Martha Warren Beckwith
Martha Warren Beckwith was an American folklorist and ethnographer, appointed to the first chair in Folklore established in the U. S, she was born in Massachusetts. Beckwith graduated from Mount Holyoke College in 1893 and taught English at Elmira College, Mount Holyoke, Vassar College, Smith College. In 1906, she obtained a Master of Arts degree in anthropology after studying under Franz Boas at Columbia University, she received her Doctor of Philosophy in 1918. In 1920, Beckwith was appointed to the chair in Folklore at Vassar College, making her the first person to hold a chair in Folklore at any college or university in the United States, she became a full professor in 1929 and retired in 1938. Beckwith conducted research in a variety of European and Middle Eastern countries, but her most extensive research focused on Hawaii and the Sioux and Mandan-Hidatsa Native American Reservations in North Dakota and South Dakota where she was inducted into the Prairie Chicken Clan of the Mandan-Hidatsa.
Beckwith, Martha Warren. Folk-Games of Jamaica. Poughkeepsie, N. Y.: Vassar College, 1922. Beckwith, Martha Warren. Christmas Mummings in Jamaica. Poughkeepsie, N. Y.: Vassar College, 1923. Beckwith, Martha Warren. Black Roadways: A Study of Jamaican Folk Life. Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1929. Beckwith, Martha Warren. Polynesian Analogues to the Celtic Other-World and Fairy Mistress Themes. New Haven, C. T.: Yale University Press, 1923. Beckwith, Martha Warren. Jamaica Anansi Stories. New York: American Folklore Society, 1924. Beckwith, Martha Warren. Jamaica Proverbs. Poughkeepsie, N. Y.: Vassar College, 1925. Beckwith, Martha Warren. Notes on Jamaican Ethnobotany. Poughkeepsie, N. Y.: Vassar College, 1927. Beckwith, Martha Warren. Jamaica Folk-Lore. New York: American Folk-Lore Society. 1928. Beckwith, Martha Warren. Myths and Hunting Stories of the Mandan and Hidatsa Sioux. Poughkeepsie, N. Y.: Vassar College, 1930. Beckwith, Martha Warren. Mandan-Hidatsa Ceremonies. New York: American Folk-Lore Society, 1937.
Beckwith, Martha Warren. Hawaiian Mythology. New Haven, C. T.: Yale University Press, 1940. Beckwith, Martha Warren; the Kumulipo: A Hawaiian Creation Chant. Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1951. Works by Martha Warren Beckwith at Project Gutenberg Works by or about Martha Warren Beckwith at Internet Archive Books by Martha Warren Beckwith at the Online Books Page, University of Pennsylvania Library. Hawaiian Mythology by Martha Warren Beckwith The Kumulipo, a Hawaiian Creation Chant by Martha Warren Beckwith Jamaica Anansi Stories by Martha Warren Beckwith
Cordyline fruticosa is an evergreen flowering plant in the family Asparagaceae. The plant is of great cultural importance to the traditional animistic religions of Austronesian and Papuan peoples of the Pacific Islands, New Zealand, Island Southeast Asia, Papua New Guinea, it is cultivated for food, traditional medicine, as an ornamental for its variously colored leaves. It is identified by a wide variety of common names, including ti plant, palm lily, cabbage palm, good luck plant; the reconstructed Proto-Malayo-Polynesian word for ti is *siRi. Cognates include Malagasy síly; the names in some languages have been applied to the garden crotons, which have red or yellow leaves. The cognates of Proto-Western-Malayo-Polynesian *sabaqaŋ have been applied to both garden crotons and ti plants. In the Philippines, they are known by names derived from the Proto-Austronesian *kilala, "to know", due to its use in divination rituals. Cognates derived from that usage include Tagalog sagilala. In New Zealand, the terms for ti were transferred to the native and related cabbage tree, as tī kōuka.
