Per capita income
Per capita income or average income measures the average income earned per person in a given area in a specified year. It is calculated by dividing the area's total income by its total population. Per capita income is national income divided by population size. Per capita income is used to measure an area's average income and compare the wealth of different populations. Per capita income is used to measure a country's standard of living, it is expressed in terms of a used international currency such as the euro or United States dollar, is useful because it is known, is calculable from available gross domestic product and population estimates, produces a useful statistic for comparison of wealth between sovereign territories. This helps to ascertain a country's development status, it is one of the three measures for calculating the Human Development Index of a country. In the United States, it is defined by the U. S. Census Bureau as the following: "Per capita income is the mean money income received in the past 12 months computed for every man and child in a geographic area."
Critics claim that per capita income has several weaknesses in measuring prosperity: Comparisons of per capita income over time need to consider inflation. Without adjusting for inflation, figures tend to overstate the effects of economic growth. International comparisons can be distorted by cost of living differences not reflected in exchange rates. Where the objective is to compare living standards between countries, adjusting for differences in purchasing power parity will more reflect what people are able to buy with their money, it does not reflect income distribution. If a country's income distribution is skewed, a small wealthy class can increase per capita income while the majority of the population has no change in income. In this respect, median income is more useful when measuring of prosperity than per capita income, as it is less influenced by outliers. Non-monetary activity, such as barter or services provided within the family, is not counted; the importance of these services varies among economies.
Per capita income does not consider whether income is invested in factors to improve the area's development, such as health, education, or infrastructure. List of countries by average wage List of countries by GDP per capita—GDP at market or government official exchange rates per inhabitant List of countries by GDP per capita—GDP calculated at purchasing power parity exchange per inhabitant List of countries by GNI per capita List of countries by GNI per capita List of countries by income equality Total personal income
Population density
Population density is a measurement of population per unit area or unit volume. It is applied to living organisms, most of the time to humans, it is a key geographical term. In simple terms population density refers to the number of people living in an area per kilometer square. Population density is population divided by total land water volume, as appropriate. Low densities may lead to further reduced fertility; this is called the Allee effect after the scientist. Examples of the causes in low population densities include: Increased problems with locating sexual mates Increased inbreeding For humans, population density is the number of people per unit of area quoted per square kilometer or square mile; this may be calculated for a county, country, another territory or the entire world. The world's population is around 7,500,000,000 and Earth's total area is 510,000,000 square kilometers. Therefore, the worldwide human population density is around 7,500,000,000 ÷ 510,000,000 = 14.7 per km2. If only the Earth's land area of 150,000,000 km2 is taken into account human population density is 50 per km2.
This includes all continental and island land area, including Antarctica. If Antarctica is excluded population density rises to over 55 people per km2. However, over half of the Earth's land mass consists of areas inhospitable to human habitation, such as deserts and high mountains, population tends to cluster around seaports and fresh-water sources. Thus, this number by itself does not give any helpful measurement of human population density. Several of the most densely populated territories in the world are city-states and dependencies; these territories have a small area and a high urbanization level, with an economically specialized city population drawing on rural resources outside the area, illustrating the difference between high population density and overpopulation The potential to maintain the agricultural aspects of deserts is limited as there is not enough precipitation to support a sustainable land. The population in these areas are low. Therefore, cities in the Middle East, such as Dubai, have been increasing in population and infrastructure growth at a fast pace.
Cities with high population densities are, by some, considered to be overpopulated, though this will depend on factors like quality of housing and infrastructure and access to resources. Most of the most densely populated cities are in Southeast Asia, though Cairo and Lagos in Africa fall into this category. City population and area are, however dependent on the definition of "urban area" used: densities are invariably higher for the central city area than when suburban settlements and the intervening rural areas are included, as in the areas of agglomeration or metropolitan area, the latter sometimes including neighboring cities. For instance, Milwaukee has a greater population density when just the inner city is measured, the surrounding suburbs excluded. In comparison, based on a world population of seven billion, the world's inhabitants, as a loose crowd taking up ten square feet per person, would occupy a space a little larger than Delaware's land area; the Gaza Strip has a population density of 5,046 pop/km.
