that water had run through it for a significant amount of time. This indicates the southwest chamber was used as some kind of storage system; the soil into which the souterrain was dug was soft sand that would have been impossible to maintain without a lining. Radiocarbon dating suggests occupation between the 1st and 3rd centuries AD. An example of an excavated souterrain is the site at Rosal, Sutherland. In this excavation, no artefacts or other finds were made inside the structure and the roof may have been only covered with stones, a timber roof being present on part of it, it was suggested that the souterrain could have been used as a byre or barn and it was associated with an abandoned settlement.
An example of a explored souterrain in northern Scotland, on Shapinsay in the Orkney Islands is Castle Bloody, situated near the seacoast. Another example has been excavated in Perthshire near Alyth. In Scotland some souterrains may be connected with the same people. A well-illustrated account of a souterrain excavated at Newtownbalregan, County Louth, one of the many souterrains discovered during a road-building project in Ireland, may be found in Archaeology Ireland Winter 2003 issue. A full report on the excavation of a three-level souterrain at Farrandreg, County Louth, in 1998 gives references for the 14 souterrains excavated in this souterrain-rich county. Finds included a rotary quern-stone, a bone comb, a copper-alloy stick pin, three bone needles and the greater part of a tub-shaped pottery vessel in ‘Souterrain ware.’ Based on the finds, the excavator concluded the souterrain had been closed up in the 12th century. Souterrains are referred to in Ireland as ‘caves.’ A. T. Lucas, a folklorist and director of the National Museum of Ireland in the 1960s, published a series of articles on the references to souterrains in the early Irish annals.
Donaghmore Souterrain, discovered in County Louth in 1960, Drumlohan Souterrain in County Waterford are the only souterrains to be an Irish National Monument. In Ireland, souterrains are found inside or in close proximity to a ringfort and as such are thought to be contemporary with them, making them somewhat in date than in other countries; this date is reinforced by many examples where ogham stones dating to around the 6th century have been reused as roofing lintels or door posts, most notably at the widened natural limestone fissure at the ‘Cave of the Cats’ in Rathcrogan. The distribution of souterrains is uneven in Ireland, with the greatest concentrations occurring in north Louth, north Antrim, south Galway, west Cork and Kerry. Lesser numbers are found in counties Meath, Mayo, north Donegal, Waterford. Other counties, such as Limerick and Wexford, are completely lacking in examples. An article by Warner on the archaeology of souterrains, although published 40 years ago, still is the best general overview of the subject.
The most comprehensive study of Irish souterrains is M. Clinton's 2001 work, containing chapters on distribution, associated settlements, finds, chronology and 13 appendices on various structural aspects of souterrains. A short summary account of souterrains in Ireland appeared in the quarterly magazine Archaeology Ireland in 2004. Erdstall – A type of tunnel found across Europe Pit-house The Raitts souterrain two thousand years old, in the Badenoch district of the Scottish Highlands