Cordyline fruticosa was listed as part of the families Agavaceae and Laxmanniaceae. Ti is a palm-like plant growing up to 3 to 4 m tall with an attractive fan-like and spirally arranged cluster of broadly elongated leaves at the tip of the slender trunk, it has numerous color variations, ranging from plants with red leaves to variegated forms. It is a woody plant with leaves 30 -- 5 -- 10-centimetre wide at the top of a woody stem, it produces 40–60-centimetre long panicles of small scented yellowish to red flowers that mature into red berries. Its original native distribution is unknown, but it is believed to be native to the region from Bangladesh, to Mainland Southeast Asia, South China, Island Southeast Asia, New Guinea, Northern Australia, it has the highest morphological diversity in New Guinea and is believed to have been extensively cultivated there. It was carried throughout Oceania by Austronesians, reaching as far as Hawaii, Rangitāhua, Rapa Nui at their furthest extent. A important type of ti in eastern Polynesia is a large green-leafed cultivar grown for their enlarged edible rhizomes.
Unlike the ti populations in Southeast Asia and Near Oceania, this cultivar is entirely sterile in the further islands of eastern Polynesia. It can only be propagated by cuttings from the rhizomes, it is speculated that this was the result of deliberate artificial selection because they produce larger and less fibrous rhizomes more suitable for use as food. Ti has many uses but it is most notable as one of the most important plants related to the indigenous animist religions of Austronesians, it is widely regarded as having mystical or spiritual powers in various Austronesian cultures. Among a lot of ethnic groups in Austronesia it is regarded as sacred. Common features include the belief that they can hold souls and thus are useful in healing "soul loss" illnesses and in exorcising against malevolent spirits, their use in ritual attire and ornamentation, their use as boundary markers. Red and green cultivars commonly represented dualistic aspects of culture and religion and are used differently in rituals.
Red ti plants symbolize blood and the ties between the living and the dead. They are widely used for traditional medicine and ornamentation throughout Austronesia and New Guinea, their ritual uses in Island Southeast Asia have been obscured by the introduction of Hinduism, Buddhism and Christian religions, but they still persist in certain areas or are coopted for the rituals of the new religions. In Philippine anitism, ti were used by babaylan when conducting mediumship or healing rituals. A common belief in Filipino cultures is. Among the Ifugao people of Northern Luzon, it is planted around terraces and communities to drive away evil spirits as well as mark boundaries of cultivated fields; the red leaves are believed to be attractive to spirits and is worn during important rituals as part of the headdresses and tucked into armbands. In the past, it was worn during ceremonial dances called bangibang, performed by both men and women for warriors who died in battle or through violent means, they are used to decorate ritual objects.
Among the Palaw'an people, it is planted in burial grounds to prevent the dead from becoming malevolent spirits. In Indonesia, red ti are used as in the Philippines. Among the Dayak, Kayan, Berawan and Mongondow people, red ti are used as wards against evil spirits and as boundary markers, they are used in rituals like in healing and funerals and are commonly planted in sacred groves and around shrines. The Dayak extract a natural green dye from ti. During healing rituals of the Mentawai people, the life-giving spirit are enticed with songs and offerings to enter ti stems which are reconciled with the sick person. Among the Sasak people, green ti leaves are used as part of the offerings to spirits by the belian shamans. Among the Baduy people, green ti represent the body. Both are used in rice planting ritual
The outrigger canoe is a type of canoe featuring one or more lateral support floats known as outriggers, which are fastened to one or both sides of the main hull. Smaller canoes employ a single outrigger on the port side, while larger canoes may employ a single-outrigger, double-outrigger, or double-hull configuration; the sailing canoes are an important part of the Austronesian heritage. They are very popular in Puerto Rico. Unlike a single-hulled canoe, an outrigger or double-hull canoe generates stability as a result of the distance between its hulls rather than due to the shape of each individual hull; as such, the hulls of outrigger or double-hull canoes are longer and more hydrodynamically efficient than those of single-hull canoes. Compared to other types of canoes, outrigger canoes can be quite fast, yet are capable of being paddled and sailed in rougher water; this paddling technique, differs from kayaking or rowing. The paddle, or blade, used by the paddler is single sided, with either a straight or a double-bend shaft.