Although arithmetic density is the most common way of measuring population density, several other methods have been developed to provide a more accurate measure of population density over a specific area. Arithmetic density: The total number of people / area of land Physiological density: The total population / area of arable land Agricultural density: The total rural population / area of arable land Residential density: The number of people living in an urban area / area of residential land Urban density: The number of people inhabiting an urban area / total area of urban land Ecological optimum: The density of population that can be supported by the natural resources Demography Human geography Idealized population Optimum population Population genetics Population health Population momentum Population pyramid Rural transport problem Small population size Distance sampling List of population concern organizations List of countries by population density List of cities by population density List of city districts by population density List of English districts by population density List of European cities proper by population density List of United States cities by population density List of islands by population density List of U.
S. states by population density List of Australian suburbs by population density Selected Current and Historic City, Ward & Neighborhood Density Duncan Smith / UCL Centre for Advanced Spatial Analysis. "World Population Density". Exploratory map shows data from the Global Human Settlement Layer produced by the European Commission JRC and the CIESIN Columbia University
Hawaiian duck
The Hawaiian duck or koloa is a species of bird in the family Anatidae, endemic to the large islands of Hawaiʻi. Taxonomically, the koloa is allied with the mallard, it differs in that it is non-migratory. As with many duck species in the genus Anas, Hawaiian duck and mallards can interbreed and produce viable offspring, the koloa has been considered an island subspecies of the mallard. However, all major authorities now consider this form to be a distinct species within the mallard complex. Recent analyses indicate that this is a distinct species that arose through ancient hybridization between mallard and Laysan duck; the native Hawaiian name for this duck is koloa maoli, or koloa. This species is listed as endangered by the IUCN Red List of Threatened Species, its population trend is decreasing. Both male and female resemble a female mallard; the males are bigger than the females. The speculum feathers of both sexes are green to blue, bordered on both sides by white; the tail is dark overall, unlike the black-and-white tail of a mallard.
The feet and legs are orange to yellow-orange. The bill is olive green in the male and dull orange with dark markings in the female; the adult male has a darker head and neck, sometimes green. The female is lighter-colored than the male and has plainer back feathers. A first-year male Hawaiian duck looks like an eclipse-plumaged male mallard. Seasonal plumage differences, individual variation, variation between islands can make it difficult to differentiate between Hawaiian ducks, female mallards and hybrids of Hawaiian ducks and mallards. In addition, the extent of hybridization at a location can contribute to the difficulty of identification; the male Hawaiian duck has an average length of 48–50 cm and the female has an average length of 40–43 cm. On average, the male weighs the female weighs 460 grams; the Hawaiian duck is smaller than the mallard by 20 to 30 percent. Hawaiian ducks are “opportunistic feeders.” Their diet consists of freshwater vegetation, mollusks and other aquatic invertebrates.
They are known to consume snails, insect larvae, tadpoles, mosquito larvae, mosquito fish, grass seeds and green algae. The Hawaiian duck quacks like a mallard; the Hawaiian duck is a wary bird found in pairs instead of large groups. The koloa is most prominently found residing in the tall, wetland grasses and streams near the Kohala volcano on the main island of Hawai’i, they are secretive birds and do not associate with other animals much. The Hawaiian duck can only get wet when the gods say it can is; this means that the duck can only get wet when the gods allow it as the duck seems to walk around the water source. This is; some pairs nest year-round, but the primary breeding season is from December to May, during which pairs engage in spectacular nuptial flights. The clutch size is eight; the female lays two to ten eggs in a well-concealed nest lined with breast feathers. Incubation lasts about four weeks; the young can not fly until about nine weeks of age. Offspring become sexually mature enough to reproduce after a year.