Outrigger canoes were developed by the Austronesian-speaking peoples of the islands of Southeast Asia for sea travel. They were used to transport these peoples both eastward to Polynesia and New Zealand and westward across the Indian Ocean as far as Madagascar during the Austronesian migration period; the Austronesian peoples continue to be the primary users of the outrigger canoes. Early researchers like Heine-Geldern and Hornell once believed that catamarans evolved from outrigger canoes, but modern authors specializing in Austronesian cultures like Doran and Mahdi now believe it to be the opposite. Two canoes bound together developed directly from minimal raft technologies of two logs tied together. Over time, the double-hulled canoe form developed into the asymmetric double canoe, where one hull is smaller than the other; the smaller hull became the prototype outrigger, giving way to the single outrigger canoe to the reversible single outrigger canoe. The single outrigger types developed into the double outrigger canoe.
This would explain why older Austronesian populations in Island Southeast Asia and the Comoros tend to favor double outrigger canoes, as it keeps the boats stable when tacking. But they still have small regions. In contrast, more distant outlying descendant populations in Micronesia and Polynesia retained the double-hull and the single outrigger canoe types, but the technology for double outriggers never reached them. To deal with the problem of the instability of the boat when the outrigger faces leeward when tacking, they instead developed the shunting technique in sailing, in conjunction with reversible single-outriggers; when Magellan's ships first encountered the Chamorros of the Mariana Islands in 1521, Antonio Pigafetta recorded that the Chamorros' sailboats far surpassed Magellan's in speed and maneuverability. The Spanish priest Francisco Combés, describing the large karakoa outrigger warships of the Visayan Islands in the Philippines, remarked: "That care and attention, which govern their boat-building, cause their ships to sail like birds, while ours are like lead in this regard."
Outrigger fishing canoes are used among certain non-Austronesian groups, such as the Sinhalese in Sri Lanka, where they are known as oruwa, as well as among some groups in the Andaman and Nicobar Islands. They can be found in East Africa; the acquisition of the catamaran and outrigger canoe technology by the non-Austronesian peoples in Sri Lanka and southern India is the result of early Austronesian colonization of the region, including the Maldives and Laccadive Islands, that have since been assimilated. It onwards; this is still evident in Sri South Indian languages. For example, Tamil paṭavu, Telugu paḍava, Kannada paḍahu, all meaning "ship", are all derived from Proto‑Hesperonesian *padaw, "sailboat", with Austronesian cognates like Javanese perahu, Kadazan padau, Maranao padaw, Cebuano paráw, Samoan folau, Hawaiian halau, Maori wharau. Genetic studies on Maldivians have identified Austronesian admixture; the outrigger canoe technology of East Africa was acquired through contact with the Austronesian settlers of Madagascar and the Comoros Islands.
The technology has persisted into the modern age. Outrigger canoes can be quite large transport vessels. In the Philippines, outrigger canoes are fitted with petrol engines; the links between seafaring and outrigger canoes in the Philippines extend through to political life, in which the smallest political unit in the country is still called "barangay" after the historical balangay outrigger boats used in the original migrations of the first Austronesian peoples across the archipelago and beyond. The Polynesian Voyaging Society has two double-hull sailing canoes and Hawaiiloa, sails them between various islands in the Pacific using traditional Polynesian navigation methods without instruments; the Hikianalia and Alingano Maisu are other extant double-hulled voyaging canoes. The reconstructed Proto-Austronesian word for the outrigger canoe is *waŋkaŋ. Cognates in modern Austronesian languages include: Ketagalan bangka; the outrigger float is called the ama in many Polynesian languages (comp
A luau is a traditional Hawaiian party or feast, accompanied by entertainment. It may feature food such as poi, Kalua pig, lomi salmon, opihi and beer, entertainment such as traditional Hawaiian music and hula. Among people from Hawaiʻi, the concepts of "luau" and "party" are blended, resulting in graduation luau, wedding luau and birthday luau. In ancient Hawaiʻi, men and women ate their meals separately. However, in 1819, King Kamehameha II removed all the religious laws. King Kamehameha II performed a symbolic act by eating with the women, thus ending the Hawaiian religious taboos; this is. Earlier, such a feast was called a ʻahaʻaina; the modern name comes from that of a food served at a luau. The main dish of the luau is Kālua pig, cooked in an imu. Another dish, served is poi, made from the roots of taro; this feast was served on the floor. In most cases the centerpieces were made of tī leaves. Utensils were never present during a luau. For example, poi received its name from the number of fingers needed to eat it: "three-finger, two-finger, or the thickest, one-finger poi".
A traditional luau consists of food such as: Chicken long rice Haupia Hawaiian sweet potato Kalua pig Kulolo Laulau Lomilomi salmon Poi Poke Squid or chicken lūʻau Tropical fruits Luau-themed or Hawaiian-themed parties vary in their range of dedication to Hawaiian traditions. For example, some extravagant affairs go so far as to ship food from the islands, while others settle for artificial lei, a poolside atmosphere. To have a luau-themed party, it is essential to have an open area, such as a backyard, because luau are celebrated under large tents in outdoor areas. A lei is a common item in a luau. A lei is a necklace of ferns, or kukui nuts that men and women wear. At luau-themed parties, the guests can make their own lei or they can be bought. At these types of parties entertainment is a must; the instruments used are the ukulele and the drums. There are dancers; some credit Donn Beach with the initial popularity and commercialization of luaus within the continental United States. A Life magazine article from 1946 graphically displays one of his famous luaus that he held in Encino, California.
In a 1986 interview Beach described his role in shaping private, home based luaus into larger public affairs, where he included entertainment from singers such as Alfred Apaka. Brennan, Jennifer and Coconuts: A Reminiscence and Recipes from the Pacific Islands, Periplus, ISBN 962-593-819-2. Philpotts, Great Chefs of Hawaiʻi, Hawaii: Mutual Publishing, ISBN 1-56647-595-3. Pukui, Mary Kawena.
Ta‘ū is the largest island in the Manu‘a Group and the easternmost volcanic island of the Samoan Islands. Ta‘ū is part of American Samoa. In the early 19th century, the island was sometimes called Opoun. Ta‘ū is well known as the site where the American anthropologist Margaret Mead conducted her dissertation research in Samoa in the 1920s, where she published her findings in Coming of Age in Samoa; the island is the eroded remnant of a "hotspot" shield volcano with a caldera complex or collapse feature on the south face. The summit of the island, called Lata Mountain, is at an elevation of 931 meters, making it the highest point in American Samoa; the last known volcanic eruption in the Manu‘a Islands was in 1866, on the submarine ridge that extends west-northwest towards nearby Ofu-Olosega. The largest airport in the Manu‘a Islands is on the northeast corner of Ta‘ū at Fiti‘uta. There is a private airport. A boat harbor is located at Faleāsao at the northwestern corner of the island. A roadway along the north coast connects all of the several inhabited villages between Ta‘ū on the west and Fiti‘uta.
All of the southeastern half of Ta‘ū—including all of the rainforest on top of Lata Mountain and within the caldera—and southern shoreline and associated coral reefs are part of the National Park of American Samoa. The park includes the ancient, sacred site of Saua, considered to be the birthplace of the Polynesian people. Administratively, the island is divided into three counties: Faleasao County, Fitiuta County, Ta'u County. Along with Ofu and Olosega islands, Tau Island comprises the Manua District of American Samoa; the land area of Tau Island is 44.31 square kilometers and it had a population of 873 persons as of the 2000 census and of 790 persons in the 2010 census. Ta‘ū is where the 23-year-old anthropologist Margaret Mead conducted her dissertation research in Samoa in the 1920s, published in 1928 as Coming of Age in Samoa. In her work, she studied adolescent teenage girls and compared their experience to those of Western societies, she concluded that adolescence was a smooth transition, not marked by the emotional or psychological distress, anxiety, or confusion seen in the United States.
Until 2016, being a small and isolated island, the populace relied on costly and environmentally unfriendly diesel generators to supply their energy. However, with the construction of a solar array, battery storage system and microgrid the island's power is provided 100% from the sun; this solar array was constructed by SolarCity, now includes sixty Tesla Powerpacks. The system should be a more reliable source of energy, was designed to power the entire island for three days without sunlight and recharge in seven hours. Tau Island: Faleasao, Ta'u counties, Manu'a District, United States Census Bureau
Savaiʻi is the largest and highest island in Samoa and the Samoan Islands chain. The island is the fifth largest in Polynesia, behind the two main islands of New Zealand and the Hawaiian Islands of Hawaii and Maui; the island of Savai'i is referred to by Samoans as Salafai, a classical Samoan term used in oratory and prose. The island is home to 43,142 people; the only township and ferry terminal is Salelologa, the main entry point to the island, situated at the east end of Savai'i. A tar sealed road serves as the one main highway, connecting most of the villages with local buses reaching most settlements. Savai'i is made up of six itūmālō; each district is made up of villages with strong traditional ties of kinship, history and matai chief titles. There is some limited ecotourism development which operates within the villages; the Mau, Samoa's non-violent movement for political independence during colonialism in the early 1900s, had its beginnings on Savai'i with the Mau a Pule movement. The island is the largest shield volcano in the South Pacific with recent eruptions in the early 1900s.