Female Hawaiian ducks have a strange attraction to male mallards. It's unknown whether the female Hawaiian duck attracts the male mallard or whether the color variation of the male mallard attracts the female. In any case this interbreeding creates viable offspring. Evolution has not moved fast enough for this species to be unable to mate; this interbreeding is one of the main causes for the endangerment of the Hawaiian duck hybridization, explained below. The former range of the Hawaiian duck included all of the main Hawaiian islands except the island of Lānaʻi and Kauaʻi. Hawaiian ducks were found on the hottest coasts with suitable ponds as well as in the mountains that were up to 7,000 feet high.. This includes low wetlands, river valleys, streams in mountains. “Genetically-pure Koloa populations were believed to occur on the islands of Kaua'i, Ni'ihau, highlands of Hawai'i with hybrid swarms on O'ahu and Maui, but there is now evidence of hybridization within pure populations.” The Hawaiian duck was extirpated on all other islands, but was subsequently reestablished on Oʻahu, Hawaiʻi, Maui through release of captive-reared birds.
However, all the Hawaiian ducks in the reestablished populations have bred with feral mallard ducks and have produced hybrid offspring that are fertile. With an approximate population of 2,200 birds This consists of 200 on Hawai`i. However, these ducks are in decline due to hybridization, they are vulnerable to predators because of the low location of their nests on the ground. This makes it easier for predators such as cats, pigs and mongoose to attack them. In addition to predators, Kauai has experienced a loss of lowland wetland habitat, in turn affecting the Hawaiian ducks. Wildlife refuges including Hanalei National Wildlife Refuge on Kaua'i are essential breeding areas for Hawaiian Ducks The species was reint
Daniel Dole
Daniel Dole was a Protestant missionary educator from the United States to the Hawaiian Islands. Daniel Dole was born September 1808 in Skowhegan, Maine, his father was Wigglesworth Dole and mother was Elizabeth Haskell. In 1836 he graduated from Bowdoin College, in 1839 from the Bangor Theological Seminary. On October 2, 1840 he married Emily Hoyt Ballard, they sailed in the ninth company of missionaries to Hawaii from the American Board of Commissioners for Foreign Missions on the ship Gloucester, leaving from Boston on November 14, 1840 and arriving to Honolulu on May 21, 1841. In this company were John Davis Paris, Elias Bond, William Harrison Rice. Punahou School was just being organized at the time on land given to Hiram Bingham I. Dole, his wife, Marcia Smith were its first teachers when it opened on July 11, 1842, Dole became principal as faculty grew. William Harrison Rice and his wife were added in 1844; the school was the first to use the English language to educate children of missionaries instead of the Hawaiian language.
After his first wife died from childbirth complications on April 27, 1844, he married Charlotte Close Knapp in 1846. Academic politics grew with the Punahou School's enrollment. Intended only for children of missionaries, Dole allowed other non-Hawaiian children to enroll. Dole responded to cutbacks in funding by employing students to grow their own food. By May 23, 1853, the school was re-chartered with the name Oahu College, administered by a board of trustees and in September, Reverend Edward Griffin Beckwith was named president. Dole continued to teach through 1854, resigned; the Dole and Rice families moved to Kōloa on the island of Kauaʻi, started a small boarding school there in 1855. His first students were the Rices' daughter Maria, he never learned the Hawaiian language, but conducted services at two small English language churches in the area. He died in his son George's house in Kapaʻa on August 26, 1878, he was buried in. His first son George Hathaway Dole married Clara Maria Rowell, daughter of missionary Revered George Berkeley Rowell of Waiʻoli on August 17, 1867 and had 13 children.