The central region comprises the Central Savai'i Rainforest with 72,699 hectares that forms the largest continuous patch of rainforest in Polynesia. It is dotted with more than 100 volcanic craters and contains most of Samoa's native species of flora and fauna, making it globally significant in world conservation areas. Fa'a Samoa, the unique traditional culture and way of life in Samoan society, remains strong in Savai'i where there are fewer signs of modern life and less development than on the island of Upolu where the capital Apia is situated. Samoan society is communal and based on extended family relationships and socio-cultural obligations, so that kinship and genealogies are important; these fa'a Samoa values are associated with concepts of love, service to family and community and discipline. Most families are made up of a number of different households situated close to each other. Like the rest of Samoa, Savai'i is made up of villages with most of the land collectively owned by families or'aiga.'
Most people on Savai'i, 93% of the island population, live on customary land. The heads of the family are called the holders of family names and titles. An extended family can have a number of chiefs with different chief titles. Men and women in Samoa have equal rights to chief titles which are bestowed by consensus of the extended family. Traditionally and female roles are defined by labours and tasks, chiefly status and age. Women play an important role contributing to family decisions as well as village governance. Elders are respected. Social relationships are dictated by cultural etiquettes of common greetings; the Samoan language has a'polite' and formal variant used in Samoan oratory and ceremony as well as in communication with elders, people of rank and strangers. In all villages, the majority of people are sustained by plantation work and fishing with financial assistance from relatives working in Apia or overseas. Most people live in coastal villages although there are some settlements inland such as the villages of Aopo and Sili.
Behind the villages are cultivated plantations with crops of taro, cocoa koko, coconuts popo, yams palai,'ava and vegetables as well other native plants such as pandanus for weaving'ie toga fine mats and bark for tapa cloth. There is a church in every village Christian denominations. Sunday is sacred and a day of rest. White Sunday is one of the most important days of the year in Samoa when children are treated with special attention by their families and community. With the country's independence in 1962, Samoa incorporates both traditional political structures alongside a western parliamentary system; the modern national Government of Samoa, based in the capital Apia with the roles of Prime Minister, Members of Parliament and western styled political structure, is referred to as the Malo. Only Samoans with chief matai titles are eligible to become Members of Parliament. Alongside Samoa's national and modern political structure is traditional authority vested in family chiefs; the term Pule is applied to traditional authority in Savai'i.
The word Pule refers to appointments or authorities conferred on certain clans or individuals, sometime in the political history of Samoa. This traditional Pule authority was centred in certain villages around Savai'i. In the early 20th century, these Pule areas on Savai'i island were Safotulafai, Safotu, Satupa'itea and Palauli. Safotu, Satupa'itea and Vailoa gained'Pule' status at different times in the 19th Century, together with the two older Pule districts and Saleaula, became the six Pule centres on Savai'i. In 1908, the'Mau a Pule' resistance movement to colonial rule, which grew to become the national Mau movement, began on Savai'i and represented traditional authority against the German administration of Samoa; the equivalent term'Tumua' is associated with traditional authority on Upolu island. At the local level throughout Samoa, traditional authority is vested in a chiefs' council in each village; the fono o matai carry out'village law' and socio-political governance based on their traditional authority and fa'a Samoa.
The authority of the ` matai' is balanced against the Malo. Most of the matai are males, the women in each village have a voice in domestic affairs through the women's committees; the main government administration offices of the Malo on Savai'i are
The Marquesas Islands are a group of volcanic islands in French Polynesia, an overseas collectivity of France in the southern Pacific Ocean. The Marquesas are located at 9.7812° S, 139.0817° W. The highest point is the peak of Mount Oave on Ua Pou island at 1,230 m above sea level. Research based on 2010 studies suggests the islands were colonized in two successive waves by indigenous colonists from West Polynesia, beginning c. 1025–1120 AD, leading to the development of a "remarkably uniform culture, human biology and language."The Marquesas Islands form one of the five administrative divisions of French Polynesia. The capital of the Marquesas Islands administrative subdivision is the settlement of Taiohae on the island of Nuku Hiva; the population of the Marquesas Islands was 9,346 inhabitants at the August 2017 census. The Marquesas Islands group is one of the most remote in the world, lying about 852 mi northeast of Tahiti and about 3,000 mi away from the west coast of Mexico, the nearest continental land mass.
They fall into two geographical divisions: the northern group, consisting of Eiao, Motu One, the islands centered on the large island of Nuku Hiva: Motu Iti, Ua Pou, Motu Oa and Ua Huka, the southern group of Fatu Uku, Moho Tani, Fatu Hiva and Motu Nao, clustered around the main island of Hiva ʻOa. With a combined land area of 1,049 square kilometres, the Marquesas are among the largest island groups of French Polynesia discovered by Spanish galleons fleets en route to Manila, Nuku Hiva being the second largest island in the entire territory, after Tahiti. With the exception of Motu One, all the islands of the Marquesas are of volcanic origin. In contrast to the tendency to associate Polynesia with lush tropical vegetation, the Marquesas are remarkably dry islands. Though the islands lie within the tropics, they are the first major break in the prevailing easterly winds that spawn from the extraordinarily dry Humboldt Current; because of this, the islands are subject to frequent drought conditions, only those that reach highest into the clouds have reliable precipitation.
This has led to historical fluctuations in water supply, which have played a crucial role in the sustainability of human populations in certain sections of the various islands throughout the archipelago. This is evident in the low historical population of Ua Huka and the intermittent inhabitability of Eiao; the Marquesas Islands are thought to have formed by a center of upwelling magma called the Marquesas hotspot. Eiao Hatutu Motu Iti Motu Oa Motu One Nuku Hiva Ua Huka Ua Pou Fatu Hiva Fatu Huku Hiva ʻOa Moho Tani Motu Nao Tahuata Terihi There are a number of seamounts or shoals, located in the area of the northern Marquesas. Among these are: Clark Bank Hinakura Bank Lawson Bank Bank Jean Goguel The bulk of the Marquesas Islands are of volcanic origin, created by the Marquesas hotspot that underlies the Pacific Plate; the Marquesas Islands lie above a submarine volcanic plateau of the same name. The plateau, like the islands, is believed to be less than 5 million years old, though one hypothesis has the plateau as older and having a mirror image, the Inca Plateau, subducting under northern Peru.
Except for Motu One, all the Marquesas are high islands. Motu One is a low island. Unlike the majority of French Polynesian islands, the Marquesas are not surrounded by protective fringing reefs. Except for Motu One, in bays and other protected areas, the only other coral in the Marquesas is found in a rather strange place: on the top of the island of Fatu Huku; the South Equatorial Current lashes the islands mercilessly, which has led to sea-caves dotting the islands' shores. Except for where the valleys empty into the small bays, the islands are remarkable for their mountain ridges, which end abruptly as cliffs where they meet the sea; the islands are estimated to range in age from Fatu Hiva to the oldest, Eiao. Temperatures in the Marquesas are stable year around, but precipitation is variable. Precipitation is much greater on the east parts of the islands than on the western parts. Average annual precipitation can vary from more than 100 inches on windward shores and mountains to a low as 20 inches in the "desert" region of Nuku Hiva.
Droughts, sometimes lasting several years, are frequent and seem to be associated with the El Niño phenomena. The statistics from the weather station at Atuona on Hiva ʻOa is representative of the average sea-level climate of the Marquesas. Illustrating the variability of precipitation, the highest annual rainfall recorded in Atuona is 148.2 inches. The first recorded settlers of the Marquesas were Polynesians, from archaeological evidence, was long believed by scholars to have arrived from West Polynesia before 100 AD. However, a 2010 study using revised, high-precision radiocarbon dating based on more reliable samples has established that the period of eastern Polynesian colonization took place much in a shorter time frame of two waves: the "earliest in the Society Islands A. D. ∼1025–112