George became a soldier in the Hawaiian Royal Guard in 1874, was appointed to the House of Nobles in the legislature of the Hawaiian Kingdom representing Kauaʻi in the 1887 session. In the 1870s he traveled to Salt Lake City and met Brigham Young. In 1890 George and his family moved to California, his second son, Sanford Ballard Dole, became a judge, after the overthrow of the Kingdom of Hawaii president of the Republic of Hawaii and first governor of the Territory of Hawaii. Daniel Dole's second wife was widow of Horton Owen Knapp, whose sister Millicent Knapp married missionary doctor James William Smith; the Smiths' son William Owen Smith would become active in politics. George and Sanford were both buried in the cemetery at Kawaiahaʻo Church near the Mission Houses Museum. Oahu College changed its name back to Punahou School in 1934, had many influential alumni through the years, including US President Barack Obama
National Historic Landmark
A National Historic Landmark is a building, object, site, or structure, recognized by the United States government for its outstanding historical significance. Of over 90,000 places listed on the country's National Register of Historic Places, only some 2,500 are recognized as National Historic Landmarks. A National Historic Landmark District may include contributing properties that are buildings, sites or objects, it may include non-contributing properties. Contributing properties may or may not be separately listed. Prior to 1935, efforts to preserve cultural heritage of national importance were made by piecemeal efforts of the United States Congress. In 1935, Congress passed the Historic Sites Act, which authorized the Interior Secretary authority to formally record and organize historic properties, to designate properties as having "national historical significance", gave the National Park Service authority to administer significant federally owned properties. Over the following decades, surveys such as the Historic American Buildings Survey amassed information about culturally and architecturally significant properties in a program known as the Historic Sites Survey.
Most of the designations made under this legislation became National Historic Sites, although the first designation, made December 20, 1935, was for a National Memorial, the Gateway Arch National Park in St. Louis, Missouri; the first National Historic Site designation was made for the Salem Maritime National Historic Site on March 17, 1938. In 1960, the National Park Service took on the administration of the survey data gathered under this legislation, the National Historic Landmark program began to take more formal shape; when the National Register of Historic Places was established in 1966, the National Historic Landmark program was encompassed within it, rules and procedures for inclusion and designation were formalized. Because listings triggered local preservation laws, legislation in 1980 amended the listing procedures to require owner agreement to the designations. On October 9, 1960, 92 properties were announced as designated NHLs by Secretary of the Interior Fred A. Seaton; the first of these was a political nomination: the Sergeant Floyd Monument in Sioux City, Iowa was designated on June 30 of that year, but for various reasons, the public announcement of the first several NHLs was delayed.
NHLs are designated by the United States Secretary of the Interior because they are: Sites where events of national historical significance occurred. More than 2,500 NHLs have been designated. Most, but not all, are in the United States. There are the District of Columbia. Three states account for nearly 25 percent of the nation's NHLs. Three cities within these states all separately have more NHLs than 40 of the 50 states. In fact, New York City alone has more NHLs than all but five states: Virginia, Pennsylvania and New York. There are 74 NHLs in the District of Columbia; some NHLs are in U. S. commonwealths and territories, associated states, foreign states. There are 15 in Puerto Rico, the Virgin Islands, other U. S. territories. S.-associated states such as Micronesia. Over 100 ships or shipwrecks have been designated as NHLs. About half of the National Historic Landmarks are owned; the National Historic Landmarks Program relies on suggestions for new designations from the National Park Service, which assists in maintaining the landmarks.
A friends' group of owners and managers, the National Historic Landmark Stewards Association, works to preserve and promote National Historic Landmarks. If not listed on the National Register of Historic Places, an NHL is automatically added to the Register upon designation. About three percent of Register listings are NHLs. American Water Landmark List of U. S. National Historic Landmarks by state List of churches that are National Historic Landmarks in the United States Listed building, a similar designation in the UK National Historic Sites and Persons, similar designations in Canada National Natural Landmark United States Memorials United States National Register of Historic Places listings Official National Historic Landmarks Program website A History of the NHL Program List of National Historic Landmarks National Historic Landmarks: Archaeological Properties Historical Landmarks - United States Lighthouses
Old Sugar Mill of Koloa
The Old Sugar Mill of Kōloa was part of the first commercially successful sugarcane plantation in Hawaiʻi, founded in Kōloa on the island of Kauai in 1835 by Ladd & Company. This was the beginning of; the building was designated a National Historic Landmark on December 29, 1962. A stone chimney and foundations remain from 1840. Although sugarcane had been raised by ancient Hawaiians on small personal plots, this was the first large-scale commercial production in Hawaii. Joseph Goodrich of the Hilo mission and Samuel Ruggles of the Kona Mission had experimented with using agriculture to support their missions as well as give employment to their students. After trying unsuccessfully to get Rev. Goodrich, Hooper moved to the land as manager, despite having no training in engineering nor agriculture; the plantation was established here due to the overall fertility of the soil, proximity to a good port, location near the Maulili pool which allowed them the use of a waterfall for processing power. This first lease was not acquired and connections to missionaries played a large part in its acquisition.
Molasses would end up being distilled into rum, which the conservative missionaries were battling. The founders of Ladd & Co. were William Ladd, Peter A. Brinsmade, William Northey Hooper. Hawaiians resisted the lease of the land and forbade the sale of provisions to plantation managers; the two groups struck an uneasy partnership that resulted in multiple conflicts as time progressed. Although 980 acres were leased from King Kamehameha III, only 12 acres were planted in September 1835. A small mill powered by water from Maulili pool produced a small amount of molasses in 1836; the wooden rollers in the mill wore out, so were replaced with iron ones for increased production. By 1837, the mill produced over 4,000 pounds of sugar and 700 US gallons of molasses. A subsequent mill, whose chimney and foundation are still visible, was built from 1839 to 1841 on Waihohonu Stream, it cost close to US$16,000 to build. Managers of the sugarcane plantation expressed significant frustration with the Hawaiian laborers suggesting they have shown "complete worthlessness... as laborers".
The Hawaiian people are described as being so rooted in their cultural heritage that "centuries, at least, will intervene ere they will understand that it is a part of their duty to serve their masters faithfully". The plantation manager goes on to state that the work of 10 white men was equivalent to that of 400 Hawaiians. Plantation owners paid workers $2 per month using "Kauai Currency" which could only be redeemed at plantation stores for goods, they had to pay 1 cent per day for them. In an 1841 revolt against these conditions, Hawaiian workers commenced an unsuccessful strike for higher wages. A review of Kōloa history and working conditions reveals the motivations of plantation owners to import labor resulting in a massive wave of globalization for the islands. Kōloa plantation used a contract system that gave laborers an interest in the crop, but prevented them from finding other employment without penalties; these methods were adopted by other planters in the Territory of Hawaii that became to be known as the "Big Five".
Ladd & Co. shut down in 1844 after a failed attempt to colonize the rest of the Hawaiian Islands. The Kōloa plantation was repossessed by the Hawaiian government and sold to Dr. Robert Wood, Hooper's brother-in-law, who ran it until 1874. In 1853 a steam engine was used to power a mill for the first time in Hawaii. Samuel Burbank developed a deep plow to increase production. Koloa Agricultural Company was purchased by the Duncan McBryde family in 1899, who added it to their estate and the Eleʻele Plantation, their agent was Theo H. Co.. In 1910 Alexander & Baldwin became the agent, would buy out the other partners; the old mill was replaced by a much larger one to the east in 1912, acquired from the planned American Sugar Company plantation on Molokaʻi. Frank A. Alexander managed the company from 1912 to 1937. Cedric B. Baldwin managed the company from 1938 until World War II. McBryde merged with the Grove Farm Company in 1948; the plantation was shut down in 1996. In 2000 Grove Farm was sold to Steve Case, whose grandfather A. Hebard Case had worked on the plantation.
He paid US$25 million and assumed $60 million of debt, but was sued by other shareholders since his father had served as lawyer for the company. The lawsuit went to court but was dismissed in 2008. Merle G. Ladd. "Ladd & Company: Koloa Plantation - Hawaii's First Sugar Plantation". Ladds of New England web site. Archived from the original on 2009-11-24. Retrieved 2010-03-08. "Grove Farm - Kaua'i Land Management & Community Development". Web site. Retrieved 2010-03-08
Unincorporated area
In law, an unincorporated area is a region of land, not governed by a local municipal corporation. Municipalities dissolve or disincorporate, which may happen if they become fiscally insolvent, services become the responsibility of a higher administration. Widespread unincorporated communities and areas are a distinguishing feature of the United States and Canada. In most other countries of the world, there are either no unincorporated areas at all, or these are rare. Unlike many other countries, Australia has only one level of local government beneath state and territorial governments. A local government area contains several towns and entire cities. Thus, aside from sparsely populated areas and a few other special cases all of Australia is part of an LGA. Unincorporated areas are in remote locations, cover vast areas or have small populations. Postal addresses in unincorporated areas, as in other parts of Australia use the suburb or locality names gazetted by the relevant state or territorial government.
Thus, there is any ambiguity regarding addresses in unincorporated areas. The Australian Capital Territory is in some sense an unincorporated area; the territorial government is directly responsible for matters carried out by local government. The far west and north of New South Wales constitutes the Unincorporated Far West Region, sparsely populated and warrants an elected council. A civil servant in the state capital manages such matters; the second unincorporated area of this state is Lord Howe Island. In the Northern Territory, 1.45% of the total area and 4.0% of the population are in unincorporated areas, including Unincorporated Top End Region, areas covered by the Darwin Rates Act—Nhulunbuy, Alyangula on Groote Eylandt in the northern region, Yulara in the southern region. In South Australia, 60% of the area is unincorporated and communities located within can receive municipal services provided by a state agency, the Outback Communities Authority. Victoria has 10 small unincorporated areas, which are either small islands directly administered by the state or ski resorts administered by state-appointed management boards.
Western Australia is exceptional in two respects. Firstly, the only remote area, unincorporated is the Abrolhos Islands, uninhabited and controlled by the WA Department of Fisheries. Secondly, the other unincorporated areas are A-class reserves either in, or close to, the Perth metropolitan area, namely Rottnest Island and Kings Park. In Canada, depending on the province, an unincorporated settlement is one that does not have a municipal council that governs over the settlement, it is but not always, part of a larger municipal government. This can range from small hamlets to large urbanized areas that are similar in size to towns and cities. For example, the urban service areas of Fort McMurray and Sherwood Park, of the Regional Municipality of Wood Buffalo and Strathcona County would be the fifth and sixth largest cities in Alberta if they were incorporated. In British Columbia, unincorporated settlements lie outside municipal boundaries and are administered directly by regional/county-level governments similar to the American system.
Unincorporated settlements with a population of between 100 and 1,000 residents may have the status of designated place in Canadian census data. In some provinces, large tracts of undeveloped wilderness or rural country are unorganized areas that fall directly under the provincial jurisdiction; some unincorporated settlements in such unorganized areas may have some types of municipal services provided to them by a quasi-governmental agency such as a local services board in Ontario. In New Brunswick where a significant population live in a Local Service District and services may come directly from the province; the entire area of the Czech Republic is divided into municipalities, with the only exception being 4 military areas. These are parts of the regions and do not form self-governing municipalities, but are rather governed by military offices, which are subordinate to the Ministry of Defense. † Brdy Military Area was abandoned by the Army in 2015 and converted into Landscape park, with its area being incorporated either into existing municipalities or municipalities newly established from the existing settlements.
The other four Military Areas were reduced in size in 2015 too. The decisions on whether the settlements join existing municipalities or form new ones are decided in plebiscites. Since Germany has no administrative level comparable to the townships of other countries, the vast majority of the country, close to 99%, is organized in municipalities consisting of multiple settlements which are not considered to be unincorporated; because these settlements lack a council of their own, there is an Ortsvorsteher / Ortsvorsteherin appointed by the municipal council, except in the smallest villages. In 2000, the number of unincorporated areas in Germany, called gemeindefreie Gebiete or singular gemeindefreies Gebiet, was 295 with a total area of 4,890.33 km² and around 1.4% of its territory. However
